THE  P,E,;    ELEAZAR  W^LIAWG, 

/•'/•o;/i  iiParlrail  by  tlie  CJ'H-i  a-ier   /''rcj.'u* 


FACTS  TENDING  TO  PROVE 


T1IE   IDENTITY  OF 


LOUIS  THE  SEVENTEENTH,  OF  FRANCE, 


REV.    ELEAZAR    WILLIAMS, 

MISSIONARY      AMONG      THE      INDIANS      OF      NORTH      AMERICA. 


JO  II  N    H. 


THERE  ia  no  historical  truth  against  which  obstinacy  cannot  raise  many  objections.  Many  people  think 
themselves  justified  in  asserting  against  an  alleged  historical  fact  its  improbability,  without  considering  that 
nothing  is  true  or  untrue  in  the  eye  of  history  because  it  is  probable  or  improbable,  but  simply  because  assuming 
its  general  logical  possibility,  it  can  be  proved  to  be  or  not  to  be  a  fact. — BUNSBN. 

ON  applying,  after  a  number  of  years,  to  the  evidence  of  facls,  it  will  always  bo  found,  in  the  end,  that 
probability  ia  in  all  things  the  best  symptom  of  truth — LAMAKTINE. 


NEW  YORK: 
DUNCE  &   BROTHER,  134   NASSAU   STREET. 

M  .  DCCC  .  LIV. 


EHTKRKD  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1853,  by 

G.  P.   PUTNAM  &  CO., 
In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  for  the  Southern  District  of  New- York. 


H.  TINSON,  Stereotyper,  Ac., 
52  Spruce  Street,  New  York. 


THE  REV.   FRANCIS  L   HAWKS,   D.D.,   LL.D., 

AT  WHOSE  SUGGESTION  THE  INVESTIGATION 

INTO 

THE    HISTORY    OF    THE    REV.    ELEAZAR    WILLIAMS, 

WAS    FIRST    UNDERTAKEN, 


WHICH  EXHIBITS  AN  OUTLINE  OF  ITS  RESULTS, 

3s  feprtfclht  SteMurtrir, 

ALIKE    AS   A    TOKEN    OF    ADMIRATION    FOR   HIS   GENIUS,    ESTEEM    FOR 
HIS    VIRTUES,    AND    GRATITUDE    FOR   HIS    KINDNESS 

BT 

HIS  AFFECTIONATE  FRIEND  AND  BROTHER  IN  THE  MINISTRY, 

THE  AUTHOR. 


M1984SO 


PREFACE. 


THE  public,  I  trust,  is  sensible  by  this  time,  that  in  this  investi 
gation  there  has  been  no  attempt  to  impose  on  its  credulity. 
If  there  be  aught  I  hate,  next  to  injustice,  and  against  which  I 
would  stoutly  contend,  it  is  what  Carlyle  calls  shams.  The  chief 
interest  in  this  discussion  is  its  intense  reality.  With  Mr.  Wil 
liams,  as  a  clergyman,  it  has  become  a  vital  question  of  veracity ; 
and  I  would  not  have  published  one  word  on  the  subject,  had  I 
not  been  morally  convinced  of  his  truthfulness,  since  I  would  not, 
for  the  sake  of  any  temporary,  but  worthless  literary  eclat,  trifle 
with  the  fortunes  of  a  suffering  brother  in  the  ministry.  He  is 
no  claimant  for  royal  name,  any  more  than  he  is  an  aspirant  for 
political  elevation.  He  stands  in  the  position  of  one  who  asserts 
facts,  the  confirmation  of  which  is  derived,  without  his  aid, 
from  the  most  widely  different  sources.  Even  with  respect  to 
his  journals  and  the  events  of  his  life,  the  use  I  have  made 
of  them  in  the  argument,  is  as  novel  to  him  as  it  is  to  others. 
And  for  myself,  I  seek  only  to  establish  a  historical  fact,  and  let 
that  fact  take  care  of  itself. 

I  received,  this  morning,  a  call  from  a  gentleman,  who 
represented  himself  to  be  a  friend  of  M.  de  Beauchesne,  whose 
curiosity,  I  find,  is  roused  by  the  circumstances  of  Mr.  Wil- 
liams's  life,  though  it  would  appear  from  the  statements  of  this 
gentleman,  M.  de  Beauchesne  knew  much  of  his  history  many 
years  before  I  heard  of  his  existence.  Long  before  the  conclu 
sion  of  the  reign  of  Louis  Philippe,  I  learn  that  M.  de  Beau 
chesne  had  his  name  registered,  among  some  thirty  others,  of 
whom  it  had  bee^  asserted  that  they  were  Louis  XVII.  This 
fact  is  of  high  importance,  for,  as  M.  de  Beauchesne,  if  he  did 
not  write  under  the  command  of  the  French  government,  did  BO 
with  its  knowledge,  it  affords  evidence,  that  in  France,  the  name 


PREFACE. 


of  Mr.  Williams  was  associated  with  the  history  of  the  Dauphin, 
and,  therefore,  renders  more  equivocal  the  conduct  of  the  Prince 
de  Joinville,  in  professing  ignorance  of  the  name  of  Mr. 
Williams.  Where  so  much  deception  has  been  practised,  it  is 
difficult  to  distinguish  between  the  innocent  and  the  guilty, 
and,  although  the  motives  which  animated  the  composition 
of  the  work  of  M.  de  Beauchesne  remain  yet  a  mystery,  it 
will  afford  me  great  pleasure  to  find  he  is  no  partizan,  bent 
on  the  falsification  of  history,  but  is  honestly*  devoted  to 
the  discovery  of  truth.  By  chronicling  facts  which  came 
under  his  knowledge,  he  has  rendered  great  service.  A 
fact,  however  trivial,  is  inestimable — even  a  fact  concerning 
falsehood — and,  in  due  time,  finds  its  place  in  a  chain  of 
evidence.  M.  de  Beauchesne  is  seeking  to  obtain  from  the 
imperial  government  permission  to  examine  the  cemetery  of  St. 
Marguerite,  and  will,  I  hope,  succeed ;  for,  though  the  result 
would  throw  no  light  on  the  question  of  identity,  it  might  aid  in 
developing  some  details  of  the  history. 

I  would  take  this  opportunity  of  acknowledging  many  favors 
received,  during  this  investigation,  from  the  Hon.  Hamilton  Fish, 
the  Hon.  J.  C.  Spencer,  Anthony  Barclay,  Esq.,  the  Provisional 
Bishop  of  New  York,  the  Bishop  of  California,  the  Eev.  Dr.  Vin- 
ton,  of  Brooklyn,  Dr.  J.  W.  Francis,  Mr.  John  Jay,  Mr.  Beach,  of 
the  Sun,  the  Chevalier  Fagnani,Mr.  Bogle,  Mr.  G.  Genet,  Mr.  E. 
Genet,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Leacock,  and  the  Clergy  generally  of  New 
OrleansrMr.  Bradford,  of  that  city,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Wells,  of  Boston, 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Denroche,  of  Brockville,  C.  W.,  the  Hon.  Phineas 
Attwater,  and  many  others.  But  more  especially  would  I  return 
thanks  to  the  Rev.  Dr.  Hawks,  and  Mr.  A.  Fleming,  in  whom  I 
have  always  found  firm  and  judicious  friends.  With  the  one,  long 
known,  long  loved,  and  long  honored,  this  investigation  has 
only  served  as  a  cement  of  friendship,  and  with  the  other,  it  will 
be,  I  trust,  a  bond  of  affection,  lasting  as  life,  *ince  I  can  never 
forget  the  generous  spirit  he  has  manifested  throughout. 

Kciboken,  N.  J.,  November  22,  1853, 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER     I. 
PRINCIPLES. 

Outline  of  the  work — Probability — Bishop  Butler — Newspaper  Critics 
— Question  to  be  discussed — Cui  bono  ? 13 

CHAPTER      II. 
REVOLUTION. 

Louis  XIV. — Louis  XV. — Louis  XVI. — Marie  Antoinette — The  Count 
de  Provence — the  Count  D'Artois — the  Letter  of  Death — French 
and  American  Revolutions  contrasted — Ambition  of  the  Count  de 
Provence — Conspiracy  against  the  Queen  and  her  Children — the 
States  General — Flight  of  the  Emigrants — Conspiracy  of  the  Mar 
quis  de  Favras — Flight  to  Varennes — the  Countess  de  Balbi — Mon 
sieur  and  Robespierre — Trying  situation  of  the  King  and  Queen — 
Attempts  to  create  Monsieur  Regent — Coblentz — the  Legislative 
Assembly — The  Marseillais — 10th  August — the  Swiss  .  .  .20 

CHAPTER      III. 
CHILDHOOD. 

Birth  of  the  Duke  of  Normandy — Fall  of  the  Regalia — Omen — Death 
of  the  First  Dauphin — Personal  appearance  of  the  Second  Dauphin 
— Anecdotes — Masquerade  and  Misery 39 

CHAPTER     IV. 
THE    ORPHANS. 

Tower  of  the  Temple— Trial  of  Louis  XVI.— the  King's  Will— Death 
— Proclamation  of  the  Regent — Last  Letter  of  Marie  Antoinette — 
Execution 51 

CHAPTER     V. 
SIMON. 

Marat — Marie  Jeane — Revel — Fidelity  in  Evil — Solitude — Insanity- 
Rescue  ........••••  66 

CHAPTER     VI. 
INTRIGUE. 

The  Fall  of  Robespierre — M.  de  Beauchesne — Testimony  of  thieves  in 
their  own  favor — Intrigues  of  the  Agents  of  the  Regent — Laurent 


Vfii  CONTENTS. 

PAQB 

— the  Marquis  do  Fenouil — Gomin — Doisy — Debierne — Lienard — 
Treaty  with  Charette — Harmand — Lasne — Prospects  of  the  Royal 
ists  in  1795 78 

CHAPTER      VII. 
DISAPPEARANCE. 

Sickness  of  the  Dauphin — Desault — No  Scrofula — Bellanger — Death 
of  Desault — Five  Days  at  the  most  Critical  Period  left  unaccounted 
for — Ireland — the  National  Guard — the  Death  of  Somebody — Police 
Records — Escape  of  the  Prince — Proces  Verbal — Authentic  Demon 
stration  of  a  Physical  Impossibility — Testimony  of  M.  Muller — 
Desault — Vendeean  Treaty — Circumstances  versus  Words  .  -  95 

CHAPTER     VIII. 
FUNERAL    SOLEMNITIES    AND    DRIED    HEART. 

Got  rid  of — Proclamation  of  Louis  XVIII. — Yearnings  of  France  for 
a  Father — Liberation  of  Madame  Royale — Matrimony  without 
Courtship— Suppression  of  the  War  in  La  Vendee — the  Empire — 
the  Royal  Monomaniac — Fall  of  Napoleon — Cemetery  of  the  Made 
leine — Omission  of  respect  for  the  memory  of  Louis  XVII. — An 
Epitaph  in  Limbo — Cemetery  of  St.  Marguerite — the  Heart — 
Critics  and  Historians 122 

CHAPTER     IX. 
NAUNDORFF    AND   RICHEMONT. 

Hervagault — Marturin  Bruneau — Percival — Early  History  of  Naun- 
dorff — Agents  in  the  Escape  of  the  Dauphin — Martin — St.  Didier 
— the  Duchess  D'  Angouleme — Interview  with  the  King  of  Prussia — 
Letter  of  Naundorff — Mystery — M.  Lamprade — M.  de  Rochow — M. 
de  Gueriviere— Labreli  de  Fontaine— Pezold—M.  Abeille— Cha 
rette — Summary — Richemont — Madame  de  Chateaubriand  .  .  145 

CHAPTER     X. 
ADOPTION    AND    EDUCATION. 

The  Old  and  New  World — Madame  de  Jardin — Monsieur  Louis — 
Skenondogh — Lake  George — Rev.  John  Williams — Deerfield — M. 
de  Vaudreuil — De  Rouville — Death  of  Mrs.  Williams — Eunice — 
Thomas  Williams — Revolutionary  War — Head  of  Lake  George — 
First  Recollections — Wigwam — the  Visit — Deacon  Ely — Mrs.  Jewett 
— Urania  Stebbins — Acquaintance  of  Ely  with  the  Secret  of  Mr. 
Williams's  birth — Miss  Grosvenor — Mrs.  Jenkins — Mrs.  Dickenson 
— Mrs.  Jewett — Mrs.  Temple — Ely's  Journal — Eleazar  Williams's 
Journal — Revival — Rev.  Thomas  Williams — 111  health — Travelling 
— First  visit  to  Montreal — Portrait — Bishop  Chevreux — President 
Dwight — Mental  Phenomena — Hanover — Mr.  Ely's  death — Mans 
field  ....  .  175 


CONTENTS.  IX 


CHAPTER   XI. 
THE     SECRET      CORPS. 

Missionary  Tour  to  Canada — Prayer  for  the  Indians — American  Board 
— War  of  1812 — Gen.  Dearborn — Gov.  Tompkins — Superintendent 
General  of  the  Northern  Indian  Department — Gen.  Mooers — Travel 
ling  in  the  Woods — Gen.  Bloornfield — St.  Regis  taken — Council  of 
War— End  of  the  Campaign  of  1812 218 

CHAPTER    XII. 
THE      WAR      JOURNAL. 

The  Rangers — Sir  Geo.  Provost — Danger  of  Surprise — Divinity  and 
\yar — Death  of  Col.  Pike  at  Toronto — Commodore  McDonough — 
Sacketts  Harbor — Capture  of  Lieut.  Smith — Gen.  Hampton — Pro 
posed  Plan  of  Campaign — Rev.  Mr.  Clowes — Gen.  Wilkinson — Isle 
Aux  Noix — Stone  Mill — Gen.  Izard — Gen.  Macombe — Strength  of 
British  force — Battle  of  Plattsburg — Victory — Confinement  from 
wound ...  230 

CHAPTER       XIII. 
THE  LAY  MISSIONARY. 

Qualifications  for  an  Indian  Missionary — Treaty  of  Peace — The  Epis 
copal  Church — The  Rev.  Dr.  Butler — Dr.  Hossack — First  acquaint 
ance  with  Dr.  J.  W.  Francis — Bishop  Hobart — Rev.  Mr.  Onderdonk 
— Rev.  E.  C.  Stewart — St.  Regis — Oneida — Conversion  of  Six  Hun 
dred  Pagans — tlxe  Menomenies  and  the  Winnebagoes — Honi  soit 
qui  mal  y  pense — Prccrusteanism  in  accidents — Poverty — Self-sacri 
fice — Interview  with  Rev.  Mr.  Richards,  at  Montreal — Confirmation 
— Indian  Council — Debate  with  Red  Jacket — Proposed  Removal  of 
New  York  Indians — Dr.  Morse — Lieut.-Gov.  Woodbridge — De  Witt 
Clinton — Monroe  and  Calhoun — Purchase  of  Land  by  N.  Y.  Indians 
in  the  West — Dissatisfaction  at  Oneida — Mr.  Solomon  Davis — Rev. 
Mr.  Lacy — Mrs.  Sigourney — Emigration  to  the  West  .  .  .  270 

CHAPTER      XIV. 
MARRIAGE    AND    ORDINATION. 

Indian  Affairs — Project  of  Mr.  Williams  for  the  Regeneration  of  the 
Indians — Green  Bay — Chapel  in  the  Garrison — Marriage — Estate 
of  Mrs.  Williams — Charge  of  Romanism — Duck  Creek — Ordination 
— Bishop  Hobart's  Address  ^  ...  295 

CHAPTER      XV. 
REVERSES. 

Difficulties  between  the  Menomenies  and  the  New  Y"ork  Indians — 
Sanction  of  the  Purchase  by  the  United  States  Government — Gen. 
Cass — Hon.  D.  A.  Ogden — Mr.  Trowbridge — Butte  des  Morts — Oiscoss 
— Hell  Creek — Manslaughter  and  Murder — Missionary  Duty  and 
Compensation — Poverty — Rev.  Mr.  Colton — Commission  of  1830 — 
Gen.  Cass — Bishop  Onderdonk — Washington — Immorality  among 
the  Indians — Farewell  Sermon — School  at  St.  Regis — Lord  Aylmer 

1* 


X  CONTENTS. 

PAOH 

—Treaty  of  1836— Schermerhorn  and  Gillet— A  Letter— Mr.  Eld- 
ridge — Rev.  Dr.  Lothrop — Loss  of  Property — Affliction         .         .  305 

CHAPTER     XVI. 
OUR     FIRST     INTERVIEW. 

Adventure  on  Lake  Champlain — Marie  Antoinette — Description  of  Mr. 
Williams 336 

CHAPTER    XVII. 
PUTNAM'S  MAGAZINE. 

Hon  J.  C.  Spencer— Dr.  Hawks— Dr.  J.  W.  Francis— Le  Ray  de 
Chaumont — Billaud  Varennes,  and  Genet — De  Ferriere — Letter 
from  Mr.  Williams — Hogansburg — Professor  Day — Caughnawaga — 
Interview  with  the  Prince  de  Joinville — Journal  for  1841 — Mr.  Ogden 
— Mr.  Bowker — Record  of  Interview  with  the  Prince — Journal  for 
1848 — Rev.  Joshua  Leavitt — Question  of  Veracity  between  Mr. 
Williams  and  the  Prince  de  Joinville — Putnam's  Magazine  .  .  347 

CHAPTER     XVIII. 
TOKENS   OF    PERSONAL   IDENTITY. 

Resemblance  to  the  Bourbons — the  Chevalier  Fagnani — M.  Muller — 
French  Officer — Count  de  Balbi — Indian  Characteristics — Marks  on 
the  Body  of  Louis  XVII. — Medical  Certificates — Arithmetical 
Problem  .387 

CHAPTER     XIX. 
THE    PRINCE    DE    JOINVILLE    AND    M.    A.    DE    BEAUCHESNE. 

The  Prince  de  Joinville— the  "Phare  de  New  York"  and  Mr.  H.  De 
Courcey — Letter  of  the  Prince  de  Joinville — Examined  and  re- 
examined — Capt.  Shook — Mr.  Brayman — Mr.  Raymond — M.  Trog- 
non — Correspondence  between  Mr.  Williams  and  the  Prince  de 
Joinville — Mr.  George  Sumner — Appeal  to  Beauchesne — Motives  of 
Louis  Philippe .  400 

CHAPTER      XX. 
THE    BATTLE    OF    THE    AFFIDAVITS. 

New  Orleans — Adventures  of  the  Wife  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Count 
D'Artois — Conversation  with  the  Duchess  D'Angouleme — Bellanger 
— Affidavit  composed  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Marcoux — Affidavit  of  Mrs. 
Williams 424 

CHAPTER     XXI. 
KIN   AND    KIND. 

Dr.  Stephen  Williams  439 

CHAPTER     XXII. 
CONCLUSION. 

Summary — Brother  and  Sister  .         . 446 

APPENDIX  .    ••-' 461 


PART  I. 

THE  PALACE  AND  THE  PRISON. 


THE 


LOST    PRINCE 


CHAPTER  I. 

PRINCIPLES. 

MY  object,  in  the  following  pages,  is  simply  to  group  together 
for  historic  reference,  the  circumstances  which  tend  to  prove  that 
in  the  person  of  a  venerable  clergyman  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal 
Church,  there  is  still  living,  in  America,  the  representative  of  the 
ancient  glories  of  the  French  Monarchy. 

The  interest  which  this  subject  has  excited,  and  the  deep  con 
viction  entertained  by  those  who  have  had  the  best  opportunity 
of  judging  of  the  truth  of  many  of  the  facts  upon  which  this 
opinion  is  based,  together  with  the  inherent  importance  of  the 
question,  in  a  historic  point  of  view,  must  form  my  apology  for 
again  appearing  before  the  public  in  connexion  with  it. 

I  have  hesitated  as  to  the  precise  form  into  which  I  should 
throw  this  little  work.  At  first,  my  design  did  not  extend  beyond 
a  reprint,  with  notes,  of  the  original  articles  in  which  a  por 
tion  of  the  evidence  is  contained,  together  with  an  Appendix 
furnishing  the  testimony  which  has  since  come  to  light.  I  was 
inclined  to  pursue  this  course  because  the  easiest  for  a  person  whose 


14  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

time  is  already  fully  occupied  with  professional  duties,  and  also 
because  anxious  to  exhibit  in  this  way  the  gradual  manner  in  which 
facts  have  been  developed,  as  the  investigation  has  proceeded. 
But,  apart  from  the  dislike  of  mere  verbal  repetition,  there  are 
many  points  of  importance  to  the  general  understanding  of  the 
subject,  and  a  correct  estimate  of  the  evidence,  which  I  have  either 
not  alluded  to,  or  but  slightly  touched  upon,  and  which  it  is  neces 
sary  to  include,  when  throwing  the  matter  into  a  permanent  form. 
[  have,  therefore,  determined  to  rewrite  the  whole,  adopting  the 
simplest  and  most  natural  plan,  viz.  to  give  a  narrative  of  the 
main  circumstances  in  what  seem  to  be  two  lives  spent  in  different 
hemispheres,  and  in  forms  of  society  the  most  widely  different,  but 
which,  if  there  bo  truth  in  circumstantial  evidence,  blend  harmo 
niously  into  one,  conducting  the  same  individual  from  the  palace 
and  the  prison  to  the  wigwam,  the  camp,  and  the  church. 

I  shall  begin  by  a  cursory  review  of  the  events  which  led  to 
the  subversion  of  the  French  Monarchy,  towards  the  conclusion 
of  the  last  century ;  of  the  imprisonment  of  the  royal  family  ;  of 
the  tragical  death  of  several  of  its  members;  and  of  the  mysterious 
disappearance  of  the  child  whose  strange  after  history  forms,  it  is 
my  belief,  the  principal  portion  of  the  following  pages.  As  it  is 
necessary  to  keep  distinctly  in  view  the  thread  of  events  on  both 
sides  of  the  Atlantic,  as  far  as  they  have  any  bearing  on  the  his 
toric  problem  at  issue,  I  shall  next  consider  some  of  the  subsequent 
changes  in  France,  with  especial  reference  to  the  history  and  move 
ments  of  the  members  of  the  Bourbon  family,  and  also  give  a  sum 
mary  account  of  the  pretensions  and  life  of  Ilerr  Naundorf,  all  of 
which  are  deserving  close  attention. 

From  Europe  we  shall  next  be  carried  by  the  necessities  of  the 
case  to  this  country,  and,  after  briefly  tracing  the  romantic  history 
of  the  family,  in  one  of  whose  supposed  members  the  lost  Prince 
appears  to  be  discovered,  I  will  furnish  from  the  most  authentic 
sources  all  that  is  worthy  of  note,  or  has  a  bearing  on  the  subject 
of  our  investigation,  in  the  life  of  the  Rev.  Eleazar  "Williams,  np 


PRINCIPLES.  15 

to  tho,  period  of  his  interview  with  the  Prince  tie  Joinville. 
Here  \ve  enter  on  the  great  debateable  ground,  and  must  introduce, 
in  substance,  the  matter  which  lias  already  appeared,  bringing  up 
the  testimony  to  the  time  of  publication. 

The  introduction  of  many  of  the  circumstances  of  Mr.  Wil- 
liams's  private  life,  which  would  otherwise  have  been  omitted,  has 
been  forced  upon  me  by  others,  and  is  necessary  to  clear  away 
the  obscurity  which  hangs  over  a  chequered  and  sorrowful  career. 
His  journals  and  papers  might  never  have  seen  the  light  but  for  the 
present  discussion ;  and  it  is  with  reluctance  that  he  has  permitted 
what  was  intended  merely  for  his  own  eye,  and  which  from  early 
boyhood  lias  been  kept  in  secrecy,  to  be  made  public.  But  every 
thing  which  I  shall  produce  weaves  itself  into  the  chain  of  evi 
dence,  or  is  necessary  for  his  vindication. 

That  discussion  of  a  somewhat  exciting  nature  has  been  caused 
by  what  I  have  already  written,  is  not  surprising ;  for  the  question 
at  issue  is  likely  to  awaken  the  most  different  feelings,  according  to 
the  natural  disposition  of  men,  their  power  of  weighing  evidence, 
and  estimating  character,  the  social  influences  by  which  they  are 
affected,  and  the  direction  from  which  they  contemplate  the  sub 
ject.  Society  is  pretty  equally  divided  between  two  classes  of 
men,  the  generous  and  enthusiastic,  and  the  cold  and  sceptical. 
The  first  are,  perhaps,  too  ready  to  adopt,  without  sufficient  exami 
nation,  whatever  appeals  to  their  sympathies,  and  addresses  itself 
to  their  imagination — and  the  other  are  equally  prone  to  form 
hasty  conclusions  against  everything  which  seems  strange  and  mar 
vellous.  It  requires  time  to  adjust  these  states  of  mind  to  each 
other,  and  to  attain  among  masses  of  men  to  the  true  critical 
temper,  which  I  conceive  to  be  as  far  from  precipitate  incredulity, 
as  it  is  from  precipitate  belief — a  happy  compound  of  what  is 
noble  in  sentiment  and  cool  in  judgment,  and  which  as  little 
mistakes  ridicule  for  argument,  as  it  does  feeling  for  proof.  It  was 
to  this  temper  that  I  have  sought — it  is  to  this  that  I  still  seek  to 
address  myself;  and  however  those  who  have  neither  understood 


10  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

ray  motives  nor  weighed  my  words,  may  have  accused  me  of 
special  pleading,  or  of  jumping  at  conclusions,  I  can  honestly 
say,  that  I  have  never  knowingly  strained  a  point  of  evidence 
beyond  its  just  extent,  or  indicated  a  conclusion  which  facts  did 
not  seem  fairly  to  warrant.  Had  the  opposition  I  have  met  been 
merely  the  result  of  natural  incredulity  respecting  the  marvellous, 
the  imperfection  of  the  testimony  adduced,  or  my  own  inability 
in  handling  the  subject  according  to  its  merits,  to  which  no  one 
would  more  willingly  subscribe  than  myself,  I  should  have  had 
neither  room  nor  desire  to  complain.  But  in  many  quarters,  and 
from  various  motives,  there  have  been  attempts  to  put  down 
discussion.  Such  attempts  will  never  succeed  in  cases  like  this, 
where  people  have  to  deal  with  a  man  of  ordinary  firmness, 
convinced  alike  of  the  rectitude  of  his  intentions  and  the  power  of 
his  position.  I  have  no  desire,  however,  to  perpetuate  strife,  and 
shall  be  silent  concerning  much  which  deserves  animadversion. 

Before  I  plunge  into  the  stream  of  rapidly  shifting  events, 
let  me  say  a  few  words  as  to  the  nature  of  the  evidence  which  it  is 
reasonable  to  expect  can  be  produced  in  a  case  like  this,  granting 
the  supposed  identity  actually  to  exist.  This  is  the  natural  point 
from  which  any  candid  mind  will  approach  the  subject.  He  will 
not  ask  impossibilities  or  improbabilities,  and  sneer  because  his 
demands  are  not  complied  with ;  but  being  satisfied  that  a  position 
is  taken  by  its  advocate  in  good  faith,  will  expect  him  to  produce 
only  such  evidence  as  under  given  circumstances  it  is  rational  to 
look  for  ;  neither  will  he  say  that  evidence  is  no  evidence,  because 
not  of  one  particular  kind,  viz.  demonstrative. 

There  are  comparatively  only  a  few  things — and  those  not  affect 
ing  our  highest  interests  or  appealing  to  our  noblest  faculties — which 
admit  of  demonstration.  In  all  that  is  most  important,  morally, 
intellectually,  historically,  "  probability  is  the  very  guide  of  life." 
Not,  however,  such  probability  or  improbability  as  Bunsen  refers 
to  in  the  passage  placed  on  the  title  page — the  mere  coinage  of  the 
fancy,  apart  from  or  in  defect  of  evidence — the  familiar  "  it  is 


PRINCIPLES.  17 

likely  or  unlikely"  of  conversation — but  probability  based  on  the 
critical  survey  of  varied  fact  and  extensive  data — such  as  Lamar- 
tine  refers  to  when  he  says,  u  On  applying  after  a  number  of  years 
to  tho  evidence  of  facts,  it  will  always  be  found  in  the  end  that 
probability  is  in  all  things  the  best  symptom  of  truth."  In  ascer 
taining  a  disputed  historic  fact,  the  probabilities  of  every  kind 
must  be  reckoned  in  as  parts  of  the  evidence  determining  its  value; 
but  tho  conclusion  finally  arrived  at,  if  investigation  be  rightly 
conducted  on  sufficient  data,  is  something  more  than  mere  proba 
bility,  something  upon  which  we  can  rest  as  fact. 

"  Probable  evidence,"  says  Bishop  Butler,  "  is  essentially  distin 
guished  from  demonstrative  by  this,  that  it  admits  of  degrees,  and  of 
all  variety  of  them,  from  the  highest  moral  certainty  to  the  very  low 
est  presumption.  We  cannot,  indeed,  say  a  thing  is  probably  true 
upon  one  very  slight  presumption  of  it ;  because,  as  there  may  be 
probabilities  on  both  sides  of  a  question,  there  may  be  some  against 
it,  and  though  there  be  not,  yet  a  slight  presumption  does  not 
beget  that  degree  of  conviction  which  is  implied  in  saying  a  thing 
is  probably  true,  but  that  the  slightest  possible  presumption  is  of 
the  nature  of  a  probability  appears  from  hence,  that  such  low  pre 
sumption  often  repeated  will  amount  even  to  moral  certainty." 
"  In  questions  of  difficulty,  or  such  as  are  thought  so,  where  more 
satisfactory  evidence  cannot  be  had,  or  is  not  seen,  if  the  result  of 
examination  be  that  there  appears  upon  the  whole,  any  the  lowest 
presumption  on  one  side,  and  none  on  the  other,  or  a  greater  pre 
sumption  on  one  side,  though  in  the  lowest  degree  greater, 
this  determines  the  question  even  in  matters  of  speculation."  The 
question  under  consideration  is  one  of  probabilities,  and  I  shall 
neither  insult  the  understanding  of  the  reader  by  denying,  nor  do 
I  weaken  my  cause  by  confessing,  that  the  probabilities  prior  to 
examination  against  the  conclusion  to  which  I  arrive  are  very 
strong ;  only  I  contend  that  the  probabilities  in  its  favor  are  far 
stronger,  and  that  to  an  extent  which  can  leave  little  doubt  to 
an  impartial  and  reasoning  mind  of  its  truth,  or,  in  other 


18  THE    LOST    PRIN'CE. 

words,  which  carries  moral  conviction  very  nearly  to  its  fullest 
height. 

Now,  granting  that  the  supposed  personal  identity  is  actual,  what 
kind  of  probable  evidence  is  it  likely  can  at  this  time  and  place  be 
adduced  in  proof  of  it  ?  There  is  a  great  state  secret  affecting  vitally 
the  interests  and  the  honor  of  some  of  the  most  distinguished  per 
sons  in  Europe,  and  which  has  done  so  for  more  than  half  a  century. 
The  parties  interested  in  keeping  it  will,  it  is  probable,  both  use  every 
effort  to  suppress  whatever  evidence  exists,  and  hold  in  their  own 
hands  all  correspondence  between  themselves  on  the  subject,  and  all 
communications  proceeding  from  agents  who  from  time  to  time  they 
may  have  found  it  necessary  to  employ.  In  the  absence,  therefore,  of 
original  evidence  of  this  description,  the  only  conceivable  means 
by  which  the  secret  can  come  to  light  is  the  want  of  prudence  in 
some  of  the  parties  concerned,  or  of  fidelity  in  some  of  their  agents, 
affording  a  clue  or  indication  of  its  existence,  and  leading  thoughtful 
minds  to  review  carefully  the  whole  field  of  the  past,  and  gather  into 
one  focus  all  those  tokens  which  an  extraordinary  event  can  scarcely 
fail  to  leave  behind  in  its  progress,  and  which,  like  foot  prints  and 
down-trodden  grass  and  broken  branches  to  the  Indian  in  the  forest, 
imperceptible  or  disregarded  by  the  careless  observer,  conduct  the 
diligent  investigator  directly  and  inevitably,  with  a  precision  like 
fate,  to  the  very  root  and  heart  of  the  mystery. 

I  should  like  to  have  seen  one  of  a  certain  class  of  our  modern 
newspaper  critics  and  philosophers  with  eyes  that  never  look 
beyond  the  police  intelligence  and  party  politics  of  the  day,  and 
who  has  grown  mole-sighted  in  falsifying  the  appearance  of  every 
thing  to  suit  the  passions  and  prejudices  to  which  he  professionally 
panders,  standing  beside  a  quick-witted  savage  on  the  trail,  whose 
only  aim  was  to  find  his  way  by  aid  of  the  faculties  which  God 
gave  him.  How  acute  would  be  his  sagacity  of  denial!  How 
potent  his  sceptical  profundity  !  What  pointed  paragraphs  would 
he  enter  on  his  note  book  concerning  the  folly  which  saw  a  si</fl- 
post  in  a  broken  twig — a  pathway  in  a  bent  reed,  ;tn<l  r'-lln \vc-J 


PRINCIPLES.  19 

the  guiding  of  these  in  preference  to  verbal  reports  which  he  has 
not  discernment  to  see  are  incongruous  or  false.  There  are  many 
ways  of  arriving  at  truth,  and  we  live  in  times  when  History  is 
written  backward,  and  the  wisely  doubting  Niebuhr  of  to-day  is 
more  to  be  trusted  than  the  annalist  who  was  two  thousand  years 
nearer  the  facts  which  they  relate  in  common. 

The  simple  historic  question  under  discussion  is,  whether  a 
person  known  in  this  country  as  the  Kev.  Eleazar  "Williams  be 
the  son  of  Louis  XYI.  of  France,  who  it  has  been  asserted  died  in  the 
Temple  in  the  year  1795.  The  negative  of  this  can  be  shown  clearly 
in  either  of  three  ways.  1.  By  proving  that  the  son  of  Louis  XVI. 
in  question  died  at  the  time  and  place  mentioned.  2.  By  proving 
that  the  Eev.  Eleazar  Williams  is  an  Indian.  3.  By  establishing  as 
a  fact,  that  although  the  Dauphin  may  not  have  died  as  reported, 
and  Eleazar  Williams  is  not  an  Indian  as  reported — there  is  nothing 
to  prove  a  personal  identity  between  them,  or  that  the  evidence 
adduced  for  this  purpose  is  not  reliable.  The  affirmative  of 
the  question  on  the  contrary  requires  me  to  show  that  there  is  no 
reliance  to  be  placed  on  the  accounts  given  of  the  death  of  the 
royal  child — that  Eleazar  Williams  is  not  an  Indian,  and  that  the 
circumstantial  identifying  testimony  is  multifarious,  strong,  reliable 
and  to  the  point.  Here  is  the  issue,  and  I  meet  it  with  no  purpose 
or  design,  but  to  argue  it  on  its  merits.  The  audience  in  the  pres 
ence  of  which  I  speak  is  in  itself  a  guarantee  that  I  shall  deal  fairly 
with  the  subject.  Besides  which,  belonging  to  a  profession  happily 
standing  aloof  from  secular  strife,  and  constitutionally  inclined  in 
all  things  to  seek  for  truth,  I  have  neither  the  art  of  the  special 
pleader  nor  the  disposition  of  the  sophist.  If  there  be  strength  in 
my  argument  it  is  simply  because  facts  clearly  stated  and  logically 
reasoned  from  make  it  strong. 

It  is  beyond  the  wit  of  man  to  coin  a  chain  of  circumstantial  evi 
dence  upon  a  great  historic  question  like  this  which  will  bear 
examination.  Various  attempts  have  been  made  to  do  so,  in  all 
quarters  by  those  to  whom  I  stand  opposed,  but  I  regard  them  all 


20  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

as  signal  failures.  By  some  loophole  or  other  the  true  state  of  the 
case  will  leak  out.  Whoever  examines  with  candid  and  unpreju 
diced  mind  the  facts  I  have  to  present,  instead  of  ridiculing  any 
lack  of  evidence  will,  I  think,  express  surprise  that  Providence  has 
preserved,  and  rendered  available  here,  so  much  testimony  bearing 
on  a  remote  point  of  European  history.  To  those  who  meet  the 
investigation  with  the  query,  cui  bono  ?  I  have  only  to  say,  it  will 
be  very  unfortunate  for  mankind,  morally  and  intellectually,  when 
they  find  themselves  in  the  majority — and  when  there  is  nothing  in 
historic  truth  to  awaken  the  curiosity,  or  in  great  reverses  to  excite 
the  sympathy,  of  men.  To  me  it  seems  a  moral  lesson,  not  unim 
portant  for  the  world's  welfare,  if  it  can  be  shown  in  so  striking  an 
instance,  that  wrong,  however  carefully  concealed,  can  scarcely  hope 
to  escape  ultimate  detection  even  on  earth — and  that,  though  it  be 
through  chinks  and  crevices,  truth  buried,  like  a  plant  immured  in 
darkness,  will  grope  its  way  by  strange  avenues  to  the  light. 


CHAPTER  II. 

REVOLUTION. 

A  PASSENGER,  miraculously  rescued  from  a  late  terrible  railroad 
accident,  describes  the  scene  of  unexpected  and  irremediable  ruin  by 
saying,  that  while  the  train  was  dashing  on  in  apparent  safety,  the  car 
in  which  he  was  sitting,  broke,  without  visible  cause,  into  a  thousand 
fragments,  and  disappeared,  while  a  motley  group  of  legs  and  arms 
and  heads  came  flying  in  the  air  towards  him.  He  witnessed  on  a 
email  scale  what  was  seen  in  a  large  one  in  the  disastrous  era  of  the 
Revolution.  When  all  is  over  we  can  philosophize  upon  it,  trace 
its  causes,  remote  and  immediate,  and  show  how  it  might  have  been 
avoided.  But  to  the  majority  of  its  spectators  it  wras  as  sudden  and 
inexplicable,  as  the  death  crash  of  the  flying  train  against  the  abut 
ment  of  the  open  drawbridge.  "  A  frightful  gulf,"  says  a  French 


REVOLUTION.  21 

writer,  "  opens  on  a  sudden  beneath  the  feet  of  Louis  XVI.  He  is 
irresistibly  swallowed  up — he,  his  throne,  his  power,  and  his  family. 
The  effects  of  the  lightning  are  not  more  terrible  or  more  swift. 
In  an  instant  all  has  disappeared,  and  the  affrighted  spirit  seeks  in 
vain  some  vestige  of  so  many  grandeurs."  In  moments  and  scenes 
like  these,  all  ordinary  calculations  are  at  fault,  and  facts  can  alone 
determine  what  is  possible  or  probable,  who  shall  rise  and  who  shall 
fall,  where  and  in  what  condition  they  shall  alight.  Whatever  can 
happen,  may  happen,  and  the  same  apparent  freaks  of  destiny  which 
elevated  persons  from  the  lowest  ranks  of  society  to  be  generals, 
princes,  and  monarchs,  may  as  easily  cast  the  descendant  of  a  hun 
dred  kings  like  sea  weed  to  the  remotest  shores. 

In  reviewing  the  history  of  France  from  the  beginning  of  the 
reign  of  Louis  XVI.  to  the  present  time,  I  shall  not  enter  further  into 
details  than  is  necessary  for  the  clear  presentation  of  the  evidence  I 
have  to  lay  before  the  reader.  I  aim  at  no  originality  either  of 
thought  or  statement,  but  simply  desire  to  recall,  in  connection  and 
for  a  definite  end,  facts  well  known  to  every  general  reader. 

Louis  XIII.  died  in  1643,  leaving  two  sons,  Louis  XIV.  who  ascend 
ed  the  throne  at  the  age  of  five  years,  and  Philip  Duke  of  Orleans, 
great-grandfather  of  Philip  Egalite.  Under  the  regency  of  Anne  of 
Austria  and  the  able  ministry  of  Cardinal  Mazarin,  the  power  of  the 
French  Monarchy,  and  the  subjection  of  the  people  of  France,  were 
carried  to  their  greatest  extent,  and  what  was  wanting  was  supplied 
under  the  sovereignty  of  Louis  XIV.  and  the  ministry  of  Colbert. 
Prerogative  was  at  its  height.  But  so  were  the  glory,  power,  wealth 
and  intellect  of  France,  and  in  a  social  atmosphere,  impregnated  with 
the  slavish  maxims  of  a  gorgeous  superstition,  and  not  yet  disturbed, 
though  voluptuously  illuminated  with  the  nascent  brightness  of  an 
epicurean  philosophy,  the  gilded  yoke  of  despotism  was  borne 
proudly  by  both  nobles  and  people. 

But  the  clouds  which  gathered  round  the  declining  years  of  the 
Grand  Monarque,  and  dimmed  the  military  splendors  of  the  early 
portion  of  his  reign,  were  fit  precursors  of  the  convulsion  whose 


22  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

elements  were  fermenting  in  concealment  beneath  the  corruption, 
infidelity,  and  intellectual  activity  of  the  age.  It  required  the 
regency  of  Orleans,  the  impure  reign  of  Louis  XV.  and  the  infidel 
intoxication  produced  by  the  writings  of  Voltaire  and  Kousseau  to 
bring  the  nation  to  that  maturity  of  evil  which  issued  in  the 
French  Revolution.  Yet  never  did  the  French  Monarchy  seem  to 
stand  on  a  firmer  basis  of  national  consent  and  popular  favor  than 
on  the  10th  May,  1774,  when  the  courtiers  of  France,  rushing,  with 
"a  terrible  noise  like  thunder,"  from  the  room  wherein  lay  the  dis 
figured  remains  of  Louis  XV.  paid  their  first  heartless  service  to 
Louis  XVI.  and  his  queen.  Dissolved  in  tears,  and  on  their  knees, 
the  youthful  pair  besought  of  heaven  the  wisdom  and  the  strength 
they  needed. 

In  the  midst  of  a  licentious  court,  compared  with  which  the 
seraglio  of  the  sultan  is  as  the  purity  of  heaven,  Louis  XVI.  had 
received  a  careful  education,  which  gave  him  the  morals  of  an 
anchorite,  the  implicit  faith  of  a  devotee,  the  fortitude  of  a  martyr, 
and  the  bashfulness  of  a  rustic.  He  would  have  formed  the  happi 
ness  of  a  domestic  circle,  or  been  the  beau  ideal  of  an  English  cler 
gyman — for  he  had  all  virtues  under  heaven  but  those  which  he 
most  needed, — self-reliance,  energy,  promptitude,  and  decision.  He 
could  be  the  father  of  his  people — he  could  not  be  their  ruler  ;  and 
sacrificed  the  lives  of  thousands  who  loved  him  and  deserved  his 
love,  because  unable  to  speak  the  kingly  word  which  should  crush 
anarchy  and  punish  murder.  There  was  many  a  crisis  in  the  Revolu 
tion,  when  a  word,  a  look,  a  gesture  of  the  hand,  such  as  duty  demands 
from  all  who  govern,  would  have  rolled  back  the  tide  of  revolt  and 
rallied  a  million  swords  around  the  throne.  But  while  he  diligently 
educated  himself,  as  the  dangers  of  the  social  fermentation  increased, 
to  play,  with  dignity  and  self  approval,  his  part  in  the  judgment  hall 
and  on  the  scaffold,  he  neglected,  with  a  weakness  which  Christianity 
may  pardon,  but  which  Christian  wisdom  cannot  justify,  the  active 
heroism  which  makes  a  great  ruler,  entrusted  with  the  guardianship 
of  social  order,  as  prompt  to  do  as  he  is  ready  to  suffer.  He  was 


REVOLUTION.  23 

but  twenty  years  of  age  when  called  to  the  most  arduous  political 
position  which  the  world  has  yet  offered  to  ambition. 

Born  on  the  very  day  on  which  the  towers  and  temples  of  Lisbon 
reeled  beneath  the  throes  of  an  earthquake,  which  was  felt  by  half 
the  world,  Providence  seemed  to  afford,  at  the  moment  in  which 
Marie  Antoinette  entered  on  the  theatre  she  was  to  adorn  and 
sadden,  some  prognostic  of  the  moral  and  political  convulsion  in  the 
midst  of  which  she  was  to  expire.  Possessed  of  natural  abilities, 
in  every  way  answerable  to  the  aerial  beauty  and  queenly  majesty 
of  her  person,  her  education  was  deficient  in  those  solid  mental 
acquirements  which  are  the  chief  ornament  and  safeguard,  next  to 
moral  principle,  of  a  woman  in  high  station.  When  a  child,  the 
present  Queen  of  England  was  seen  diligently  studying  Blackstone. 
Marie  Antoinette  carried  to  the  court  of  Versailles  an  absolute 
ignorance,  not  of  law  merely,  but  of  history.  A  complete  fami 
liarity  with  Italian,  the  conversational  mastery  of  French,  a  little 
music,  great  skill  in  needle-work,  beauty  made  perfect  by  grace,  an 
understanding  ready  to  grasp  whatever  it  grappled  with,  and  a  tongue 
fluent  to  express  in  words  most  appropriate  every  varying  emotion  of 
the  soul,  childlike  simplicity,  a  contempt  for  etiquette,  and  a  love  of 
nature,  but,  above  all,  a  spirit  warm,  gentle,  affectionate,  and  true, 
form  the  sum  of  what  she  brought  to  Louis ;  enough,  indeed,  to 
make  home  happy  in  private  station,  or  to  shine  foremost  in 
courtly  circle,  but  inadequate  to  render  woman  the  Mentor  of  a 
man  in  times  when  thrones  reel  and  nations  are  convulsed.  It  is 
impossible  to  read  the  domestic  history  of  this  true  hearted 
woman  in  the  pages  of  a  faithful  chronicler  like  Madame  Campan, 
and  gaze  upon  some  portrait  which  truly  reflects  her  image,  with 
out  feeling  for  her,  even  apart  from  the  mighty  griefs  and  the 
unparalleled  tragedy  of  her  closing  life,  love,  pity,  admiration,  and 
respect,  which  may  teach  even  republican  hearts  what  loyalty  is 
towards  an  object  morally  worthy  of  it.  It  is  the  misery  of  high 
station,  that  it  hides  from  the  multitude  all  that  would  most  create 
love.  It  is  hardly  too  much  to  say,  that  had  even  revolutionary 


24  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

Frauco  known  its  king  and  queen,  as  wo  now  know  them,  the  tri 
bune  would  have  been  silent,  the  tricolor  unraised,  the  Marseillaise 
unsung,  and  the  scaffold  unstained. 

Louis  Stanislaus,  Count  de  Provence,  the  eldest  brother  of  the 
king,  the  Monsieur  of  the  Revolution,  had  acuter  intellect,  bolder 
character,  more  cultivated  mind,  better  knowledge  of  what  is  bad 
in  men,  and  greater  capacity  for  governing  them  than  his  unfortu 
nate  brother ;  but  his  superiority  was  only  in  the  understanding. 
He  was  inferior  to  Louis  in  religious  faith  and  moral  principle. 
In  creed  a  philosopher  of  the  school  of  Voltaire,  in  disposition  an 
intriguer,  in  politics  an  innovator  with  an  eye  to  self,  he  regarded 
himself,  even  from  early  life,  as  the  most  considerable  person,  in  all 
but  the  accident  of  birth,  of  his  family  ;  and,  though  not  destitute 
of  affection  for  his  brother,  habitually  looked  down  upon  him,  and 
loved  the  flattery  which  drew  a  contrast  in  his  favor.  Eastern 
despotism  may  have  had  its  reasons  for  liking  no  brother  near 
the  throne.  Height  is  apt  to  produce  high  thoughts,  and  the 
latitude  of  future  possibilities  affords  perilous  scope  for  the  imagi 
nation.  There  is  no  greater  temptation  than  that  which  may  be, 
but  is  not.  The  Count  de  Provence  was  among  the  foremost  to 
give  the  first  impulse  to  the  Revolution.  His  object  may  be  ques 
tioned — the  fact  is  beyond  dispute.* 

The  Count  D'Artois,  afterwards  Charles  X.,  though  destitute  of 
personal  daring,  had  the  high  bearing  and  the  chivalric  accom 
plishments  which  are  the  pride  and  ornament  of  a  court ;  together 
with  the  mediocral  abilities  which  are  moral  blessings  to  a  younger 
brother  of  regal  family,  in  times  when  circumstances  foster  ambition 
in  the  naturally  aspiring.  There  seemed  no  probability  of  his  ever 
mounting  the  throne ;  his  pride  was  to  be  what  he  was,  high  among 
the  highest,  enjoying  all  the  pleasures  without  any  of  the  responsi 
bilities  of  royalty.  But  the  tendency  of  events  was  to  foster  a 
prospective  ambition  for  his  posterity,  which  he  had  too  much 

*  Alison,  Hist.  Europe,  vol.  i.  63.  Lamartine,  Hist.  Rest.,  vol.  i.  264. 


REVOLUTION.  25 

good  sense  and  proper  feeling  to  entertain  for  himself.  His  creed 
was  what  was  established — his  philosophy  courtly  conservatism, 
which  views  the  world  as  a  theatre  for  the  privileged  classes,  and 
the  utility  of  the  people  as  confined  to  uttering  bravos,  trimming 
the  lights,  and  paying  the  orchestra.  A  beautiful  illusion,  but  des 
tined  to  vanish  like  fairy  scenery  under  the  hands  of  the  scene- 
shifter.  As  the  tragic  drama  of  the  Revolution  advanced  to  its 
denoument,  and  the  political  position  of  Louis  XVI.  grew  hopeless, 
his  interests  became  identified  with  those  of  the  Count  de  Pro 
vence.  The  brothers  were  drawn  closer  together  by  their  mar 
riage  to  two  daughters  of  the  King  of  Sardinia ;  and  as  for  many 
years  it  seemed  likely  that,  either  from  the  coldness  and  indifference 
of  the  king,  or  other  more  insuperable  causes,  Marie  Antoinette 
would  have  no  issue,  the  hopes  of  succession  appeared  to  rest  with 
the  Countess  D'Artois,  who,  in  1778,  had  already  two  children — 
the  Due  D'Angouleme  and  the  Due  de  Berri.  But  this  family 
distinction,  diminished  at  the  close  of  that  year,  when  the  queen 
gave  birth  to  a  daughter,  was  entirely  done  away  by  the  birth  of 
the  first  Dauphin  in  1781— and  of  the  Duke  of  Normandy  in  1785. 

There  is  a  mysterious  story*  connected  with  the  birth  of  the  first 
Dauphin,  which,  resting  entirely  on  the  authority  of  Louis  XVIII., 
is  important  in  the  light  of  a  personal  confession,  and  confirms 
all  that  history  has  asserted  of  his  ambition.  He  states  that 
on  the  evening  of  the  22d  October,  1781,  the  birthday  of  the 
prince,  on  retiring  to  rest,  he  found  on  a  table  near  his  bed  a  let 
ter  addressed,  "  for  Monsieur  only."  In  answer  to  his  inquiries, 
his  attendants  professed  ignorance  of  the  source  from  whence  it 
came,  when  he  directed  one  of  them  to  open  it.  When  the 
envelope  was  removed,  another  was  discovered  with  a  similar 
superscription.  He  then  took  it  into  his  own  hands ;  and,  as  he 
represents,  with  a  presentiment  that  he  was  going  to  read  some 
thing  unusual,  turned  from  his  attendants,  that  no  one  but  himself 

*  Pilia  Dolorosa,  p.  8.       De  Quincey'a  Autobiographical  Sketches,  vol.  1.  p.  880. 

2 


26  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

might  see  the  contents.  The  second  envelope  contained  a  sheet  of 
black  paper  inscribed  with  white  characters.  Having  dismissed  his 
suite,  he  retired  to  bed,  and  by  the  light  of  his  night  lamp  read  as 
follows : — 

"  Be  comforted ;  I  have  just  drawn  the  horoscope  of  the  new-born 
prince  ;  he  will  not  deprive  you  of  the  crown  ;  he  will  cease  to  live  when 
his  father  ceases  to  reign.  Another  besides  yourself  will,  however, 
succeed  to  Louis  XVI.,  but  you  will,  nevertheless,  be  one  day  king  of 
France.  He  who  becomes  your  successor  will  be  most  unfortunate. 
Eejoice  greatly  that  you  are  without  progeny — the  existence  of  your  sons 
would  be  menaced  by  too  many  evils — for  your  family  is  destined  to  drink 
to  the  very  dregs  of  the  bitterest  draught  contained  in  the  cup  of  Fate. 

"  Adieu,  tremble  for  your  Me  should  you  seek  to  know  me. 

"lam,  DEATH!  I  !" 

At  this  period  the  political  atmosphere  already  began  to  exhibit 
signs  of  the  approaching  storm.  To  the  views  of  the  theorists 
of  whom  France  was  full,  the  American  Eevolution  had  given 
a  deceptive  impetus  ;  deceptive,  because  if  ever  there  were  coun 
tries  dissimilar  in  every  particular  on  which  sound  calculations  of 
political  expediency  can  be  based,  they  were  the  United  States  of 
America  and  the  kingdom  of  France.  It  was  not  merely  that  one 
country  was  crowded  with  a  dense  and  fermenting  population,  and 
the  other,  in  its  vast  outstretched  expanse  of  unreclaimed  wilderness, 
afforded  ample  latitude  for  the  peaceful  growth  of  a  mighty  people 
for  centuries  to  come,  but  that  the  genius,  the  character,  the  intel 
ligence  of  the  two  nations  placed  them  mutually  in  the  most 
antipodal  position  which  civilization  can  allow.  In  America 
liberty  was  a  principle — in  France  it  was  the  passionate  dream  of  a 
people  constitutionally  in  love  with  despotism — in  America  it  was 
but  another  name  for  law — in  France  it  meant  the  disruption  of  all 
legal  restraint.  When  America  revolted  she  stood  in  a  conserva 
tive  attitude — pleading  precedent,  upholding  law,  protesting 
against  innovation ;  but  France  did  what  no  nation  can  do  and 


REVOLUTION.  27 

live — tore  herself  violently  from  the  past,  and  disregarded  every 
thing  chartered  and  prescriptive.  The  new  country  was  in  truth 
the  old — the  old  country  a  political  infant.  Anglo  Saxon  law, 
reformed  religion,  English  literature,  and  colonial  life  republican  in 
essence,  all  combined  to  make  America  emphatically  the  land  of 
Belf-government.  In  France,  superstition  dead  even  to  rottenness, 
and  giving  birth  only  to  the  efflorescent  but  deadly  fungi  of  infi 
delity,  ignorance  of  law,  save  that  of  caste  and  prerogative, 
and  utter  incapacity  to  keep  down  brute  force  and  the  upheavings 
of  a  physical  hell,  bnt  by  the  compulsion  of  grape  shot,  all  render 
ed  the  establishment  of  republican  freedom  as  chimerical  as  the 
return  to  patriarchal  simplicity  and  nomadio  life.  Louis  and  Ma 
ministers  had  not  discernment  to  perceive  that  the  era  of  mere 
rival  nationalities  was  for  the  present  over,  and  that  what  might 
have  been  policy  in  the  reign  of  Louis  XIV.,  was  the  height  of  folly 
in  1777.  Chatham  could  afford  to  applaud  the  sturdy  colonists, 
for  their  spirit  was  the  spirit  of  Englishmen — but  Louis  brought 
the  inflamable  mind  of  France  in  contact  with  a  flame  which  burnt 
healthily  enough  where  it  was  native,  and  the  very  vital  spirit  of 
the  body  whose  iron  enginery  was  of  calibre  to  bear  it,  but  which 
exploded  to  the  four  winds  of  Heaven  the  rust-eaten  constitution 
of  an  effete  despotism. 

The  Count  de  Provence,  sitting  on  nearly  the  highest  step  which 
led  to  the  throne,  had  long  made  himself  the  centre  of  theoretic 
schemes  of  public  reformation,  the  object  of  which  was  to  ingra 
tiate  himself  with  the  party  of  movement,  increase  his  own  popu 
larity  ;  and,  in  the  event  of  a  convulsion,  supplant  his  brother  and 
his  family.*  Louis  had  begun  his  reign  by  a  prudent  system  of 
retrenchments,  which  if  persisted  in  throughout,  might  have 
warded  off  the  dangers  of  revolution  until  the  advent  of  some  less 
cautious  monarch  ;  but  war  induced  expenditure,  expenditure  reck 
lessness,  recklessness  ruin.  His  brother  perceived  his  difficulties, 

•  Lamartine,  Hist.  Rest.,  vol.  t.  p.  263. 


28  THE    LOST    PEINCE. 

and  took  advantage  of  them.  He  had  gone  so  far  as  to  devise  a 
new  constitution  of  which  he  should  be  the  head.  Religious  prin 
ciple  could  not  restrain  him,  for  he  had  none ;  and  a  creedless  man 
has  no  compass  but  self-interest.  Even  natural  affection  could  be 
reconciled  by  an  easy  philosophy  to  the  dictates  of  ambition. 
Believing  his  brother  incompetent  for  the  crisis  which  he  saw 
approaching,  and  which  he  did  his  utmost  to  hasten,  he  fraternally 
consulted  his  happiness,  as  well  as  the  welfare  of  the  kingdom,  in  an 
imagined  abdication,  which  should  place  the  crown  on  his  own 
head,  and  hand  over  the  conduct  of  the  revolution  to  one  capable 
by  nerve,  and  philosophy,  and  intellect,  to  control  its  forces,  and 
reconstruct  society  in  harmony  with  principles  of  which  Voltaire 
could  approve.  "  He  surrounded  himself,"  says  an  indulgent  his 
torian,  "  with  philosophers,  theorists,  and  censors  of  government 
and  religion.  He  allowed  them  to  divulge  in  public  his  criticisms 
on  the  ministry,  his  ideas  for  reforming  the  kingdom,  his  accord 
ance  in  heart  and  soul  with  the  general  spirit  of  the  nation,  which 
was  evincing  itself  in  complaints  against  the  government,  and  in 
outbursts  of  enthusiasm,  the  precursors  of  revolution.  But  he 
never  permitted  these  murmurs  and  this  enthusiasm  to  pass  the 
bounds  of  external  respect  for  religion  and  the  throne.  Although 
a  sceptic  in  religion  and  revolutionary,  he  regarded  the  church  and 
monarchy  as  two  popular  idols,  whose  divinity  might  be  contested 
without  removing  their  images  from  before  the  eyes  of  the  people. 
There  was  etiquette  and  ceremony  even  in  his  convictions,  for  he 
believed  in  the  Divine  right  of  established  custom ;  and  all  reform 
which  extended  to  his  own  dynasty,  appeared  to  him  sacrilegious. 
He  foresaw  a  revolution,  and  thinking  his  brother  unequal  to  the 
struggle  of  the  times,  believed  his  weakness  would  drive  Mm 
to  abdication  ;  that  the  Count  D'Artois  would  lose  himself  in  vain 
resistance  to  the  progress  of  the  world ;  and  that  France,  reconsti 
tuted  on  a  new  monarchical  plan,  would  taJoe  refuge  under  his  own 
government.  He  did  not  conspire  to  obtain,  nor  even  desire  this 
consummation ;  but  he  expected  all.  Nevertheless,  he  loved  the 


REVOLUTION.  29 

king — his  brother — as  much  0,3  Tie  was  capable  of  loving  any  one 
Tanking  above  7ww."* 

There  is  one  clause  in  this  passage  which  contradicts  all  the  rest, 
and  which  cannot,  if  the  rest  be  true,  be  true  itself: — "He  did  not 
conspire  to  obtain — he  did  not  even  desire,  this  consummation." 
He  did  not  openly,  it  is  true,  conspire  and  say  to  the  nation — 
'  Dethrone  Louis  XVI.,  set  aside  his  descendants — and  make  me  king 
instead ' — for  this  would  have  been  to  defeat  his  own  object,  and  de 
Provence  was  too  wise,  and  had  too  much  sense  of  propriety  to  act 
thus;  but  he  who  could  precipitate  a  revolution,  which  he  foresaw 
must  end  in  the  dethronement  of  the  existing  monarch,  and  which 
he  imagined  would  lead  to  his  own  elevation ;  who  placed  himself 
knowingly  in  the  path  of  convulsion,  as  its  termination,  and  took 
care  that  his  creatures  should  publish  his  schemes  and  principles  of 
reform,  to  the  evident  prejudice  of  his  brother,  and  the  accelera 
tion  of  the  crisis  which  must  cause  his  downfall,  did  conspire,  as 
effectually  as  a  man  in  his  position  could  conspire,  against  the 
throne  of  Louis  XVI.,  and  did  desire  to  possess  that  for  which  he 
so  conspired.  He  even  predicted  the  king's  death.t 

"We  must  judge  men  in  such  periods  by  their  actions,  and  those 
of  the  Count  de  Provence  neither  showed  the  brother  nor  the  loyal 
subject.  It  is  remarkable  how  entirely,  in  his  visionary  schemes 
for  the  future,  the  right  of  inheritance,  vested  by  the  immemorial 
laws  of  France  in  the  male  descendants  of  the  king,  were  set  aside. 
He  did  not,  according  to  the  plain  statement  of  Lamartine,  contem 
plate  merely  an  abdication  and  a  regency  in  his  person,  during  the 
minority  of  the  young  Prince,  but  an  actual  transference  of  kingly 
power  intact  to  him  and  his  heirs ;  in  other  words,  a  Provence 
dynasty.  And  if  so,  it  follows  that,  ere  one  single  stone  was  re 
moved  from  the  ancient  structure  of  the  monarchy,  the  mind  of 
the  Count  de  Provence  was  occupied  with  the  problem  of  his 
nephew's  fate.  It  was  an  element  in  the  future  which  could  not 
be  overlooked  by  an  acute  and  circumspect  intellect  like  his.  The 
*  Lamartine,  Hist.  Rest.  Book  x.  sec.  v.  t  Lamartine,  Girondists,  vol !.  p.  454. 


80  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

incident  of  the  mysterious  letter  is  a  proof  that  it  was  not.  When 
the  leprous  distillinent  of  revolutionary  principle  had  removed  the 
old  Hamlet,  there  would  still  remain  the  young  one ;  and  there 
was  no  widowed  majesty  of  Denmark,  by  wedding  which  he  could 
safely  permit  the  scion  of  an  elder  house  to  wander  fetterless 
through  the  land ;  and  if  there  had  been,  the  young  man's  sword 
might  have  smelt  in  due  time  a  rat  behind  the  arras,  without  there 
being  any  Polonius  for  a  scapegoat ;  or  in  a  domestic  feud,  as  in 
the  classic  example,  both  uncle  and  nephew  might  lose  their  lives. 
These  were  contingencies  which  the  Count  de  Provence  could 
not  but  foresee,  for  they  were  all  inseparaby  included  in  the  idea 
prophetic  of  a  throne.  How  he  purposed  to  deal  with  these  diffi 
culties  it  is  not  for  me  to  determine.  Suffice  it  to  show  that  they 
must  have  been  before  his  mind  even  prior  to  the  outbreak  of  the 
Revolution.  He  may  have  trusted  to  accident  for  some  pathway 
out  of  the  labyrinth.  He  might  propose  to  reconcile  all  difficulties 
by  adopting  as  his  successor  one  who  had  legal  rights  before  him ; 
or,  education,  controlled  by  him  in  the  principles  of  his  proposed 
philosophic  monarchy,  might  make  the  facile  intellect  of  youth  a 
convert  to  the  laws  of  his  regenerated  constitution.  This  was 
afterwards  the  republican  plan — it  may  have  been  that  of  De 
Provence.  But  there  was  a  far  darker  mode  of  escape  from  all 
perplexity,  which  there  are  strong  reasons  for  supposing  he  resorted 
to.  It  was  by  impeaching  the  legitimacy  of  the  children  of  Mario 
Antoinette,  for  which  the  long  period  which  elapsed  between  her 
marriage  with  the  king  and  the  birth  of  her  first  child,  together 
with  the  scandal  her  enemies  had  for  many  years  industriously  cir 
culated,  afforded  some  coloring  of  probability.  At  the  meeting 
of  the  Assembly  of  Notables  in  1787,  Monsieur  appeared  for  the 
first  time  publicly  in  his  character  of  reformer,  and  by  throwing 
the  whole  weight  of  his  influence  against  the  aristocracy,  and  in 
favor  of  the  masses,  and  proposing  sweeping  schemes  of  constitu 
tional  amendment,  gained  an  amount  of  popularity  which  for  awhile 
intoxicated  him,  and  which  ho  never  ceased  to  strive  after  by  the 


REVOLUTION.  81 

same  means,  until  the  revolutionary  tide,  which  he  had  put  in 
motion,  threatened  to  sweep  him  away. 

While  he  was  thus  seeking  to  accomplish  two  portions  of  his 
general  design,  viz.  to  shake  the  throne  of  his  brother,  and  in  so 
doing  attract  the  popular  favor  to  himself,  attempts  were  made  in 
the  same  Assembly  to  set  aside  the  royal  children,  by  the  introduc 
tion  of  documents  denying  their  legitimacy,  by  the  Duke  Fit/ 
James,  of  which  Monsieur  was  openly  declared  to  be  the  author.* 

Letters,  said  to  be  written  by  the  Count  de  Provence  to  Fitz 
James,  have  been  published.  That  they  express  his  sentiments 
I  have  no  doubt.  As  to  their  authenticity  I  know  nothing. 
The  only  thing  suspicious  about  them  is,  that  documents  so  dam 
natory  should  ever  see  the  light.  A  knowledge  of  their  history 
would  however  be  requisite  to  decide  this  point — for  when  a  letter 
once  gets  out  of  a  man's  hand  there  is  no  telling  into  whose  it  may 
fall.  [A.] 

But,  Monsieur,  like  all  persons  endowed  with  similar  powers  of 
foresight,  read  the  future  only  through  the  medium  of  his  personal 
interests,  and  imagined  that  events  would  take  the  course  whicli 
he  desired.  Every  one  at  that  time  was  willing  to  revolutionize  to 
his  own  level,  and  vainly  imagined  that  the  downward  tendency  of 
things  would  be  arrested  just  where  he  stood.  A  truly  honest  and 
unselfish  mind,  which  had  no  bad  ambition  to  gratify,  would  never 
have  been  so  blinded. 

It  is  conclusive  evidence  against  the  moral  integrity  of  Monsieur, 
that  he  could  weakly  dream  of  a  revolution  potent  enough  to  com 
pel  abdication  on  the  part  of  the  reigning  sovereign,  but  whose 
waves  should  subside  in  admiring  murmurs  beneath  his  own  feet. 
Such  a  revolution  was  the  vain  chimera  of  that  ambition  which 
o'erleaps  itself.  Monsieur  made  two  miscalculations.  He  under 
estimated  both  his  brother's  powers  of  endurance  and  the  intensity 
and  scope  of  the  revolutionary  forces. 

*  Monlteur,  20  Germinal,  year  6.  Ireland's  Franco,  p.  28flL 


32  THE    LOST   PRINCE. 

Louis  XVI.  had  the  passive  heroism  of  the  martyr,  if  he  had  not 
the  active  heroism  of  the  king.  The  last  of  his  thoughts  would 
have  been  abdication,  which  should  compromise  the  interests  of  his 
son.  In  the  midst  of  his  most  trying  difficulties,  the  idea  that  he 
could  retire  from  the  contest  with  his  people  seems  never  to  have 
crossed  his  mind.  But  both  he  and  the  queen  were  almost  as 
much  disturbed  by  the  fear  of  royalist  movements  without  the 
kingdom,  having  for  their  object  the  transference  of  sovereignty 
to  some  other  hand,  as  they  were  by  the  present  dangers  of  an 
insurgent  populace.  And  as  for  the  Revolution  itself,  when  once 
set  in  motion  it  must  run  its  course.  It  was  beyond  the  control  of 
"*ourt  intrigue.  It  was  a  whirlwind  which  could  be  ridden  on  by 
those  bold  enough  to  mount  it,  but  which  could  not  be  individually 
directed  or  allayed. 

The  States  General  were  summoned  to  provide  means  for  liqui 
dating  the  public  debts  contracted  by  the  war.  They  did  not  even 
consider  the  question.  To  relieve  the  king  from  his  embarrass 
ment  was  not  their  desire.  They  resolved  themselves  into  a 
single  chamber.  The  Tiers  Etats  swallowed  up  the  clergy  and  nobi 
lity.  Individuals  hesitated,  struggled,  and  deserted,  but  the  tide  of 
innovation  swept  on  without  impediment.  The  National  Assem 
bly,  declared  permanent,  set  to  work  under  the  inspiration  of  its 
master-spirit,  Mirabeau,  to  reform  the  Constitution.  The  king  gave 
in  his  adherence  to  the  project.  He  was  no  longer  king.  Conces 
sion  only  created  the  appetite  for  demand.  From  the  senate 
chamber  the  revolution  descended  into  the  streets.  There  were 
conflicts  between  the  royal  troops  and  the  populace.  The  Bastile 
was  besieged  and  taken.  The  struggle  every  day  displayed  more 
visibly  its  deadly  nature.  Too  late  the  high  nobility  perceived 
their  error.  In  despair  they  began  precipitately  to  fly  from  danger 
self-invoked.  Emigration  disintegrated  the  vital  forces  of  the 
nation. 

Foremost  among  the  emigrants,  were  the  Count  D'Artois  and  the 
Prince  do  Cond6.  Monsieur,  in  no  personal  danger,  remained 


REVOLUTION.  33 

in  Paris  ;  supposing,  that  though  the  reformation  was  more  radical 
than  he  had  imagined,  things  were  yet  taking  the  course  which  he 
desired.  Like  a  philosopher,  he  watched  his  time,  and  in  loving 
intercourse  with  the  brother  whom  he  imagined  himself  destined 
to  supplant,  abided  the  moment  when  the  pressure  of  revolution 
should  render  his  throne  no  longer  tenable.  D'Artois  removed,  and 
placed  in  opposition  to  the  reforming  nation,  left  no  alternative  in 
case  of  regal  vacancy  but  himself.  The  popularity  derived  from  his 
early  advocacy  of  reform,  and  his  connexion  with  Mirabeau,  still 
continued ;  and  having  the  art  to  remain  on  good  terms  alike  with 
the  king  and  people,  he  occupied  for  a  considerable  time  the  very 
position  most  favorable  for  the  accomplishment  of  his  views.  But, 
as  months  passed  on,  and  though  the  revolutionary  movement  con 
tinued  unabated,  gathering  strength  as  it  proceeded,  Louis  XVI. 
showed  no  signs  of  weakly  flinching  from  personal  danger  by  abdi 
cation,  Monsieur  seems  to  have  grown  impatient ;  and,  standing 
between  both  parties,  to  have  hoped  by  a  coup  d'etat  to  render 
himself  master  of  both.  The  conspiracy  of  which  the  Marquis  de 
Favras  was  the  ostensible  agent,  had  for  its  object  no  less  bold 
and  sweeping  measures  than  the  destruction  of  Lafayette,  ISTeckar, 
and  Bailley,  the  abduction  of  the  king  to  Perone,  the  proclamation 
of  the  Count  de  Provence  as  Regent,  and  the  denial  of  the  legiti 
macy  of  the  Dauphin  and  Madame  Royale,  on  the  evidence  of  the 
documents  formerly  presented  to  the  Assembly  of  Notables ;  from 
all  which,  if  successful,  there  would  have  been  but  a  short  cut  to 
the  actual  possession  of  monarchical  power  by  the  Regent.*  Now, 
the  evidence  connecting  Monsieur  with  this  conspiracy  is  all  but 
conclusive.  In  the  first  place,  .the  Marquis  de  Favras  had  been  an 
officer  in  the  household  of  the  Count  de  Provence ;  and,  as  the 
whole  scope  of  the  conspiracy  was  to  exalt  the  latter  at  the  expense 
of  the  most  eminent  men  in  the  kingdom,  it  does  not  seem  in  any 


*  Moniteur,  20  Germinal,  year  6.  Ireland's,  France,  p.  287. 

Lamartine  Hist.  Rest.  vol.  i.  p.  255. 
2* 


84  THE   LOST    PRINCE. 

way  likely,  that  a  person  in  the  subordinate  position  of  Favras 
would  have  undertaken  a  project  of  such  magnitude,  without  the 
knowledge  and  consent  of  the  party  chiefly  interested,  and  with  whom 
he  stood  at  the  time,  as  his  agent,  in  the  most  intimate  relation. 

At  the  very  moment  in  which  Favras  was  preparing  to  carry  hia 
project  into  execution,  he  was  engaged — on  the*  confessed  authority 
of  the  Count  de  Provence,  for  the  fact  was  proved,  and  could  not 
be  denied — to  negotiate  the  loan  of  large  sums  of  money.  Favras 
confessed  his  guilt,  but  refused  to  tell  the  names  of  his  instigators 
and  accomplices ;  hoping,  as  it  would  seem  to  the  last,  that  those 
who  involved  him  in  danger,  would  do  what  he  felt  they  had  the 
power  to  do — extricate  him  from  it.  But,  finding  himself  disap 
pointed  in  his  just  expectations,  he  broke  out  as  the  guillotine  was 
about  to  descend,  in  "  muttered  curses  "  on  some  powerful  accom 
plice  who  had  thus  left  him  to  perish.*  Posterity  will  incline  to 
the  belief,  that  the  astute  philosopher  who  had  the  audacity  to 
ask  of  the  tribunal  the  pardon  of  Favras,  perhaps  the  better  to 
keep  him  silent,  at  the  very  moment  that  he  denied  all  knowledge 
of  his  plot,  though  he  admitted  having  employed  him  to  negotiate  a 
loan,  was  not  as  innocent  as  he  asserted,  and  as  the  judges,  before 
whom  he  voluntarily  went  with  an  imposing  retinue,  declared  him 
to  be. 

Lamartine  attributes  the  acquittal  of  Monsieur  at  this  critical  mo 
ment  less  to  his  innocence  than  to  the  pride  of  the  people  and  the 
tribunal,  at  the  unusual  spectacle  of  a  prince  royal  condescending 
to  plead  his  cause  before  them,  and  profess  his  adherence  to  demo 
cratic  principles.  One  thing  is  clear — if  history  has  not  the  power 
of  absolutely  condemning  him  in  this  affair — she  is  equally  power 
less  to  acquit  him,  for  probabilities  are  all  against  him.  He  was 
unprincipled  enough  for  anything,  and  had  only  one  purpose  in 
life — self-aggrandisement.  In  June,  1791,  the  royal  cause  in  France 
had  grown  hopeless,  and  the  transfer  of  authority  from  one  mem 
ber  of  the  Bourbon  family  to  another,  impossible.  Monsieur, 
*  Lamartine,  Hist.  Rest.,  vol.  i.  p.  259. 


REVOLUTION.  35 

therefore,  determined  on  emigration,  which  afforded  the  best 
chance  for  the  accomplishment  of  his  designs.  On  the  night  in 
which  his  brother  set  out  on  the  fatal  journey  to  Yarennes,  the 
Count  de  Provence,  leaving  his  wife  to  encounter  all  dangers  unpro 
tected,  fled  from  Paris,  joined  his  mistress,  the  Countess  de  Balbi,  and 
with  her  hastened  to  Coblentz,  the  head-quarters  of  the  royalists,* 
which  thenceforth  became  the  centre  of  opposition  to  the  authority 
of  Louis  XVI.,  as  uncompromising  as  that  shown  by  the  repub 
licans.  Deplorable  was  the  position  of  the  king,  after  his  return 
from  Varennes.  A  prisoner  in  his  own  palace,  insulted  and  tram 
pled  on  by  his  subjects,  he  beheld  his  brothers  on  a  foreign  soil 
collecting  round  them  the  ancient  loyalty  and  chivalry  of  the 
kingdom,  but,  without  consulting  even  his  privately  expressed 
wishes,  or  regarding  him  as  still  invested  with  kingly  authority. 
The  Count  D'Artois  had  attempted  to  foment  an  European  crusade 
against  republican  France ;  but,  though  he  received  promises  from 
various  courts,  no  active  measures  were  taken ;  and  he  had 
finally  established  himself  at  Coblentz,  to  which  place  the  princes 
and  nobility  of  France  thronged  from  all  quarters.  Even  before 
the  arrival  of  the  Count  de  Provence,  it  had  been  proposed  to 
establish  a  regency,  without  the  King's  consent,  in  the  person  of  one 
of  the  emigrant  princes ;  and  this  may  have  accelerated  his  move 
ments  to  prevent  the  choice  falling  in  his  absence  on  his  younger 
brother.  No  sooner  had  he  arrived,  than  he  took  on  himself  the 
control  of  everything,  and  established  a  royal  court  surpassing  in 
magnificence  those  of  the  monarchs  who  visited  Coblentz.  With 
out  proclaiming  himself  Eegent  he  acted  as  king,  distributed 
among  the  emigrants,  as  the  true  source  and  fountain  of  honor, 
crosses  and  military  commissions,  borrowed  money  from  all  who 
had  any,  sent  letters  throughout  France  to  the  nobility  who  yet 
remained,  urging  emigration,  and  threatened  with  forfeiture  those 
who  hesitated  to  join  his  standard ;  thus  depriving  his  brother  of 

*  Lamartine,  Hist.  Rest.,  vol.  1.  p.  259. 


36  THE    LOST   PBINCE. 

the  countenance  and  presence  of  all  who  might  aid  him,  and 
leaving  him  in  helpless  solitude  among  his  enemies.  But,  there 
was  no  class  of  men  whom  he  more  courted  than  the  clergy,  not 
because  he  had  any  respect  for  religion — for  his  infidel  principles 
are  well-known — but  because  he  could  use  them  as  instruments.* 
The  bait  which  he  held  out  was  the  promise  of  the  restoration  of 
all  confiscated  ecclesiastical  property.  He  also  established  a  system 
of  agencies  throughout  the  whole  of  Europe,  by  means  of  which 
he  had  his  creatures  everywhere ;  and,  in  proportion  as  the  power 
of  the  king  declined  at  home,  his  grew  abroad,  and  even  spread  in 
secret  throughout  France,  and  in  Paris  itself,  where  he  held,  or  ima 
gined  himself  to  hold,  from  a  safe  distance,  communication  with  the 
revolutionary  chiefs,  and  especially  with  Robespierre,  who,  there  is 
strong  reason  to  believe,  was  often  his  unconscious  instrument. 
That  he  corresponded  personally  with  Robespierre  is  most  certain, 
since  the  late  M.  Genet  saw  a  letter  written  by  him  to  the  latter. 
"  There  is  a  time,"  said  a  writer  of  the  period,  "  prescribed  by 
experience,  when  truth  must  be  brought  to  light  upon  all  occur 
rences;  awaiting  which  period  we  can,  nevertheless,  pronounce 
from  proofs  collected  in  various  directions,  this  truth  :  that  it  was 
from  the  exterior  that  Robespierre  acted.  He  was  surrounded  by 
the  agents  of  Monsieur,  who  successively  pointed  out  to  him  the 
persons  whose  remorse  of  conscience  gave  that  Prince  cause  of 
fear;  those  who  had  penetrated  his  projects,  and  such  as  were  not 
favorable  to  his  views."  There  were  many,  indeed,  in  all  direc 
tions,  who  perceived  the  tendency  which  Monsieur  was  thus  giving 
to  affairs.f  The  unfortunate  Louis  and  his  queen  were  tormented 
with  apprehensions  that  their  wily  brother — whose  character  they 
well  knew — would  take  advantage  of  their  condition,!  to  set  them 
entirely  aside ;  and  the  tenor  of  his  communications  to  them  was 
such  as  to  show  that  he  regarded  himself  as  the  centre  of  all  hope 
and  power.  They  were  to  trust  no  one  in  France,  but  to  rely 

•  Ireland'3  France,  p.  290.       t  Lamartine,  Girondists,  vol.  i.  p.  194;  Ireland,  p.  291. 
$  Lamartine,  Girondists,  vol.  i.  pp.  154,  457. 


REVOLUTION.  87 

implicitly  on  him,  and  on  the  foreign  aid  which  he  would  bring, 
and  hence  it  was  evident  that  in  case  of  a  restoration,  as  the 
convulsions  which  had  occurred  would  be  attributed  to  the  imbe 
cility  of  the  king,  so  the  revival  of  order  would  be  placed  to  the 
account  of  his  brother,  who,  with  popular  consent,  might  retain 
the  throne  instead  of  handing  it  back  to  its  owner.  And  many  of 
the  emigrants  themselves,  though  compelled  by  circumstances  to 
act  in  concert  with  Monsieur,  yet  feared,  hated,  and  mistrusted 
him.  They  knew  him  to  be  undoubtedly  ambitious  and  intensely 
selfish.  "  The  only  thing"  says  Larnartine,  "  in  which  he  profound 
ly  believed  was  himself,  his  blood,  his  tradition,  his  right,  his  neces 
sity.  He  adopted  everything  which  could  serve  him"  And  if  this 
be  not  the  character  of  a  man  ripe  for  all  iniquity,  I  have  learnt 
language  and  read  history  in  vain. 

But  the  interests  of  the  great  majority  of  emigrants — bishops, 
princes,  nobility,  officers,  inferior  clergy,  philosophers,  political 
theorists,  and  writers — were  so  clearly  bound  up  with  those  of  the 
Count  de  Provence,  who  seemed  alone  able  to  conduct  the  wrecked 
vessel  of  their  fortunes  into  a  safe  harbor,  that,  although  there  were 
not  wanting  those  who  openly  accused  him  as  being  the  author  of 
every  misfortune,  yet  the  general  feeling  among  them  at  this  period 
was,  that  the  king  had  proved  himself  unfit  for  the  crown,  that  a 
regency  was  necessary,  and  that  Monsieur  was  the  only  person  to 
whom  the  regal  authority  should  be  delegated.  The  idea  of  per 
sonal  legitimacy  was  subordinated,  among  royalists  of  eminence,  to 
that  of  proved  capacity  to  reign,  and  they  were  willing  to  sacrifice 
the  letter  of  regality,  provided  they  could  insure  the  substance,  and 
regain  their  own  footing  and  prerogative.  Monsieur  was  at  this 
time  proclaimed  Regent,  but  the  project  was,  through  policy,  aban 
doned,  and  he  contented  himself,  for  the  present,  with  exercising 
the  power  without  continuing  the  name.  "  Louis  XVI.,"  says 
Lamartine,  "  disapproved  of  emigration,  and  was  not  without  a 
feeling  of  offence  at  his  brother's  intriguing  abroad,  sometimes  in 
his  name,  but  without  his  wishes.  He  shrank  from  the  idea  of 


38  THE    LOBT    PRINCE. 

passing  in  the  eyes  of  Europe  for  a  prince  in  leading-strings^  whose 
ambitious  brothers  seized  upon  Ms  rights  in  adopting  his  cause,  and 
stipulated  for  his  interest  without  his  intervention. 

"  At  Coblentz  a  regency  was  openly  spoken  of,  and  bestowed  upon 
the  Count  de  Provence,  and  this  regency,  which  had  devolved  on 
a  prince  of  the  blood  of  emigration,  whilst  the  king  maintained  a 
struggle  at  Paris,  greatly  humiliated  Louis  XVI.  and  the  queen. 
This  usurpation  of  their  rights,  although  clothed  in  the  dress  of 
devotion  and  tenderness,  was  even  more  bitter  to  them  than  the 
outrages  of  the  Assembly  and  the  people.  We-  always  dread  most 
that  which  is  nearest  to  us,  and  the  triumph  of  the  emigration  only 
promised  them  a  throne  disputed  by  the  Kegent  who  had  restored 
it." 

Until  the  acceptation  of  the  new  constitution,  the  king  continued 
a  prisoner  of  state  in  the  Tuileries,  enjoying  the  mockery  of  respect 
under  the  control  of  Lafayette.  Barnarve,  like  Mirabeau  at  a  for 
mer  period,  too  late  endeavored  to  repair  the  evils  he  had  done,  but 
the  clandestine  meetings  between  him  and  his  sovereigns  may  have, 
lent  a  merciful  illusion  to  the  dreary  interval.  The  new  constitu 
tion  adopted  and  sworn  to  by  the  king,  it  seemed  for  a  time  as  if 
the  bottom  of  the  precipice  had  been  safely  reached,  and  the  sur 
render  of  ancient  prerogative  might  restore  the  king  to  the  affec 
tion  of  his  people.  The  dissolution  of  the  Constituent  Assembly, 
composed  of  men  ripe  in  age  and  competent  by  experience  for  the 
task  of  legislation,  without  capacity  in  its  members  for  re-election, 
from  which,  with  Quixotic  self-denial,  they  had  debarred  themselves, 
handed  over  the  task  of  government,  or  rather  gave  the  power  of 
social  demolition,  to  the  Legislative  Assembly,  who,  with  the  rash 
ness  of  youth,  and  the  enthusiasm  of  theorists,  proceeded  to  undo 
all  that  their  predecessors  had,  not  without  wisdom,  accomplished. 
Meanwhile  the  Clubs  surpassing  the  Assembly  in  audacity,  and  the 
brute  masses  exceeding  the  Clubs  in  violence,  ushered  in  the  reign 
of  anarchy,  until,  at  length,  on  the  arrival  of  the  ferocious  Marseil- 
lais  in  Paris,  on  the  80th  July,  1792,  the  hydra  of  ultra  democracy 


CHILDHOOD.  39 

gathered  its  strength  for  a  last  assault  on  everything  which  legisla 
tion  had  sanctioned,  and  on  the  10th  of  the  following  month,  the 
painted  skeleton  of  royalty,  crumbled,  at  its  first  deadly  touch,  into 
dust. 

Falling  dynasties,  to  expire  with  honor,  should  have  heroes  at 
their  head.  Louis  should  have  died  in  the  Tuileries,  but  in  those 
corridors  and  courtyards  the  blood  of  the  slaughtered  Swiss,  loyal 
in  vain  and  martyrs  to  honor,  finds  a  voice  which,  but  for  the  sight 
of  a  mother  and  her  children,  would  bid  us  suspend  our  sympathy 
for  the  fall  of  unheroic  greatness  in  the  presence  of  a  more  costly 
sacrifice. 

The  imprisonment  of  Louis  threw  all  the  remains  of  royal  power 
into  the  hands  of  his  brother.  As  time  advances,  and  the  annals 
and  secret  underplots  of  the  ^Revolution  are  more  thoroughly  under 
stood,  the  character  of  De  Provence  will  loom  up  into  an  evil 
eminence,  and  History,  in  her  classification  of  monarchs,  will  place 
him  on  the  same  page  which  holda  John  and  Richard  of  England. 


CHAPTER    III. 

CHILDHOOD. 

Louis  CHARLES,  the  second  son  of  Louis  XVI.  and  Marie  An 
toinette,  was  born  at  Versailles,  March  27,  1785.  It  had  formerly 
been  the  practice  of  the  French  court  that  the  delivery  of  the 
queen  should  take  place  in  public,  but  this  needless  cruelty  had 
been  abolished  in  consequence  of  the  danger  incurred  at  the  birth 
of  Madame  Koyale,  and  only  the  royal  family  and  the  chief  offi 
cers  of  state  were  present  on  the  occasion — witnesses  enough  to 
testify  that  a  prospective  heir  to  the  throne  had  entered  the  world. 
But  alas !  how  needless  the  precaution !  By  a  singular  fatality,  at 
the  very  moment  when  the  accoucheur  proclaimed  aloud  the  birth 
of  the  Prince,  a  crown  which  ornamented  the  canopy  of  the 


40  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

queen's  bedstead  fell  suddenly  from  its  place,  and  rolled  shattered 
towards  Marie  Antoinette.  Though  little  noticed  at  the  time, 
subsequent  events  caused  this  incident  to  be  viewed  as  a  vivid 
prognostic  of  the  fate  of  the  French  monarchy  under  him  who 
should  be  inheritor  of  its  phantom  royalty  and  broken  crown.* 

The  child  was  baptized  the  same  day  by  the  Cardinal  de  Rohan. 
The  Count  de  Provence  stood  godfather  and  Madame  Elizabeth 
was  the  representative,  as  sponsor,  of  the  queen  of  the  Two  Sicilies. 
He  received  the  title  of  the  Duke  of  Normandy,  was  decorated 
with  the  insignia  of  the  order  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  fireworks, 
illuminations,  popular  acclamations,  and  royal  bounties  testified  the 
national  joy. 

The  republican  element  was  already  fermenting,  and,  nine  days 
after  the  birth  of  the  child,  a  paper  was  read,  before  the  royal  acad 
emy  in  Paris,  advocating  the  novel  idea  that  the  title  to  the  throne 
rested  on  the  will  of  the  people.  On  the  24th  May,  Marie  Antoi 
nette  returned  public  thanks  to  God  for  her  safe  delivery.  The  next 
year  was  signalized  by  the  journey  to  Cherbourg.  The  infant  duke 
accompanied  his  father,  and  shared  with  him  the  popular  acclama 
tions  which  hailed  his  progress  "through  his  dominions,  and  espe 
cially  through  the  province  from  which  he  took  his  title.  "  Come, 
my  little  Normandy,"  exclaimed  the  enraptured  king,  "  thy  name 
brings  happiness."! 

Amid  the  increasing  difficulties  of  the  kingdom,  two  years  of 
domestic  felicity  succeeded — when,  in  the  year  1788,  the  infant 
princess  Sophie  died,  a  calamity  which  the  queen  always  looked 
upon  as  the  first  drop  of  the  thunder  shower.  The  opening  of  the 
States  General  took  place — and,  on  the  eve  of  fresh  domestic  sor 
row,  and  yet  darker  political  troubles,  superstition,  by  strange 
coincidence,  contributed  to  cast  its  cloud  over  the  future.  Tour 
wax  candles  were  burning  on  the  toilette  table  of  the  queen  as  she 
was  sitting  one  evening,  towards  the  end  of  May,  conversing  with 

*  Memoira  of  the  Duchess  D'Angonleme,  p.  10-  t  B«auchosne,  voL  1.  p.  81. 


CHILDHOOD.  41 

her  ladies  respecting  the  incidents  of  the  day,  and  indulging  in 
mournful  prognostications,  when  in  succession  the  lights  began  of 
themselves  to  go  out.  When  the  third  was  extinguished  "Misfor 
tune,"  said  the  queen,  "has  the  power  to  make  us  superstitious; 
if  the  fourth  taper  go  out  like  the  rest,  nothing  can  prevent  my 
looking  upon  it  as  a  fatal  omen."  It  went  out — and  though  simple 
natural  causes  were  suggested  to  the  queen,  the  unusual  incident 
rested  on  her  spirits. 

The  Dauphin  had  for  a  long  time  been  in  a  rickety  and  scrofulous 
condition.  Public  opinion,  always  unjust  to  Marie  Antoinette, 
attributed  the  maternal  affection  with  wliich  she  kept  the  child 
from  injurious  indulgences  and  amusements,  to  superior  affection 
for  the  robust,  healthy  and  lovely  little  Duke  of  Normandy.  On 
the  4th  June,  1789,  the  young  prince  died  at  Meudon,  only  too 
happy  to  escape  thus  early  the  troubles  of  his  family.  The  death  of 
the  child  was  however  made  an  occasion  by  the  Tiers  Etats  for 
exhibiting  their  disrespect  for  the  king,  and  their  growing  encroach 
ments  on  the  royal  prerogative.  The  President  of  the  Assembly 
intruded  almost  forcibly  into  the  apartment  where  the  king  was 
weeping  over  the  remains,  to  ascertain  the  Prince's  death.  "  Are 
there  no  parents  in  the  Tiers  Etats?"  said  the  indignant  king. 
The  anxiety  of  the  Assembly  on  this  occasion  strangely  contrasts 
with  the  apathy  of  the  Convention  in  1795,  when  informed  of  the 
asserted  death  of  the  succeeding  Dauphin.  This  child,  now  in  the 
fourth  year  of  his  age,  was  too  young  to  have  much  sense  of  the 
calamities  which  crowded  on  his  parents — and,  together  with  the 
apparent  title  to  a  succession  he  was  destined  never  to  enjoy,  was 
made,  by  the  death  of  his  brother,  the  owner  of  a  little  pet  dog 
called  Moufflet.  The  Bastile  fell  on  the  14th  June.  On  the  succeed 
ing  day  the  Dauphin  made  his  first  appearance,  amid  the  stormy 
scenes  of  the  Revolution,  in  the  balcony  of  the  courtyard  of  Ver 
sailles,  where  the  queen  presented  him  to  the  people  in  her  arms  in 

*  Campan,  vol.  II.  p.  87. 


42  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

obedience  to  the  popular  clamor,  and  in  the  hope  to  still  the  tem 
pest  of  democracy  by  the  presence  of  childhood.  Vain  hopel 
"Here  is  that  throne,"  said  one  of  the  creatures  of  the  Due 
d'Orleans,  as  he  looked  up  into  the  state  room  of  the  castle — "  Here 
is  that  throne,  the  vestiges  of  which  will  soon  be  sought  in  vain." 

The  personal  appearance  of  the  young  Prince  at  this  time  is 
described  by  historians  as  of  the  most  captivating  character — and 
in  the  pictures  taken  of  him  after  his  imprisonment  in  the  Temple, 
when  confinement  and  disease  had  produced  their  terrible  ravages 
on  his  constitution  and  intellect,  it  is  not  easy  to  trace  the  infan 
tine  beauty  he  possessed,  when  as  yet  the  personal  attractions, 
derived  from  the  combined  blood  of  many  kingly  races,  had  only 
been  fostered  \)j  association  since  infancy  with  the  most  refined 
court  in  Europe,  and  all  the  ease  and  splendor  of  Versailles.  It 
must,  indeed,  have  been  an  incomprehensible  scene  to  the  child  as 
for  the  first  time  he  gazed  upon  the  demoniac  heavings  of  the  wild 
tempest  of  democracy,  and  felt — but  knew  not  why — that  those 
he  most  loved,  and  of  whom  he  knew  nothing  but  what  could 
awaken  love,  were  the  objects  on  whom  fell  its  concentrated 
rage. 

His  blonde  flowing  hair,  fair  open  physiognomy,  full  of  sense  and 
innocence,  and  finely-proportioned  form,  gave  promise  of  both 
beauty  and  vigor.  One  feature  I  must  not  overlook.  There  is  a 
marked  discrepancy  between  the  color  of  his  eyes  as  described  by 
many  historians,  and  as  represented  in  the  pictures  which  have 
come  down  to  us.  The  first  say  they  were  of  a  brilliant  blue — 
whereas  the  latter,  the  most  trustworthy  witnesses,  especially  where 
the  artist  is  of  the  literal  and  unimaginative  school,  show  them 
to  have  been  of  a  clear  hazel — tinted  perhaps  slightly  at  the  edges 
with  a  bluish  coloring,  but  having  nothing  of  the  deep  clear  azure 
which  enhance  the  aerial  beauty  of  Marie  Antoinette  by  recalling 
the  hues  of  a  southern  sky.  How  far  confinement  and  disease*  may 

*  Beauchesne,  vol.  II.  p.  252. 


CHILDHOOD,  43 

have  contributed  to  modify  the  color  of  the  eyes,  is  a  question  for 
physicians  to  determine. 

If  the  sayings  and  doings  of  most  children  in  cultivated  ranks  of 
society  were  carefully  recorded,  they  would,  I  suppose,  present  about 
the  same  level  of  intellect.  Those  which  are  handed  down  concern 
ing  the  Dauphin  are  in  no  way  remarkable.  Their  interest  consists 
in  the  picture  they  present  of.  the  opening  aspect  of  a  life  so  soon 
to  be  obscured  by  clouds.  The  queen  was  in  the  habit  of  playing 
little  airs  upon  the  harp  or  guitar,  as  he  lay  amid  the  happy  group 
at  evening  by  her  side,  and,  on  one  occasion,  she  accompanied  the 
music  with  the  words — 

"  Sleep,  my  child,  and  close  thine  eyelids, 
For  thy  cries  disturb  my  heart, 
Sleep,  my  child,  for  thy  poor  mother 
Feels  affliction's  keenest  dart." 

At  the  words,  "  thy  poor  mother,"  and  the  allusion  to  sorrow,  he 
seemed  touched ;  and,  reclining  on  the  couch,  gazed  silently  and 
intently  on  the  queen.  Madame  Elizabeth,  misled  by  his  silence, 
cried  out,  "  the  best  of  it  is,  that  Charles  is  sleeping." 

"  Ah,  my  dear  aunt,"  was  the  reply,  "  how  can  I  sleep  when 
listening  to  Mania  Eeine  ?"* 

What  a  contrast  between  the  peaceful  evenings  at  St.  Cloud  and 
the  long,  dark  nights  of  solitude  and  affliction  in  the  Temple. 

There  is  more  point  in  another  anecdote.  One  day,  in  the  garden 
at  Bagatelle,  he  threw  himself,  with  the  waywardness  of  a  child, 
into  the  midst  of  a  rose-bush,  and,  on  an  attendant  warning  him  of 
the  danger  he  ran  of  tearing  out  his  eyes,  he  exclaimed,  "  thorny 
paths  lead  to  glory !" 

"  My  child,"  said  the  queen,  when  she  heard  his  reply,  "  the 
maxim  you  have  cited  is  true,  but  your  application  of  it  is  not 
just.  There  is  no  glory  in  tearing  your  eyes  out.  Were  you  to 

*  Beauchesne,  vol.  1.  p.  26. 


44  THE   LOST   PRINCE. 

expose  yourself  to  destroy  some  pernicious  animal,  or  protect  some 
fellow  creature  from  danger,  that  might  be  called  glory.  But,  before 
you  again  speak  of  glory,  wait  till  you  have  read  the  histories  of  Du 
Guesclin,  Bayard,  and  Turenne,  who  shed  their  blood  for  France." 

Blushing  for  his  folly,  he  kissed  her  hand,  and  said,  "Dear 
mamma,  it  shall  be  my  glory  to  obey  you."* 

On  another  occasion,  having  hidden  a  flute  belonging  to  one 
of  the  pages  in  a  chink  in  the  terrace,  the  queen,  to  punish  him, 
confined  his  dog,  Moufflet,  as  his  accomplice.  Distressed  by  the 
cries  of  the  animal,  he  implored  his  release.  "  It  is  not  Moufflet 
who  did  it.  It  is  not  Moufflet  who  should  suffer."  At  his  own 
request  he  was  confined  and  the  dog  liberated ;  and,  when  again  set 
free,  immediately  restored  the  flute  with  apologies  to  the  owner. 

The  following  incident  occurred  after  the  flight  to  Yarennes,  but 
may  be  mentioned  here.  Before  going  to  his  little  garden  at  the 
Tuileries,  he  exercised  himself  in  the  management  of  a  light  gun. 
At  the  moment  of  departure,  the  officer  of  the  National  Guard  on 
service  said  to  him,  "  Monsiegneur,  before  you  go  out  give  up  your 
gun."  He  stoutly  refused,  and  on  being  reproved  by  his  governess, 
replied,  "  If  monsieur  had  asked  me  to  give  him  my  gun,  it  would 
have  been  well.  But,  he  said,  give  it  up."  "  Always  quick  and 
blunt,"  said  the  king — "  but  I  am  glad  to  perceive  that  he  knows  the 
value  of  words  and  feels  the  propriety  of  terms."t 

These  anecdotes  may  serve  to  give  some  idea  of  the  natural  dis 
position  of  the  child  during  his  happiest  days,  and  show  a  charac 
ter  which,  under  proper  culture,  promised  to  manifest  the  best 
fruits.  He  appears  to  have  been  affectionate,  thoughtful,  bold,  and 
endowed  with  a  quick  sense  of  his  own  rights,  and  what  justice 
demanded  in  respect  of  others. 

His  chief  employment,  during  his  brief  space  of  happiness  at  Ver 
sailles,  was  in  the  cultivation  of  his  flower  garden,  that  he  might 
be  able  to  present  bouquets  to  "  Mama  Keine."  But  the  time  had 

*  Beauchesne,  vol.  i.  p,  29.  t  Beauchesne,  vol.  1,  p.  60. 


CHILDHOOD.  45 

arrived  when  these  delights  of  childhood  were  to  be  surrendered. 
The  2d  Oct.,  1789,  is  memorable  for  the  entertainment  impru 
dently  given  to  the  body-guard  at  Versailles.  The  heart-intoxica 
tion  of  the  royalist  chivalry  was  at  its  height,  and  the  Dauphin  as 
he  entered  the  festal  chamber,  holding  his  mother's  hand,  was  greet 
ed  with  the  wildest  acclamations  of  delight — and  there  can  be  no  bet 
ter  proof  of  the  insane  joy  of  the  assembled  soldiers,  than  the  suicide 
of  one  of  the  body-guard  out  of  remorse  for  previous  feelings  of  dis 
loyalty. 

A  different  scene  did  the  Chateau  of  Versailles  present  to  the 
eyes  of  the  child,  who  must  have  been  bewildered  by  these  inex 
plicable  changes,  when  the  brute  rabble  assailed  the  ancient  dwelling 
of  their  kings,  and  his  mother  narrowly  escaped  the  knives  plunged 
into  her  just  vacated  bed.  Then  came  the  hideous  journey  to  Paris 
amid  troops  and  sans-culottes,  and  women,  and  cannon,  and  dust, 
and  blood,  and  gory  heads,  and  curses,  and  insults.  The  Tuileries 
had  been  uninhabited  for  more  than  a  century,  and  presented  a 
desolate  and  dismantled  appearance  to  the  Prince,  accustomed  to 
the  freshness  and  splendor  of  Versailles.  "  How  ugly  everything 
is  here,  mamma,"  he  said,  as  they  entered.  To  whicn  the  afflicted 
mother  replied — "  Louis  XIV.  lodged  here,  my  son,  and  was  well 
satisfied.  We  should  not  be  more  difficult  to  accommodate  than  he." 

Notwithstanding  the  rapid  increase  of  political  troubles,  the 
king  and  queen  were  diligent  in  the  oversight  of  their  children's 
education — and  the  Dauphin,  by  this  time,  had  made  considerable 
progress  in  his  studies.  He  was  still  under  the  care  of  a  governess 
— but  the  Abbe  Davaux,  of  whom  he  was  very  fond,  acted  as  his 
private  tutor.  E"o  sooner  were  they  settled  in  their  new  abode, 
than  the  routine  of  careful  study  was  recommenced,  and  the  marks 
of  thought  and  proficiency  exhibited  by  the  Prince,  afforded  his 
parents  some  consolation  under  the  pressure  of  political  troubles. 
The  day  after  the  arrival  in  Paris,  hearing  a  noise  in  the  court 
yard — and,  afraid  of  another  popular  outbreak — he  exclaimed, 
"  Good  God,  mamma,  has  yesterday  coine  again  ?" 


46  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

A  few  days  after,  his  father,  perceiving  that  he  looked  very 
thoughtful,  inquired  what  occupied  him  ? — on  which  he  asked,  in  a 
serious  and  affectionate  manner,  why  the  people  of  France,  who 
formerly  loved  him  so  well,  were  now  so  exasperated  against  him? 
The  reply  of  the  king  is  memorable,  affording  a  happy  instance  of 
the  manner  in  which  the  most  complicated  events  can  be  conveyed 
to  childish  apprehension,  and  also  exhibiting  the  simple  view 
which  the  king  himself  took  of  the  Revolution.  u  I  wished,  my 
child,  to  render  the  people  still  happier  than  they  were.  I  wanted 
money  to  pay  the  expenses  occasioned  by  wars.  I  asked  my  people 
for  money,  as  my  predecessors  had  always  done.  Magistrates  com 
posing  the  parliament  opposed  it,  and  said  that  the  people  alone 
had  a  right  to  consent  to  it.  I  assembled  the  principal  inhabitants  of 
every  town,  whether  distinguished  by  birth,  talents,  or  fortune,  at 
Versailles.  That  is  what  is  called  the  States  General.  "When  they 
were  assembled,  they  required  concessions  of  me,  which  I  could  not 
make,  either  with  due  respect  for  myself,  or  with  justice  to  you, 
who  will  be  my  successor.  Wicked  men,  inducing  the  people  to 
rise,  have  occasioned  the  excesses  of  the  last  few  days.  The  peo 
ple  must  not  be  blamed  for  them."*  He  was  easily  made  to  see  the 
necessity  of  showing  an  obliging  spirit  to  all  the  public  officers 
with  whom  he  came  in  contact,  and  after  conversing  with  any  of 
them,  would  say  to  his  mother,  "  Was  that  right?" 

The  people  in  general — and  even  the  members  of  the  Assembly — 
entertained  respect  and  love  for  the  child,  the  danger  and  diffi 
culties  of  whose  position  none  could  fail  to  perceive,  and  few  could 
refrain  from  pitying.  Never  were  the  popular  acclamations,  during 
temporary  lulls  in  the  tempest,  more  heartfelt  and  sincere,  than 
when  the  royal  parents  presented  themselves  in  company  with  their 
child.  Then,  whether  in  the  presence  of  the  Assembly  or  the 
mob,  the  air  was  rent  with  the  cries  of  "Vive  le  Roi! — Vive  la 
Kernel — Vive  M.  le  Dauphin!"  O,  France!  France  1  thou  art  a 

*  Campan,  vol.  11.  p.  T2. 


CHILDHOOD.  47 

strange  land — variable  as  the  sky  or  sea,  and  presenting  some  fea 
tures  of  the  angel  when  most  the  demon. 

Deprived  of  his  recreation  in  the  spacious  gardens  of  Versailles, 
he  had  given  to  him  as  a  substitute  a  little  spot  of  ground  near  the 
Tuileries.  "It  is  this  same  garden,"  says  Beauchesne,  "changed, 
renewed,  enlarged,  that  at  a  later  period  Napoleon  consecrated  to 
the  King  of  Rome,  Charles  X.  to  the  Duke  of  Bordeaux,  and  Louis 
Philippe  to  the  Count  de  Paris.  How  many  thoughts  are  awakened 
by  this  little  spot  of  ground,  so  soon  abandoned  by  its  young  pro 
prietors."  There  is  indeed  a  melancholy  interest  attached  to  it. 
Here  the  Dauphin  amused  himself  with  raising  flowers  to  present  as 
of  old  to  his  mother — and  as,  in  his  visits  to  the  garden  he  waa 
usually  accompanied  by  a  detachment  of  the  National  Guard,  he 
himself  assumed  their  uniform.  It  was  this  which  probably  led  to 
the  formation  of  a  little  regiment  of  boys,  which  gloried  in  the  title 
of  the  "Royal  Dauphin,"  of  which  the  Prince  was  appointed  hono 
rary  colonel.  The  design  of  the  king  in  giving  his  consent  to 
this  scheme,  was  to  take  advantage  of  the  popular  feeling  in  favor 
of  the  Dauphin,  and  in  this  he  for  a  time  succeeded. 

"The  Royal  Dauphin"  became  a  general  favorite.  Recruits 
were  readily  obtained,  and  after  a  few  weeks'  drilling,  they  took 
their  place  among  the  troops  of  the  line  and  acquired  a  semi-poli 
tical  importance.  Parisian  wit  indeed  not  inappropriately  dubbed 
it  "  The  Royal  Bonbon " — but  it  survived  the  satire — though  at 
length  disbanded  on  account  of  difficulties  which  arose  from  the 
formation  of  similar  corps  leading  to  jealousies,  conflicts,  duels  and 
wounds — until  parents  protested  against  so  serious  an  amuse 
ment,  and  "  The  Royal  Dauphin  "  was  seen  no  more — having  how 
ever  taken  part  in  the  funeral  solemnities  of  Mirabeau  and  joined 
with  its  little  tambourins  in  beating  the  "  g6nerale."* 

The  year  1790  was  spent  by  the  royal  family  between  the 
Tuileries  and  the  palace  at  St.  Cloud— and  during  this  period  of 

Beauchesne,  vol.  1.  p.  64. 


48  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

domestic  quiet  the  advancement  of  the  Dauphin  was  rapid  in  his 
different  branches  of  study,  and  the  healthfullness  of  his  constitu 
tion,  and  the  robustness  of  his  form,  were  daily  on  the  increase. 
He  presented  no  sign  of  the  scrofulous  disease  of  which  his  brother 
had  died,  and  never  at  any  period  had  more  than  an  incipient 
tendency  to  it. 

The  next  important  incident  in  his  life  was  the  flight  to  Varen- 
nes  on  the  21st  June,  1V91.  For  many  months  projects  of  escape 
had  been  agitated  among  the  royal  family  and  their  friends,  but  in 
agreement  with  the  fatality  and  fatuity  which  seemed  to  attend  all 
their  plans,  the  favorable  period  of  escape  was  allowed  to  pass,  and 
the  time  chosen  when  all  France  was  alive  with  suspicion. 

Let  us  look  at  this  event  in  the  point  of  view  in  which  it  appeared 
to  the  Dauphin  himself.  Roused  out  of  sleep  in  the  middle  of  the 
night,  he  found  himself  dressed  in  girl's  clothes — and  all  the  family 
were  in  some  masquerade  disguise.  "  What  do  you  think  of  all 
this  ?"  said  his  sister  as  she  equipped  him.  "  I  suppose  we  are 
all  going  to  the  theatre." — He  was  carried  down  a  secret  stairway 
into  the  street.  It  was  midnight.  The  party  separated  into  twos 
and  threes.  He  was  put  into  a  carriage,  and  fell  asleep  amid  the 
mutual  congratulations  of  the  family.  The  morning  broke,  the 
weather  was  fine,  the  country  lovely,  and  all  the  party  in  good 
spirits.  The  comedy  was  complete.  The  king  was  a  valet,  the 
queen  a  governess,  and  the  Dauphin  transformed  into  the  daughter 
of  the  Baroness  de  Koff,  and  rejoiced  in  the  name  of  Aglae. 

But  it  was  again  night,  and  there  was  difficulty  and  danger. 
They  had  lost  their  way.  They  descended  from  the  carriage  and 
wandered  about  by  the  light  of  a  lantern — returned  to  the  vehicle, 
drove  on,  were  stopped,  questioned,  forced  to  alight — then  there 
were  crowds,  confusion,  altercation  and  dismay,  in  the  midst  of 
which  the  poor  child  dropped  asleep  in  a  strange  dark  room. 
When  he  again  awoke  his  sister  said  to  him,  "  0,  Charles — you  have 
deceived  yourself— this  is  no  comedy  1"  "  I  have  seen  that  for  a 
long  time,"  he  replied. 


CHILDHOOD.  49 

Again  he  was  in  a  carriage,  and  two  strange  gentlemen  were  added 
to  the  company.  One  was  kind  and  polite,  and  protected  them 
from  insult  and  abuse,  and  the  child  in  gratitude  clambered  upon 
his  knees. — He  was  once  more  in  Paris,  in  his  old  apartment  in 
the  Tuileries — And  such,  to  the  Dauphin,  was  the  flight  to,  and 
return  from,  Varennes.  Merciful  ignorance  of  reality,  which  hides 
from  childhood  the  calamities  of  life.  Worth  a  thousand  pages  of 
philosophising  is  the  following  from  Bertrand  de  Molleville,  relative 
to  a  period  not  long  posterior  to  this : — 

"  While  the  queen  spoke  to  me,  the  little  Dauphin,  beautiful  as  an 
angel,  amused  himself  with  singing  and  dancing  in  the  apartment,  with  a 
little  sabre  of  wood  and  a  buckler,  which  he  held  on  his  arm.  They  came 
to  call  him  to  supper,  and  in  two  bounds  he  was  at  the  door. 

"  c  My  son,'  said  the  queen,  '  do  you  go  out  without  bowing  to  M.  Ber 
trand  ?' 

"  '  0,  mamma,'  said  the  child,  continuing  to  dance,  '  M.  Bertrand  is 
one  of  our  best  friends,  good  evening,  M.  Bertrand,'  and  he  sprang  out  of 
the  apartment. 

"  '  Is  he  not  handsome  ?'  said  the  queen,  when  he  had  gone  out. 

"  '  He  is  very  happy,'  I  added,  '  to  be  so  young.  He  feels  none  of  our 
sorrows,  and  his  happiness  does  us  good."  ' 

During  the  fourteen  months  which  intervened  between  the 
return  from  Yarennes  and  the  final  catastrophe  at  the  Tuileries, 
there  is  little  particularly  deserving  of  record  in  this  brilliant  but 
hapless  childhood.  "When  the  mob  defiled  through  the  palace  on 
the  20th  June,  the  Prince,  seated  on  a  table  in  front  of  his  mother, 
and  half  smothered  with  a  red  cap,  served,  as  a  safeguard  for  her  in 
the  perils  of  the  hour. 

But,  with  the  exception  of  such  occasional  inconveniences,  whilst 
the  faintest  shadow  of  royalty  remained,  it  was  to  the  children  of 
the  king  as  if  his  power  stood  on  a  base  like  the  Pyramids.  Shel 
tered  from  the  mental  anxiety  which  wrung  the  hearts  of  liis 
parents,  and  which  in  one  hour  at  Varennes  had  bleached  the  hair 
of  Marie  Antoinette  into  the  whiteness  of  snow,  the  Prince  conti- 

3 


150  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

nued  to  enjoy  all  the  happiness  which  his  age  permitted,  and  to 
develope  alike  in  strength  and  mental  activity.  Under  the  care  of 
the  Abbe  Davaux  he  made  great  progress,  and  wrote  a  good  hand. 
The  life  he  led  was  calculated  to  expand  his  faculties,  and  impart 
an  unusual  facility  of  acquirement.  One  example  of  depth  of  thought 
remarkable  in  a  child  will  serve  to  close  the  record  of  his  happiest 
days.  "While  reading  in  the  fifth  book  of  Telemachus,  the  questions 
proposed  by  the  Cretans  to  the  candidates  for  the  throne,  when 
electing  a  king,  he  came  to  the  second  question,  "  Who  is  the 
most  unfortunate  of  men?"  "Let  me,"  he  said,  "reply  to  this 
question,  as  if  I  were  Telemachus.  The  most  unhappy  of  men 
is  a  king  who  has  the  misfortune  to  see  that  his  subjects  do  not 
obey  his  laws." 

The  10th  of  August  came  at  last,  and  all  was  dismay  and  anguish 
in  the  Tuileries.  The  Prince,  in  company  with  the  king,  queen, 
Madame  Elizabeth,  and  his  sister,  passed  through  the  ranks  of  the 
National  Guard,  and  then  the  whole  party  returned  into  the  palace, 
where  the  chambers  were  filled  with  military,  and  looked  from  the 
windows  upon  the  mingled  throng  of  soldiers  and  people  in  the 
gardens  and  streets  below.  Then  there  was  confusion  and  alarm, 
women  hurrying  hither  and  thither  in  helpless  dismay — sounds  of 
conflict,  rage,  despair,  in  the  midst  of  which  the  Prince  was  led  by 
his  parents,  through  the  ranks  of  the  grenadiers,  into  the  chamber 
of  the  Assembly.  He  was  no  longer  Jieir  to  a  throne.  The  next 
change  was  to  a  little  green-papered  cell  in  the  monastery  of  the 
Feuillans,  where  the  royal  family  awaited  transmission  to  their 
memorable  prison  with  which  we  are  chiefly  concerned — the 
Temple. 


THE     ORPHANS.  51 

CHAPTER  IV. 

THE    OEPHANS. 

ON  the  10th  August,  1792,  the  king  and  royal  family  took  refuge 
from  the  violence  of  the  mob  in  the  chamber  of  the  National 
Assembly.  They  were  placed  in  the  reporters'  box — a  small  enclo 
sure,  exposed  to  the  burning  heat  of  the  sun.  During  the  exciting 
sitting  they  remained  without  refreshment,  while  the  work  of  car 
nage  went  on  without.  The  Dauphin  fell  asleep  on  his  mother's 
lap.  Late  in  the  night  they  were  transferred  to  the  monastery  of 
the  Feuillans.  Destitute  of  everything,  linen  was  supplied  to  them 
by  their  friends — and  the  wife  of  the  English  ambassador,  Lady 
Gower  Sutherland — sent,  for  the  use  of  the  Dauphin,  the  clothes 
of  her  son,  who  was  a  child  of  about  the  same  age.  They  conti 
nued  at  the  monastery  until  13th  August,  when,  by  the  order  of  the 
Commune,  they  were  transferred  to  the  Temple.  They  were  at 
first  taken  to  the  portion  of  it  called  the  palace,  formerly  inhabit 
ed  by  the  Count  D'Artois.  At  night  they  were  transferred  to 
tkeir  final  prison  in  the  Tower.  "  Your  master,"  said  a  municipal 
officer  to  one  of  the  king's  attendants,  "  was  used  to  guilt  ceilings — 
he  shall  now  see  how  the  assassins  of  the  people  are  lodged." 

The  following  brief  outline  of  the  imprisonment  of  the  royal 
family  divides  itself  into  three  parts : 

1.  From  13th  August,  1792,  to  the  execution  of  Louis  XYL,  on 
21st  January,  1793. 

2.  From  thence  to  the  execution  of  Marie  Antoinette,  October 
16,  1793. 

3.  From  the  death  of  the  queen  to  June  8,  1795,  when  the 
Dauphin  disappeared  from  the  Tower,  and  was  asserted  to  have 
died. 

The  present  chapter  will  contain  a  brief  examination  of  the  first 


52  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

two  periods,  in  which  I  shall  confine  myself  to  those  points  which 
enter  into  the  general  argument. 

The  Tower  of  the  Temple — one  of  the  most  ancient  and  remark 
able  buildings  in  Paris — was  erected  by  the  Knights  Templar, 
about  the  year  1200,  and  was  designed  as  the  treasury  and  arsenal 
of  the  order.  It  consisted  of  a  massive  square  tower  one  hundred 
and  fifty  feet  high,  the  walls  of  which  were  more  than  nine  feet 
thick.  It  was  flanked  at  the  angles  by  four  circular  turrets,  and 
had  on  the  north  side  a  small  stone  building — attached  to  it, 
but  without  internal  communication — called  the  little  tower, 
naving  similar  turrets  of  lesser  dimensions  at  the  angles — while  the 
whole  series  of  compacted  structures  were  crowned  with  conical 
caps,  and  presented  an  appearance  of  stern  gloomy  strength  in 
keeping  with  the  men  and  times  that  reared  them. 

This  building  had  been  the  theatre  of  much  of  the  heroism, 
crime,  magnificence,  luxury,  and  tragic  suffering  which  are  blended 
in  the  history  of  the  priestly  knights  of  Jerusalem.  It  was  now 
dismantled  and  desolate,  and  converted  into  the  sepulchre  of  a 
dynasty.  During  the  repair  of  the  principal  tower,  the  royal 
family  were  temporarily  placed  in  the  little  tower — the  queen  and 
ladies  occupying  the  second  story,  and  the  king  and  his  attendants 
the  third  * 

The  fall  from  the  height  of  royalty  had  been  sudden  and  terrible. 
But  it  found  the  king,  formed  by  nature  and  education  to  act 
the  martyr,  prepared  to  meet  it  with  calmness  and  dignity.  He 
experienced  some  little  regret  at  having  made  no  effort  to  suppress 
the  insurrection,  but  solaced  himself  with  the  thought  that  he  was 
not  responsible  for  the  blood  that  had  been  shed.  He  knew  there 
was  now  no  escape  from  death.  The  policy  pursued  by  the  Count 
de  Provence  had  left  him  alone  in  the  midst  of  his  enemies.  The 
royalists  were  all  gathered  round  his  brother  at  Coblentz.  From 
the  moment  of  entering  the  Temple,  he  began  his  preparation  for 


Clery, 


THE     ORPHANS.  53 

death.  The  name  of  Charles  I.  was  frequently  on  his  lips.  There 
was  providentially  a  library  of  some  fifteen  hundred  volumes 
in  the  tower,  which  formed  a  solace  for  his  captivity,  but  he  kept 
his  eye  chiefly  on  the  record  of  the  sufferings  of  the  martyr 
king. 

The  queen,  but  for  her  children,  would,  without  a  sigh,  have 
died  in  the  Tuileries.  She  likewise  was  well  aware  that  death 
awaited  her,  and,  though  hope  might  occasionally  revive,  looked 
steadily  to  this  as  the  consummation. 

The  fate  of  their  children  after  their  own  decease,  must  have 
both  occupied  the  thoughts  of  the  unfortunate  pair  and  form 
ed  the  subject  of  conversation  between  them.  The  Dauphin  was 
necessarily  the  chief  object  of  their  anxiety.  Madame  Koyale  was 
shielded  by  her  sex  and  the  salique  law.  The  king  did  not  for  a 
moment  contemplate  the  forfeiture  of  his  son's  right  to  the  throne. 
To  the  last  he  aimed  at  transmitting  the  princely  inheritance 
to  him  with  all  its  dangers,  and  trained  his  mind  for  this  end,  look 
ing  forward  to  the  hour  when  France  would  right  itself. 

It  is  remarkable  that,  on  the  10th  August,  he  did  not  adopt  so 
obvious  an  expedient  for  personal  escape  as  abdication.  Had  he 
retired  into  private  station,  even  at  that  late  hour,  he  might  have 
been  saved.  But  he  could  not  do  this  without  sacrificing  the 
future  interests  of  his  son.  The  nation  would  have  required  of  him 
a  dynastic  surrender — and,  on  the  other  hand,  the  effect  of  abdica 
tion  would  have  been  to  throw  all  power  into  the  hands  of  his 
brother,  whose  ambition  ho  well  knew,  and  whose  designs  he  dis 
trusted.  He  chose  rather  to  run  all  hazards,  and  permit  power  to 
be  wrested  from  him  with  life,  than  to  jeopard  the  succession  of  his 
son. 

Freed  from  the  cares  of  government,  he  applied  himself  reli 
giously  to  the  task  of  educating  his  child.  From  the  moment  the 
royal  family  entered  the  Temple,  a  routine  of  life  was  established, 
which,  occasionally  interrupted  by  sickness  or  unusual  calamity, 
continued  to  be  observed  while  they  remained  together.  Particu- 


64  THE   LOST  PRINCE. 

lar  seasons  were  set  apart  for  devotion,  study,  rest,  and  recreation. 
From  ten  till  one  was  given  by  the  king  and  queen  to  the  educa 
tion  of  their  children.  The  Dauphin  possessed  intelligence  preco 
ciously  developed,  great  facility  of  acquisition,  and  a  remarkably 
retentive  memory.  History  and  geography  formed  his  principal 
studies — and  the  latter  was  taught  him  according  to  the  new  divi 
sion  of  France.  In  the  evening,  the  instruction  of  the  Dauphin  was 
continued. 

The  massacres  of  September  broke  in  upon  their  calm  and  not 
unhappy  life,  but  the  usual  routine  was  soon  resumed.  At  the 
latter  end  of  that  month  they  were  removed  to  the  great  tower, 
and  as  this  was  the  scene  of  the  Dauphin's  long  confinement,  wo 
must  enter  into  the  details  of  the  arrangements. 

The  enormous  and  massive  pile  was  divided  into  four  stories, 
having  a  large  central  pillar  mounting  as  high  as  the  floor  of  the 
fourth  story,  which  rested  on  its  supreme  capital.  The  walls  were 
between  nine  and  ten  feet  thick,  and  the  space  which  they  enclosed 
nearly  thirty-six  feet  square.  The  ground  floor  presented  bare 
walls,  and  was  devoid  of  all  ornament,  except  the  elegant  carving 
of  the  capital,  arches,  and  columns.  It  was  devoted — together 
with  the  apartments  in  three  of  the  turrets — to  the  municipal  offi 
cers  on  service  in  the  Temple. 

In  the  fourth  turret  was  a  spiral  staircase,  which  ran  uninterrupt 
edly  to  the  top  of  the  building — and,  at  each  of  the  landings,  were 
two  doors,  one  of  oak  and  one  of  iron.  The  relative  position  of  this 
staircase  and  the  different  suites  of  apartments  must  be  borne  in 
mind,  as  it  shows  how  communication  could  be  held  with  the 
upper  stories  without  the  knowledge  or  suspicion  of  persons  occu 
pying  the  other  chambers.  The  first  story  resembled  the  ground 
floor,  and  was  occupied  by  the  guard,  who  stacked  their  arms 
around  the  central  column.  Provided  the  sentry  was  gained  over, 
any  changes  could  be  effected  by  the  municipal  officers  without  the 
knowledge  of  the  soldiers,  when  confined  within  the  massive 
walls  of  the  guard-room.  The  second  story  was  divided  into  four 


THE     ORPHANS.  55 

chambers,  and  was  devoted  to  the  king,  the  Dauphin,  and  their 
attendants.  The  apartments  were  warmed  in  winter  by  a  central 
stove. 

In  the  third  story,  similarly  divided,  resided  the  queen,  and  the 
other  female  members  of  her  household.  The  fourth  story, 
destitute  of  the  pillar  which  ran  through  all  the  others,  presented 
a  vast  open  hall,  and  was  used,  together  with  the  gallery  opening 
from  it,  and  running  round  the  exterior  of  the  building,  for  exercise 
• — although  the  spaces  in  the  battlements  were  filled  up  with  close 
lattice-work,  to  prevent  any  communication  by  signals  between  the 
captives  and  persons  outside. 

During  all  the  trials  to  winch  the  royal  family  had  for  years  been 
subjected,  the  health  of  the  Dauphin  had  remained  unimpaired, 
and  at  the  time  of  going  to  the  Temple  he  was  in  the  very 
height  of  his  beauty,  strength,  and  elastic  vigor.  But  long  con 
finement,  notwithstanding  all  the  precautions  taken  by  his  parents 
to  keep  him  in  exercise,  began  now  sensibly  to  wear  upon  his 
spirits. 

In  the  beginning  of  December  it  was  determined  to  bring  the 
king  to  trial — but  as  yet  the  royal  family  were  kept  in  suspense 
concerning  the  time  and  method  of  proceeding.  With  a  patient 
heroism  above  praise,  they  continued  to  the  last  the  routine  which 
they  had  established  at  the  beginning  of  their  captivity.  On  the 
llth,  the  king  and  Dauphin  went  as  usual  at  nine  o'clock  to  break 
fast  with  the  queen,  and  though  various  indications  sho\ved  that  a 
crisis  was  approaching,  Louis,  with  cairn  demeanor,  retired  with  his 
son  to  his  apartment.  They  amused  themselves  for  awhile  with  a 
game  of  chance.  The  number  sixteen  was  invariably  unfortunate 
with  the  Dauphin.  "  I  cannot"  he  exclaimed,  "get  beyond  sixteen."* 
The  coincidence  seemed  sensibly  to  affect  the  king.  He  was  hear 
ing  him  read  when  the  commissioners  entered  to  take  the  boy  away. 
Louis  tenderly  embraced  him  and  they  parted.  The  child  had 


Clery. 


66  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

repeated  the  last  lesson  to  the  father.  Cut  to  the  heart,  the 
unfortunate  man  continued  for  half  an  hour  leaning  his  head  on  his 
hand  in  speechless  dejection. 

At  one  o'clock  on  the  same  day  he  was  brought  to  trial  at  the 
bar  of  the  Convention.  Into  the  particulars  of  this  long  and 
memorable  process,  the  end  of  which  was  determined  from  the 
beginning,  I  will  not  enter.  For  the  second  time  in  history  a  sove 
reign  stood  for  judgment  at  the  bar  of  his  people.  The  most  inno 
cent  of  rulers  was  offered  as  a  sacrifice  for  the  sins  of  generations. 
The  trial  was  still  in  progress,  on  Christmas  day,  when  Louis  shut 
himself  up  in  his  cabinet,  and  wrote  his  will.  It  is  a  document 
which  must  claim  a  place  even  in  this  brief  summary,  for  it  affords 
evidence  of  the  mind  of  the  king,  in  reference  to  his  brothers,  than 
which  no  direct  accusation  could  speak  more  eloquently  at  the 
bar  of  posterity. 

I  give  it  for  brevity's  sake  in  the  abridged  shape  in  which  it 
appears  in  the  pages  of  Lamartine — nothing  being  omitted  but 
some  unimportant  formalities  of  expression.  It  ran  thus : 

"I,  Louis,  XVI.  of  that  name,  king  of  Prance,  confined  for  four  months 
with  my  family  in  the  tower  of  the  Temple,  at  Paris,  by  those  who  were 
my  subjects,  and  deprived  during  eleven  days,  of  all  communication  with 
even  my  family,  and  moreover  implicated  in  a  trial,  the  issue  of  which  it 
is  impossible  to  foresee,  on  account  of  the  passions  of  men,  having  no  one 
save  God  as  a  witness  of  my  thoughts,  or  to  whom  I  can  address  myself — 
declare  here  in  His  presence  rny  last  wishes  and  sentiments.  I  bequeath 
my  soul  to  God  my  Creator,  and  pray  He  may  receive  it  into  His  mercy  for 
Christ's  sake.  I  die  in  the  faith  of  the  Church,  and  obedience  to  its  deci 
sions.  I  pray  God  to  forgive  me  all  my  sins.  I  have  striven  to  remember 
and  detest  them,  and  to  humble  myself  before  Him.  I  beg  all  those  whom 
I  have  involuntarily  injured  (for  I  do  not  remember  ever  having  wilfully 
injured  any  one)  to  forgive  me  the  evil  they  believe  I  have  done  them.  I 
request  all  men  who  have  any  charity,  to  unite  their  prayers  to  mine.  I 
pardon,  from  the  bottom  of  my  heart,  all  those  who  have  become  my  ene 
mies  without  my  ever  giving  them  any  motive,  and  I  pray  God  to  pardon 


THE     ORPHANS.  57 

them,  as  well  as  those  who.  from  a  false  or  mistaken  zeal,  have  done  mo 
much  harm  I  recommend  to  God  my  wife  and  children,  my  brothers,  and 
all  those  attached  to  me  by  ties  of  blood,  or  any  other  manner.  I  pray 
God  to  look  with  compassion  on  my  wife,  children,  and  sister,  who  for  a 
long  time  have  suffered  with  me,  and  to  support  them  if  they  lose  me,  and 
so  long  as  they  remain  in  this  world.  I  recommend  my  children  to  my 
wife,  whose  affection  for  them  I  have  never  doubted.  I  also  pray  her  to 
teach  them  to  look  upon  the  grandeurs  of  the  world,  if  they  should  be  con 
demned  to  suffer  them,  only  as  dangerous  and  temporary  possessions,  and 
to  turn  their  thoughts  to  the  only  real  and  durable  glories  of  eternity.  I 
pray  my  sister  to  continue  to  show  the  same  tenderness  to  my  children, 
and  to  replace  their  mother  should  they  have  the  misfortune  to  lose  her. 
I  pray  my  wife  to  forgive  me  all  the  misfortunes  she  suffers  on  my  account, 
and  the  sorrow  I  may  have  caused  her  in  the  course  of  my  life,  as  she  may 
be  certain  that  I  forgive  her  all.  if  she  fancied  she  had  anything  where 
with  to  reproach  herself.  I  recommend  my  children,  after  their  duty  to 
God — which  is  before  all,  to  remain  always  united  among  themselves,  to 
obey  their  mother,  grateful  for  all  the  care  she  has  taken  of  them,  and  in 
memory  of  myself.  I  pray  them  to  look  upon  my  sister  as  a  second 
mother.  I  recommend  my  son,  if  he  has  the  misfortune  to  become  king,  to 
remember  that  he  owes  himself  to  the  happiness  of  his  fellow  citizens,  to 
forget  all  hatred  and  resentment,  and  especially  that  which  relates  to  the 
misfortunes  and  sorrows  I  now  undergo.  Let  him  remember  that  he  can 
only  make  his  subjects  happy  by  reigning  according  to  the  laws — but  that 
a  king  can  only  cause  the  laws  to  be  respected,  and  do  all  the  good  he 
wishes,  so  long  as  he  possesses  the  necessary  power ;  but  that  when  the 
contrary  occurs,  being  thwarted  in  his  actions,  and  inspiring  no  respect,  he 
is  more  injurious  than  useful.  I  conclude  by  declaring  before  God,  and 
ready  to  appear  in  His  presence,  that  I  am  innocent  of  all  the  crimes  laid 
to  my  charge. 

"  Written  in  duplicate  at  the  Tower  of  the  Temple,  December,  25th, 
1752.  "Louis." 

At  the  moment  the  king  penned  this  sublime  and  touching 
testament,  the  Count  de  Provence  and  the  Count  D'Artois  at  *' 
head  of  their  respective  courts,  were  maintaining  t>* 

0* 


68  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

and  exercising  the  functions  of  royalty  among  their  adherents.  In 
appearance,  as  well  as  by  the  ties  of  blood,  they  were  the  props  on 
which  the  youthful  Prince  would  seem  compelled  to  lean.  But 
though  the  king  includes  his  brothers  in  the  general  prayer  for  all 
those  united  to  him  by  kindred,  or  in  any  other  way,  he  pointedly 
omits  their  names  from  all  those  portions  of  his  will  where  it  would 
have  been  natural  to  mention  them.  At  the  beginning  of  the 
document  he  shows,  by  retaining  the  title  of  Louis  XVI.,  that  he 
has  not  relinquished  his  own  claim  to  the  throne.  But  instead  of 
commending  his  son  to  the  care  of  his  uncles,  as  guardians  of  his 
rights,  he  pointedly  passes  them  by,  and  entrusts  him  solely  to  the 
imprisoned  queen,  assigning  emphatically  as  a  reason,  that  he  had 
never  doubted  her  affection — and  in  case  of  the  queen's  death,  he 
commits  the  guardianship  of  his  children  to  his  sister.  But  there 
is  no  intimation  that  in  any  event  he  expects  anything  from  his 
brothers. 

So  marked  an  omission,  under  such  circumstances,  cannot  be 
explained  on  any  probable  ground  but  this,  that  he  distrusted 
them,  and  knew,  from  past  experience,  that  their  efforts,  for  the  res 
toration  of  monarchy  in  France,  were  designed  for  their  own  bene 
fit,  and  not  for  that  of  him  and  his  family  He  had  no  confidence 
that  they  would  respect  the  rights  of  his  child,  and  therefore  com 
mitted  him  to  the  care  of  two  feeble,  imprisoned  women.  The 
substitution  of  the  Princess  Elizabeth  as  guardian  for  his  son  in  case 
of  the  queen's  death,  is  most  marked  and  emphatic. 

The  last  days  of  Louis  XYI.  have  been  chronicled  by  the  ablest 
pens  of  France  and  England.  It  does  not  enter  into  the  scope-  of 
my  design  to  speak  of  them  in  detail.  The  historic  drama  is  one 
which  holds  us  breathless  though  read  a  hundred  times.  We  know 
full  well  the  tragic  truth — yet  scarcely  can  we  refrain  indulging  a 
fleeting  hope  as  we  mingle  in  fancy  with  the  pale  and  weeping 
group  in  the  Temple — or  picture  the  majestic  martyr  nightly  con 
ferring  with  his  heroic  counsel,  or  exchanging,  with  the  fondness 
of  a  lover,  clandestine  letters  with  those  whom  he  ii  only  to  meet 


THE    ORPHANS.  59 

once  more  before  the  long,  long  parting  of  death.  We  can  sympa 
thize  with  the  emotions  in  the  chamber  where  the  dread  struggle 
is  going  on — we  can  enter  into  the  deep  scorn  of  Robespierre  as 
Verniaud  belies  by  his  vote  the  eloquence  still  reverberating  in  the 
air,  and  hear  him  hiss  to  his  neighbor,  "  These  are  your  orators  " — 
or  feel  the  dead  chill  silence,  of  horror  and  disgust,  as  Phillip  of 
Orleans  gives  his  voice  for  death. 

But  the  saddest  and  the  most  heart-rending  scene  of  all  is  that 
with  which  the  painter's  art  has  made  us  most  familiar — the  sepa 
ration  of  the  dying  king  and  his  family.  And  this,  too,  was  the 
first  deep  sorrow  of  the  Dauphin's  life.  Children  do  not  grieve  at 
the  exchange  from  palaces  to  poverty.  His  health  might  suffer 
from  confinement,  but  the  happiest  place  on  earth  for  him  was  the 
prison  chamber  of  his  parents.  In  the  midst  of  the  terror  of  the 
10th  of  August,  the  queen  had  made  the  little  fellow  happy  by  pro 
mising,  as  a  reward  for  his  presence  of  mind,  that  he  should  sleep 
in  her  room.  It  was  when  he  hung  in  agony  to  the  venerated 
form  of  his  father,  while  his  other  relatives  were  fainting  or  weep 
ing  around,  that  the  Dauphin  first  entered  into  the  shadow  of  the 
cloud  which  was  to  go  on  increasing  in  darkness  until  it  finally 
left  him  in  the  merciful  midnight  of  prostrated  intellect. 

At  this  time  he  was  sufficiently  old  and  intelligent  to  feel 
the  full  bitterness  of  a  bereavement  which  has  had  few  parallels 
on  earth — and  his  acutely  sensitive  nature,  at  that  tender  age 
must  have  received  a  severe  shock  by  the  loss  of  his  parent,  his 
preceptor,  his  friend,  his  companion.  Terrible  was  the  tension 
of  feeling  with  which  the  bereaved  family  waited  the  next  morning 
for  the  promised  interview,  at  the  moment  of  death,  which  Louis, 
with  a  loving  self-denial,  forbore  to  grant.  Charles  the  First,  by  his 
calm  heroism  on  the  scaffold,  assured  the  restoration  of  his  family 
to  the  throne  of  England — and  Louis,  treading  with  equal  fortitude 
in  his  steps,  would  have  achieved  the  same  end  in  respect  to  the 
sovereignty  of  France,  but  for  the  brutality  which  first  bereft  his 
child  of  reason,  and  the  dark  intrigue  which,  under  the  show  of 


60  THE    LOST   PRINCE. 

kindness,  removed  him,  as  probability  indicates,  from  the  country 
he  would  otherwise  have  governed. 

I  have  no  doubt,  that  Lamartine's  judgment  of  the  Count  de 
Provence,  is  correct — that  he  loved  his  brother  as  much  as  it  was 
possible  for  him  to  love  any  one  ranking  above  him — and  can  easily 
conceive,  that  the  blow  which  laid  the  discrowned  head  of  Louis  in 
the  dust,  occasioned  him  as  much  sorrow  as  it  was  possible  for  him 
to  feel  for  any  event,  which  removed  the  chief  apparent  obstacle 
between  him  and  the  throne.  But,  that  he  dreamed  of  permitting 
a  helpless  child  to  remain  a  perpetual  barrier  between  him  and  the 
prize  so  long  coveted,  and  so  nearly  his,  is  an  idea  which  cannot 
be  entertained  by  any  fair  estimate  of  the  probable  motives  and 
aims  of  such  a  character. 

Hitherto,  the  royalist  party,  notwithstanding  the  efforts  of  De 
Provence  and  his  adherents,  had  steadily  resisted  his  assuming  the 
title  of  Regent — and  the  pity  with  which  the  tragic  death  of  the 
king  had  filled  all  hearts,  forbade  any  attempt  to  do  more  than 
adopt  that  dignity  now.  Had  Monsieur,  in  the  face  of  the  indig 
nant  sorrow  of  Europe,  dared  to  assail,  openly,  the  title  of  the 
young  Prince  to  a  throne  that  lay  in  ruins,  it  would  have  for  ever 
defeated  his  ambitious  designs.  No  course  remained  for  him  but  to 
acquiesce  nominally  in  the  general  sentiment,  and  seek  to  accom 
plish  his  wishes  in  a  more  covert  manner.  So  soon,  therefore,  as 
he  received  tidings  of  the  execution  of  his  brother,  and  while  still 
at  Ham,  in  Westphalia,  he  issued  the  following  proclamation. 
This  was  on  the  28th  January,  1V92 : — 

"  Louis  Stanislaus  Xavier  de  France,  son  of  France,  uncle  of  the  king, 
Eegent  of  the  kingdom,  to  all  those  to  whom  these  letters  shall  come, 
greeting  : — 

"  Penetrated  with  horror,  on  learning  that  the  most  criminal  of  men 
have  crowned  their  numerous  outrages,  by  the  greatest  offence,  we  have 
first  implored  heaven  to  obtain  his  assistance  to  surmount  the  sentiments 
of  a  profound  grief,  and  the  movements  of  our  indignation  ;  so  that  we 
may  be  able  to  deliver  ourselves  to  the  accomplishment  of  the  duties 


THB    ORPHANS*  61 

which,  in  circumstances  so  grave,  are  the  first  in  the  order  of  those  which 
the  immutable  laws  of  the  French  monarchy  impose  ^lpon  us. 

"  Our  most  dear,  and  most  honored  brother  and  sovereign  lord,  the 
King,  Louis  XVI.,  of  that  name,  having  died  on  the  21st  of  the  present 
month  of  January,  under  the  parricidal  steel  which  the  ferocious  usurpers 
of  the  sovereign  authority  in  France  have  brought  upon  his  august 
person  : — 

"  We  declare,  that  the  Dauphin,  Louis  Charles,  born  27th  March,  1785, 
is  King  of  France  and  Navarre,  under  the  name  of  Louis  XVIL,  and  that, 
by  the  right  of  birth,  as  well  as  by  the  disposition  of  the  fundamental  laws 
of  th*  ktngdom,  we  are  and  will  be  Regent  of  France,  during  the 
'minority  of  the  king,  our  nephew,  and  lord. 

"  Invested  in  this  quality,  with  the  exercise  of  the  rights  and  powers  of 
sovereignty,  and  of  the  superior  ministry  of  royal  justice,  we,  in  taking 
charge,  being  bound  to  acquit  our  obligations  and  duties,  to  the  effect  of 
employing,  with  the  aid  of  God,  the  assistance  of  the  good  and  loyal 
French  of  all  orders  of  the  kingdom,  and  of  the  recognized  power  of  the 
sovereign  allies  of  the  crown  of  France,  do  pledge  themselves, 

"  1st.  To  the  liberation  of  the  king,  Louis  XVIL,  our  nephew.  2d.  Of 
the  queen,  his  august  mother  and  nurse  ;  of  the  princess,  his  sister,  our  very 
dear  niece  5  of  the  Princess  Elizabeth  his  aunt,  our  very  dear  sister  ;  all 
detained  in  the  severest  captivity  by  the  chiefs  of  faction,  and,  simulta 
neously,  to  the  re-establishment  of  the  monarchy  upon  the  unalterable  bases 
of  the  Constitution  5  to  the  reformation  of  abuses  introduced  into  the 
regimen  of  the  public  administration ;  to  the  restoration  of  the  religion  of 
our  fathers  in  the  purity  of  its  worship  and  canonical  discipline ;  to  tha 
re-establishment  of  the  magistracy  for  the  maintenance  of  order  and  tha 
disposition  of  justice ;  to  the  re-establishment  of  the  French  of  all  orders 
in  the  exercise  of  their  legitimate  rights,  and  in  the  enjoyment  of  all  their 
property  usurped  and  alienated;  to  the  severe  and  exemplary  punishment 
of  crimes ;  to  the  re-establishment  of  the  laws  of  peace ;  and,  in  fine,  to  the 
accomplishment  of  the  solemn  engagements  which  we  have  taken,  con 
jointly  with  our  very  dear  brother  Charles  Philip,  of  France,  Count 
D'Artois,  to  whom  are  united  our  very  dear  nephews,  grandsons  of  France, 
Louis  Antoine,  Due  de  Angoulerae,  and  Charles  Ferdinand,  Due  de  Berri, 
and  our  cousins,  princes  of  the  blood  royal,  Louis  Joseph  of  Bourbon, 


62  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

Prince  of  Conde,  Louis  Henry  Joseph  de  Bourbon,  Due  of  Bourbon,  and 
Louis  Antoine  Henri  de  Bourbon,  Due  d'Enghien,  by  our  deliberations, 
iddressed  to  our  brother  the  king,  llth  September,  1791,  and  other  acts 
emanating  from  us,  in  which  acts  we  persist  and  shall  invariably  persist. 

"  To  which  end  we  command  and  ordain  to  all  French  and  subjects  of 
the  king,  to  obey  the  commandments  which  they  shall  receive  from  us  on 
account  of  the  king,  and  the  commandments  of  our  very  dear  brother 
Charles  Philip,  of  France,  Count  D'Artois,  whom  we  have  nominated  and 
instituted  lieutenant-general  of  the  kingdom,  when  our  said  brother  and 
lieutenant-general  shall  ordain  anything  on  account  of  the  king  and  the 
Regent  of  France.  ****** 

"  Given  at  Ham,  in  Westphalia,  under  our  sign  and  seal  ordinary,  of 
which  we  shall  make  use  for  the  acts  of  governing,  until  the  seals  of  the 
kingdom,  destroyed  by  the  factions,  shall  have  been  re-established — and 
under  the  countersign  of  the  ministers  of  state,  the  Marshals  de  Broglie  and 

de  Castries. 

"  Signed, 

"  Louis  STANISLAUS  XVAIER, 
"  By  the  Regent  of  France, 
"  THE  MARSHAL  Due  DE  BROGLIE. 
"THE  MARSHAL  DE  CASTRIES." 

Now,  on  this  proclamation  I  may  remark,  that  neither  by  the 
right  of  birth,  nor  by  the  disposition  of  the  fundamental  laws  of 
the  kingdom,  was  the  Count  de  Provence  necessarily  Regent  on  the 
demise  of  his  brother.  Precedency  was  in  favor  of  the  regency  of 
the  queen-mother,  and  a  proposition  that  Marie  Antoinette  should 
be  appointed  regent  had  actually  been  made  prior  to  the  imprison 
ment  of  the  royal  family,  but  was  strenuously  opposed  by  the 
adherents  of  Monsieur.  During  the  minority  of  Louis  XIII.,  the 
Queen-mother,  Marie  de  Medicis,  became  regent,  although  an  uncle 
of  the  king,  Gaston,  Duke  of  Orleans,  »  as  alive.  And  so  also  on  the 
accession  of  Louis  XIV.,  Anne  of  Austria,  as  queen-mother,  was  nomi 
nated,  notwithstanding  the  imaginary  "  rights  of  birth  and  fundamen 
tal  laws,"  which  should  have  given  this  office  to  the  brother  of  the 
late  king,  Philip,  Duke  of  Orleans.  He  had  as  little  in  the  will  of 


THE     ORPHANS.  63 

Louis  XVI.  to  rest  on,  as  in  the  customs  and  laws  of  the  kingdom. 
But  to  believe  in  his  own  rights  and  necessity  was  part  of  the  fun 
damental  creed  of  De  Provence.  He  accordingly  issued  another  pro 
clamation  to  the  French  refugees,  in  which  the  same  idea  is  repeat 
ed.  *'  I  have  taken  the  title  of  Kegent  of  the  kingdom,  which  the 
right  of  my  birth,  gives  during  the  minority  of  the  king,  Louis 
XVII.,  my  nephew." 

But,  another  remarkable  portion  of  the  first  of  these  documents, 
is  the  pledge  given  by  the  Regent,  that  he  would  seek  to  accom 
plish  the  liberation  of  Louis  XVII.  from  the  Temple.  We  must 
expect,  therefore,  to  find  the  young  Prince  surrounded  in  prison 
by  the  secret  emissaries  of  the  Regent,  whose  character  leaves  no 
doubt  that  he  would  not  undertake  the  project  without  turning  it 
to  his  own  advantage.  Copies  of  the  Regent's  proclamations  were 
printed  and  spread  through  France  by  millions,  showing  the  vast 
system  of  agencies  under  his  control.  The  Vendeean  army,  under 
La  Rochejaquelin,  proclaimed  Louis  XVII.  king — but  without  any 
recognition  of  the  authority  of  the  Count  de  Provence — which  was, 
however,  proclaimed,  together  with  the  accession  of  the  young  king, 
by  the  Prince  de  Conde,  in  Swabia.  Among  the  European  govern 
ments  there  was  a  general  acknowledgment  of  the  Dauphin  as 
king. 

The  hapless  survivors  in  the  Temple  were,  for  a  time,  sunk  in 
the  lowest  abyss  of  despondency.  But,  necessity  roused  them  to 
action,  and  the  queen  entertained  the  hope  of  escape  in  company 
with  her  children.  One  plot  was  so  ingenious  that  it  would  pro 
bably  have  succeeded,  had  it  been  put  into  immediate  execution. 
But,  delay  was  fatal — and  the  increased  severity  with  which  the 
young  king  was  watched,  rendered  it  impossible  to  effect  his  escape 
— while  Marie  Antoinette  refused  to  avail  herself  of  a  personal 
deliverance  which  would  be  attended  with  the  abandonment  of  her 
son. 

In  the  spring  of  1792,  the  health  of  the  child  began  visibly  to 
decline.  He  suffered  much  from  fever,  pain  in  the  side,  and  gene- 


64  THE    LOST   PRINCE. 

ral  debility — occasioned  in  a  great  measure  by  confinement,  but 
more  by  mental  exhaustion.  It  was  impossible  that  one  so  young 
could  live  in  the  centre  of  the  most  terrific  alarms  and  extreme  revul 
sions,  without  being  weakened  both  in  mind  and  body — and  the 
murder  of  his  father  broke  down  completely  the  elasticity  of  his 
natural  disposition. 

While  he  remained  under  his  mother's  care  everything  was  done 
for  his  relief.  But  the  moment  came  when  he  was  to  be  for  ever 
separated  from  all  that  made  his  young  life  happy.  On  June  3, 
the  Convention  decreed  that  he  should  be  taken  from  his  mother. 
The  queen  resisted  desperately.  But  his  life  was  threatened  unless 
she  complied,  and  she  resigned  him.  For  several  days  both  mother 
and  child  remained  inconsolable  in  their  separation.  But,  thence 
forth,  the  current  of  their  lives  was  to  flow  on  apart,  and  each  had 
soon  their  peculiar  sorrows. 

While  she  remained  in  the  Temple,  the  queen  occasionally  saw 
her  son  on  the  top  of  the  tower,  through  a  chink  in  the  wall,  but 
she  was  soon  deprived  even  of  this  consolation.  On  2d  August,  she 
was  conducted  to  the  Conciergerie  to  await  her  trial.  Her  relatives 
never  saw  or  heard  from  her  again,  except  when  she  sent  to  obtain 
worsted  to  knit  some  stockings  for  her  son.  The  last  letter  of  the 
queen  to  the  Princess  Elizabeth,  in  which  she  committed  to  her  the 
care  of  her  children,  seems  never  to  have  reached  its  destination. 
In  this  letter,  the  same  omission  is  observable  which  we  have 
remarked  in  the  will  of  Louis  XVI.  She  mentions  her  brothers  in 
the  same  brief  manner  with  the  king,  but,  in  compliance  with  the 
wishes  of  her  deceased  husband,  commits  the  care  of  her  children, 
solely  and  entirely,  to  the  Princess  Elizabeth.  M.  Beauchesne, 
indeed,  attempts  to  show  the  affectionate  and  confidential  footing 
on  which  Marie  Antoinette  stood  with  the  Count  de  Provence  and 
the  Count  D'Artois,  by  inserting  a  few  lines,  said  to  be  written  by 
the  queen,  to  each  of  them,  immediately  after  the  execution  of 
Louis  XVI.  If  these  documents  are  authentic,  it  is  not  surprising 
that  at  such  a  dreadful  moment,  she  should  write  half  a  dozen  lines 


THB    ORPHANS.  65 

in  a  tone  of  affection  and  kindness  to  the  brothers  of  her  deceased 
husband.  I  am  inclined  to  look  on  them  as  forgeries  of  Louis 
XVIII.,  because  the  signature  of  the  Dauphin,  appended  to  the  one 
written  to  the  Regent,  a  fac  simile  of  which  is  given  at  the  end  of  the 
iirst  edition  of  "  Clery's  Memoirs,"  does  not  correspond  with  his 
1 1  and  writing  at  the  time,  but  seems  to  belong  to  an  earlier  period. 
Louis  the  XVIIL,  who  showed  the  documents  to  Clery  in  a  very 
dramatic  manner,  evidently,  got  him  to  publish  them  to  create  an 
idea  that  he  had  been  on  the  best  footing  with  the  queen,  which 
every  one  who  knows  their  mutual  relations  during  late  years, 
must  be  satisfied,  was  not  the  case.  But,  be  this  as  it  may,  acts 
speak  more  plainly  than  words;  and  the  distrust  with  which  both 
the  king  and  queen  regarded  their  ambitious  and  scheming  brothers 
is  shown  by  their  committing  at  death  the  heir  of  their  throne 
and  their  misfortunes  to  an  unprotected  and  imprisoned  woman. 

But  the  foresight  of  the  dying  queen  seems  to  have  extended  yet 
further.  She  anticipated  that  efforts  would  be  made  to  keep  her 
children  separate,  and  by  so  doing  lessen  their  mutual  attachment, 
and  destroy  the  power  they  would  possess  so  long  as  they  continued 
united.  It  was  not  difficult  for  the  keen  perception  of  a  woman 
like  Marie  Antoinette,  thoroughly  acquainted  with  all  the  persons, 
elements,  and  interests  at  work,  to  decipher  the  combinations 
which  would  probably  be  attempted  after  her  decease,  and  events 
show  that  she  did  not  err  in  her  calculations.  "I  hope,"  she 
writes  to  her  sister,  "  that  when  they  are  older  they  will  he  reunited 
with  you  " — and  then,  using  language  as  explicit  as  prudence  would 
permit,  she  begs  her  to  remind  her  children,  "  that  their  friendship 
and  mutual  confidence  will  be  their  happiness," — and,  "that 
in  whatsoever  position  they  may  find  themselves,  they  will  be  only 
truly  happy  by  their  union."  It  was  evidently  her  desire,  that, 
avoiding  all  entangling  connections  with  the  families  of  the  Count 
de  Provence  and  the  Count  D'Artois,  her  children  should,  for  their 
mutual  interest,  remain  together  under  the  sole  care  and  guardian 
ship  of  the  Princess  Elizabeth. 


66  THE    LOST   PRINCE. 

But  few  were  the  thoughts  which  the  dying  queen  could  give  to 
this  world.  Her  trial  was  the  burlesque  preliminary  to  the  jndical 
murder,  which  on  16th  October,  1793,  left  the  Dauphin  and  his 
sister  orphans,  unconscious  of  their  loss.  She  died  on  the  scaffold, 
with  the  dignity  and  courage  befitting  her  race  and  station ;  and 
fulfilled  her  dying  wish,  to  show  the  same  firmness  which  had 
distinguished  her  husband  in  his  last  moments,  and  the  calmness 
of  one  whose  conscience  was  at  peace. 


CHAPTER   V. 

SIMON. 

IN  the  Revolution  all  parties  deceived  themselves,  and  every 
individual  miscalculated  his.  interests.  The  king  trusted  in  the 
love  of  his  people — they  brought  him  to  the  scaffold.  Monsieur 
fostered  convulsion  in  the  hope  that  it  would  unseat  his  brother 
and  enthrone  himself — he  was  twenty  years  an  exile.  Egalite  looked 
for  an  Orleans,  instead  of  a  Bourbon  dynasty — the  same  blade  that 
decapitated  the  king  dissipated  the  illusion.  The  ambition  of 
Lafayette  was  to  be  the  Washington  of  America — to  save  life  he 
had  to  abandon  politics.  The  Royalists  fell  before  the  Constitution 
alists — the  Constitutionalists  before  the  Girondists — the  Girondists 
before  the  Mountain — the  Mountain  before  men  as  base  as  them 
selves,  but  less  bloody  because  less  bold. 

On  the  3d  July,  1Y93,  when  the  young  Prince  found  himself 
separated  from  his  relatives,  the  party  of  Marat  and  Robespierre 
was  in  full  and  apparently  stable  power.  They  were  cruel  on 
principle.  They  shed  blood  to  cement  institutions.  It  is  probable, 
they  sincerely  contemplated  a  time  when  the  Reign  of  Terror 
should  cease ;  but  it  was  when  the  guillotine  had  left  no  more  aris 
tocrats  in  France.  To  them  the  death  of  Marie  Antoinette  seemed 
necessary  to  widen  the  breach  between  republican  France  and  ita 


8IMON.  0*7 

enemies,  and  render  a  retnrn  to  royalty  impossible.  They  would 
Lave  killed  the  Dauphin  to  eradicate  the  race,  if  they  could  have 
found  any  justification  for  the  act.  The  weakness  of  childhood 
was  its  defence. 

Simon  was  a  shoemaker,  who  lived  next  door  to  Marat,  in  the 
Rue  de  Cordeliers — and  it  is,  perhaps,  to  this  circumstance  that 
history  owes  its  acquaintance  with  this  interesting  personage.  He 
was  about  fifty-seven  years  of  age,  short,  robust,  and  square,  with 
features  of  sinister  and  repulsive  deformity — coarse  black  hair, 
thick  eyebrows — and  eyes  which,  could  they  have  been  prolonged 
at  their  inner  extremities,  would  have  met  in  a  sharp  angle  about 
the  top  of  the  forehead.  His  wife  was  a  person  of  similar  age ; 
short,  fat,  brown,  and  ugly. 

This  respectable  pair  might  have  passed  quietly  through  life  but 
for  the  Revolution,  which  dislocated  all  conditions,  and  afforded, 
like  all  drunkenness,  an  admirable  facility  for  the  display  of 
character.  To  be  coarse,  brutal,  and  unfeeling,  was  Simon's 
nature — fortune  set  him  on  a  pinnacle,  to  exhibit  to  generations  a 
specimen  of  the  domestic  ruffian.  The  first  effect  of  the  Revolu 
tion,  had  been  to  make  him  an  orator  in  his  section,  and  the 
eloquence  which  might  else  have  been  confined  to  bestowing 
curses  on  Marie  Jeane,  was  soon  exerted,  under  the  shade  of  tho 
trees  in  the  Rue  de  Cordeliers,  in  denouncing  kings,  and  instruct 
ing  sans-culottes  in  the  science  of  self-government. 

Marat,  eminently  qualified  to  act  as  professor  and  confer  degrees 
in  the  college  of  rascality,  into  which  revolutionary  France  had 
rapidly  resolved  itself,  partly,  out  of  neighborly  feeling,  that 
lingering  vestige  of  amiability  in  rogues,  and  partly  out  of  a  just 
appreciation  of  the  latent  genius  for  low  evil  in  his  friend,  pitched 
upon  Simon  as  the  best  person  within  the  range  of  his  acquaint 
ance,  to  give  a  democratic  education  to  the  young  descendant  of 
St.  Louis,  and  destroy  him  if  necessary,  both  in  soul  and  body. 
Robespierre  approved  of  the  nomination,  well  knowing  the  pliant 


68  THE    LOST   PRINCE. 

rascality  of  the  man,  his  revolutionary  enthusiasm,  and  his  fidelity 
in  evil. 

His  patrons  must  have  been  pleased  with  their  discernment, 
when  they  heard  the  celebrated  conversation  between  Simon  and 
the  deputation  from  the  Committee  of  General  Safety.  "  Citizens, 
what  is  to  be  done  with  this  young  wolf?  He  is  insolent.  I  will 
tame  him — but  what,  after  all,  is  desired?  Carry  him  away?" 
"No."  "Kill  him?"  "No."  "Poison  him?"  "No."  "What 
then?"  "Get  rid  of  him." 

This  was  a  refinement  beyond  the  intellectual  ability  of  Simon 
to  originate,  but  he  was  just  the  person  to  carry  it  into  effect. 
He  failed  indeed — but  it  was  through  lack  of  time,  and  the 
baffling  strength  of  his  victim's  constitution. 

Behold  then  the  child  in  company  with  Simon.  He  had  been, 
up  to  that  moment,  accustomed  to  all  ennobling  sentiments  and  all 
endearing  treatment.  Torn  from  the  embrace  of  his  mother,  he 
was  conducted  to  the  chamber  where  he  had  parted  from  his 
father  on  the  eve  of  his  execution,  and  where  he  had,  for  many 
weeks,  enjoyed  his  unremitting  attention  as  his  instructor.  The 
memories  of  the  past  must  have  returned  with  overpowering 
violence.  What  a  change  of  tutors,  from  Louis  XVI.  to  Simon ! 

His  jailer,  being  yet  in  ignorance  \)f  the  designs  of  the  revolu 
tionary  chiefs,  did  not,  at  first,  treat  him  with  full  severity.  He 
taunted,  but  did  not  beat  him.  Grief  kept  the  weeping  child 
silent  for  a  time.  He  declined  food.  Then,  a  sense  of  wrong 
inflamed  him  to  demand,  indignantly,  by  what  law  he  was  separated 
from  his  mother;  but  obtaining  no  reply,  he  resigned  himself  in 
apathy  to  his  fate. 

After  two  days,  Simon,  beginning  to  enter  into  the  spirit  of  his 
employment,  attempted  to  teach  him  to  chant  the  Carmagnole  and 
cry,  "Vive  la  Eepublique."  Being  unsuccessful,  he  gave  him  a 
hurdy-gurdy.  "  Thy  wolf  of  a  mother,  and  thy  dog  of  an  aunt,  play 
on  the  harpsichord.  You  must  accompany  them.  It  will  make  a 


SIMON.  69 

nice  hurly  burly."  The  child  refused,  because  he  would  not  insult 
his  mother — and  received  his  first  blow  as  a  punishment.  Similar 
scenes  occurred,  and  being  still  strong,  he  resisted  with  spirit. 
"Animal,"  said  Simon,  in  reply  to  his  expostulations  against 
corporeal  punishment,  "I  am  here  to  command  you,  and  can  do 
what  I  please.  Liberty  and  equality  for  ever!" 

As  soon  as  he  learned  definitely  the  indefinite  powers  conferred 
on  him,  he  began,  in  earnest,  his  system  of  brutalization,  and  did 
everything  to  corrupt  the  morals,  and  break  down  the  constitution 
of  his  victim.  "  He  has  no  children,"  cried  the  agonized  Macduff, 
when  informed  of  the  pillage  of  his  castle,  and  the  slaughter  of 
his  wife  and  little  ones;  and  the  inhumanity  of  the  childless 
Simon  is  a  good  commentary  on  the  fidelity  to  nature  of  the  poet. 

A  few  days  after  his  entry  on  his  employment,  the  news  arrived  of 
the  capture  of  Cond6  by  the  Austrian  army — "  Damned  wolfs  cub," 
said  Simon  to  the  child,  "  you  are  half  Austrian — you  deserve  to  be 
half-killed."  The  14th  July,  was  the  anniversary  of  the  taking  of 
the  Bastile,  but  the  popular  joy  on  the  occasion  was  maddened 
into  frenzy,  by  the  assassination  of  Marat  on  the  previous  evening. 

When  this  news  reached  the  apartment  of  Simon  and  his  pupil, 
as  soon  as  the  first  outburst  of  grief  and  rage  was  over,  the  jailer 
determined  to  celebrate  the  combined  feast  and  fast  of  revolution  in 
a  characteristic  manner.  He  obtained  wine,  brandy,  and  pipes,  and 
carried  his  wife  and  the  child  to  the  platform  of  the  Tower.  The 
mingled  sounds  of  merriment  and  mourning  from  the  city  below 
ascended  to  their  ears — and,  as  the  drunken  revel  on  the  Tower 
increased,  Simon  amused  himself  by  puffing  tobacco-smoke  in  the 
Prince's  face,  and  telling  him  that  the  mourning  which  he  still  wore 
for  his  father,  was  only  retained  for  the  sake  of  Marat.  "  Ah,  ha, 
Capet  is  in  mourning  for  Marat."  It  was  thus  that  every  public 
event  which  happened  in  those  exciting  times — every  reverse  of 
the  republican  arms — every  disaster  in  the  city  was  made  an  occa 
sion  of  ill-treating  the  unfortunate  child — of  dragging  him  about 
by  the  hair— lifting  him  by  his  ears— dashing  his  head  against  the 


70  THE   LOST   PRINCE. 

wall — stifling  him  with,  smoke — taunting  him  with  the  misfortunes 
and  asserted  crimes  of  his  family — and  telling  him  revolting  stories 
of  his  mother  and  other  female  relatives. 

His  beautiful  hair  and  his  mourning  were  offensive  to  his  jailer, 
who  despoiled  him  of  both — put  the  red  cap  on  his  head,  compelled 
him  to  drink  to  intoxication,  and,  in  this  state,  taught  him  to 
swear,  to  sing  revolutionary  songs,  and  repeat  odious  tales  concern 
ing  his  mother,  which  he  afterwards  adduced  as  evidence  against 
her. 

Before  the  removal  of  Marie  Antoinette  from  the  Tower,  she 
had  the  misfortune  to  see  the  wretched  child  in  company  with  his 
jailer  in  one  of  his  fiercest  paroxysms  of  rage — and  to  find  him  fast 
becoming  a  wreck  in  body  and  in  mind.  To  enter  into  all  the 
revolting  details,  which  M.  Beauchesne  has  carefully  collected,  is 
not  necessary  for  my  purpose  in  this  chapter.  I  simply  wish  to 
show  the  gradual  manner  in  which  the  constitution  of  the  child 
was  broken,  and  his  mind  destroyed.  His  beauty  began  to  desert 
him ;  the  alternate  flush  and  pallor  of  drunkenness  succeeded  to  the 
rich  hue  of  health.  The  knowledge  he  had  acquired  under  the 
teaching  of  his  father  and  his  successive  tutors  was  soon  lost — his 
proficiency  in  writing,  which  had  been  remarkable  in  a  child  of 
his  age,  was  changed  into  a  slow, 'painful,  and  almost  illegible 
scrawl,  scarcely  sufficient  to  sign  his  name — and  the  rapid  pro 
gress  of  demoralization  and  imbecility  cannot  be  better  shown  than 
by  the  hideous  accusations  he  was  compelled  to  make  against  the 
mother  he  had  loved  so  much. 

The  day  of  the  execution  of  Marie  Antoinette  at  length  arrived. 
The  princesses  were  entirely  ignorant  of  what  was  going  forward. 
Simon  himself,  who,  devoted  entirely  to  his  charge,  lived  "in 
great  isolation,  suspecting  the  truth  from  the  unusual  stir  in  the 
city — but,  not  certain  that  it  was  the  case,  carried,  as  was  his 
wont  on  all  public  occasions,  his  wife  and  the  Prince  to  the  platform 
of  the  Tower — and,  in  consideration  of  the  occasion,  permitted  the 
child  to  play  at  ball  while  the  procession  was  marching  to  the 


SIMON.  71 

scaffold.  Ho  then  made  a  bet  with  his  wife,  that  it  was  the 
moment  of  the  queen's  execution — and  amused  himself  in  the  even 
ing  by  making  the  poor  child  drink  some  of  the  brandy  which  his 
wager  purchased. 

For  somewhat  more  than  six  months  this  fearful  tyranny  conti 
nued.  Simon  confined  himself  in  the  strictest  manner,  and  with 
conscientious  fidelity,  to  the  limits  of  his  assigned  duty.  He  would 
have  been  ready  at  any  moment,  had  the  command  been  issued,  to 
put  the  child  to  death — but  his  commission  did  not  extend  beyond 
the  slow  process  of  demoralization  and  domestic  ill-treatment,  by 
which  murder  might  ape  the  appearance  of  natural  decay. 

Of  all  the  crimes  with  which  the  Revolution  is  stained,  there  is 
not  one  which  in  demoniac  atrocity  can  be  compared  to  this.  The 
drunken  assassins  of  September  are  innocent  to  those  who,  in  cool 
blood,  could  conceive  such  a  project  for  ridding  themselves  of 
a  child  whose  only  crime  was  the  misfortune  of  his  birth. 

Simon  set  himself  to  his  task  with  scientific  zest,  patience,  and 
perseverance.  He  had  no  idea  of  hurrying  a  work  which,  to  be 
done  well,  must  be  done  with  the  forbearance  of  death  in  its  most 
insidious  advances.  It  was  sufficient  that,  every  hour  made  the 
child  a  hair's  breadth  worse  in  mind  or  body  than  he  was  the  pre 
ceding — that  no  petty  irritation — no  insult — no  wrong  which  the 
ingenuity  of  malice  could  suggest  was  omitted — that  no  oppor 
tunity  was  passed  by  to  impair  a  virtue  or  to  implant  a  vice,  to 
take  away  a  grace  or  add  a  vulgarity.  He  was  agent  at  once  for 
death  and  hell. 

The  care  and  affection  by  which  the  tenderest  of  mother's  seeks 
to  foster  all  that  is  good,  and  beautiful,  and  healthful,  in  her  only 
child,  were  outdone  by  the  demoniac  devotion  of  Simon  to  the  task 
of  breaking  down  the  constitution,  deforming  the  appearance,  cor 
rupting  the  morals,  and  weakening  the  mind  of  his  pupil.  If  he 
eat,  it  was  to  be  driven  from  the  half-finished  meal  weeping,  and, 
perhaps,  bleeding.  On  one  occasion,  he  narrowly  escaped  the 
destruction  of  his  eye  by  a  blow  inflicted  at  dinner. 


72  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

If  he  called  the  child  kindly  to  him,  it  was  to  spurn  him  with 
his  foot  to  the  other  side  of  the  apartment.  If  amusement  was 
permitted  or  encouraged,  it  was  to  mock  his  misery,  to  ahuse  his 
parents,  to  caricature  the  downfall  of  his  house,  to  stupefy  him  by 
inebriation,  to  make  him  sing  obscene  songs,  to  teach  him  to  curse, 
blaspheme  and  lie — and  the  child  was  praised  and  encouraged  in 
proportion  as  he  cooperated  in  the  work  of  murder  and  demora 
lization  of  which  he  was  the  victim.  If  his  health  was  broken  down 
too  rapidly,  a  physician  was  sent  for  to  lengthen  out  his  misery,  and 
give  to  murder  the  aspect  of  tenderness.  If  he  revived  more  than 
was  desirable,  some  new  brutality  speedily  reduced  him  to  the  re 
quired  level.  If  a  day  had  passed  without  something  being  done  to 
injure  him,  Simon  would  have  regretted  it,  like  Titus,  as  a  lost  day. 
"When  he  had  been  peculiarly  happy  in  his  combinations,  he  retired 
to  rest  with  the  self-satisfaction  of  a  man  who  has  performed  his 
duty — and  then  arranged  beforehand  some  new  mortification, 
hardship,  indignity,  or  immorality  for  the  ensuing  day. 

In  all  this  he  was  strictly  conscientious.  He  believed  himself 
engaged  in  a  work  for  which  the  Republic  owed  him  gratitude,  and 
to  which  there  was  dignity  attached.  He  was  the  representative 
of  the  French  nation,  performing  an  act  of  retributive  justice  on  the 
offspring  of  a  race  of  tyrants,  and  deserving  the  praise  of  posterity 
by  destroying  the  last  link  in  the  succession.  He  had  arrived  at 
that  depth  of  iniquity  in  which  evil  is  a  man's  good,  and  to  fail  in 
crime  is  to  fail  in  duty. 

"  The  Republic  is  eternal,"  he  said  to  the  child,  one  day.  "  There 
is  nothing  eternal,"  was  the  reply,  and  then,  as  if  struck  with 
remorse  for  the  mistake,  "there  is  nothing  eternal  but  God." 
Even  Simon's  tyranny  was  to  come  to  an  end.  A  more  lucrative 
office  was  offered  him.  He  could  not  retain  the  two.  He  resigned, 
not  without  regret,  his  unfinished  task  in  the  Temple,  but  before  he 
left,  called  the  child  up  to  him,  and  then  felled  him  to  the  floor  with 
his  fist.  Such  was  the  parting  between  the  Prince  and  his 
jailer. 


SIMON.  73 

While  this  scene  of  terror  was  enacting  in  the  Temple,  the  Count 
de  Provence  was  exercising,  with  all  the  pomp  which,  in  his  idea, 
the  situation  demanded,  his  office  of  Kegent  of  the  kingdom.  The 
miseries  which  his  nephew  was  suffering  could  not  be  unknown 
to  him.  But  while  they  were  at  their  height  he  was  plotting, 
through  his  agents,  for  the  establishment  of  his  own  power  upon 
the  ruins  of  the  fallen  monarchy.  It  is  highly  probable  that  these 
emissaries  deceived  him,  and  for  their  own  purposes  reported 
interviews  and  correspondence  with  Danton  and  Robespierre,  which 
had  no  foundation  but  in  their  misrepresentations. 

But,  however,  this  might  be,  the  Eegent  himself  wrote  to  the 
revolutionary  chiefs,  and  imagined  that  he  had  possession  of  the 
clue  to  a  counter  revolution  in  his  own  favor,  in  Paris,  and  that 
the  troubles  would  terminate  by  proclaiming  him  king.  "He 
acknowledged,"  says  Lamartine,  "  as  king,  the  child  then  a  captive, 
who  was  being  slowly  immolated  in  the  Temple.  He  gratified  the 
friends  of  his  brother,  the  Count  D'Artois,  by  appointing  him 
Lieutenant-General  of  the  kingdom — a  painful  but  politic  division 
of  that  ideal  authority  which  these  two  princes  were  going  to 
exercise  in  exile.  Recognised  by  the  army  of  Conde  and  by  the 
Empress  of  Russia,  he  addressed  solemn  proclamations  to  Europe 
and  to  the  army  of  Conde  at  each  tragic  blow  struck  by  the 
Convention  against  the  members  of  the  royal  family.  He  fomented, 
with  all  his  efforts,  the  troubles,  the  insurrections,  the  civil  wars 
of  the  South,  and  La  Vendee.  He  received  all  the  distinguished 
negotiators  from  France,  and  all  the  political  adventurers  who 
throw  themselves  between  two  causes,  less  to  serve  them  than  to 
serve  themselves. 

"  His  court  and  his  council  were  the  perpetual  focus  of  plans,  of 
chimeras,  of  conspiracies,  real  or  imaginary,  of  the  corruption  of 
generals,  of  the  venality  of  the  Tribune,  and  movements  of  the 
people,  with  which  the  men  of  intrigue  amused  the  idleness  or 
flattered  the  importance  of  the  exiled  courts.  He  there  imbibed 
the  feeling  and  the  taste  for  those  secret  reports,  for  that  confidence 

4 


74  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

in  underlings,  for  those  intrigues  of  diplomacy,  of  police,  of  govern 
ment,  for  that  domestic  favoritism  and  that  personal  labor  which 
afterwards  distinguished  him  on  the  throne.  lie  there  maintained 
that  royal  attitude,  and  that  distance  between  him  and  the  crowd 
which  he  never  allowed  to  be  violated,  exqept  by  a  few  confidants. 
He  knew  the  prestige  of  distance  for  men  and  for  things,  and 
constantly  withdrew  from  events  and  from  observation,  to  main 
tain  a  more  imposing  attitude.  He  assiduously  studied  there  the 
history  of  his  country  and  his  race,  in  order  to  personify  in  himself 
the  power,  the  kings,  and  the  grandeur  of  his  house,  and  to  recall 
some  day  in  himself  alone,  all  the  illustrious  men,  or  at  least  all  the 
mementos  of  his  race.  He  prepared  himself  incessantly  for  the 
throne,  never  doubting  that  he  would  be  recalled  to  it  by  the 
vicissitudes  of  human  affairs,  and  not  wishing  that  his  reign  should 
find  him  for  a  single  day  deficient  in  dignity.  Little  sought  after, 
and  less  beloved,  he  commanded  respect  from  others  by  the  respect 
which  he  Affected  for  himself." 

And  here  I  would  repeat  my  conviction,  that  such  a  man  ever 
seriously  designed  to  permit  the  infant  son  of  Louis  XYI.  to  mount 
the  throne  to  his  prejudice — is  contrary  to  every  probability  which 
knowledge  of  human  character  could  lead  us  to  entertain.  He 
knew  the  child  to  be  possessed  of  a  strong  constitution  and  of 
excellent  natural  abilities — and  that,  in  bringing  him  publicly 
forward,  he  would  be  taking  the  most  effectual  step  to  prevent 
his  ever  being  king  himself— more  especially,  as  the  feelings  of 
loyalty  which  the  Revolution  had  outraged,  and  the  regret  and 
veneration  which  the  memory  of  the  martyred  king  and  queen 
inspired,  would  naturally  centre  on  the  object  that  inherited  their 
name  and  rights,  and  recalled  their  virtues  and  their  sorrows.  The 
man  who,  when  the  monarchy  of  France  stood  erect  in  all  the  here 
ditary  prestige  and  potency  of  centuries,  could  deliberately  contem 
plate  its  overthrow,  and  lay  .his  plans  for  the  humiliation  of  his 
brother,  to  effect  his  own  elevation,  was  not  the  person  to  be  thus 
thwarted  in  his  ambition  by  a  feeble  child  in  prison.  I  could  as  soon 


SIMON.  75 

believe  in  the  sincerity  of  the  kiss  of  Judas  as  in  the  loyalty  of 
Louis  XVIII.  to  Louis  XVII. 

His  acknowledgment  of  him  as  king  proceeded  from  the  same 
policy  which  dictated  the  appointment  of  his  brother  as  Lieutenant- 
Governor  of  Franco.  This  very  division  of  authority  has  in  it 
something  suspicious — for  the  Count  de  Provence  was  not  a  man 
to  weaken  his  power  in  this  manner,  but  through  the  compulsion 
of  political  motive.  And  had  his  own  right  stood  on  a  strong 
foundation,  had  there  been  no  necessity  for  cultivating  the  good 
will  of  the  Count  D'Artois,  to  cover  sinister  designs  and  support 
dubious  claims,  and  give  him  an  interest  in  concealing  crimes 
committed  for  tl^advantage  of  another — he  would  have  kept  the 
reins  of  government  in  his  own  hands. 

But  leaving  the  Eegent  to  his  plots  and  his  ambition,  let  us 
return  to  the  little  sufferer  in  the  Temple,  the  most  fearful  portion 
of  whose  existence  was  now  beginning. 

It  was  a  mistake  in  Marat  and  Kobespierre,  not  to  stipulate  that 
Simon  should  leave  his  wife  behind  when  he  undertook  the  tutor 
ship  of  the  Prince.  Madame  Simon,  though  not  remarkable  for 
sweetness  of  disposition,  was  still  a  woman,  and  did  much  to  soften 
the  severity  of  her  husband's  conduct.  The  beauty  and  innocence 
of  the  boy  won  from  the  first  upon  her  heart.  She  regretted  that 
she  had  no  children  herself,  and  would  have  gladly  been  kind  to 
the  little  captive.  Not  unfrequently  she  interposed  to  check  the 
brutality  of  Simon,  and  paid  all  those  nameless  little  attentions  to  a 
child's  comfort  which  only  a  woman  can  do. 

But,  when  the  child  got  rid  of  Simon's  ill-treatment,  he  lost  his 
wife's  care.  The  authorities  had  lately  grown  economical,  and 
curtailed  in  every  way  the  expenses  of  the  prisoners — and  now 
thought  it  a  useless  outlay  to  keep  a  tutor  for  the  Prince.  They 
therefore  determined  he  should  for  the  future  live  alone. 

He  was,  consequently,  transferred  from  the  apartment  he 
had  hitherto  occupied  to  a  smaller  one,  which  had  been  used  by 
Clery,  his  father's  valet.  It  had  only  one  window,  fastened  by 


76  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

padlocks.  Besides  which,  it  stood  in  a  very  deep  recess,  and  the 
light  was  obscured  by  immense  iron  bars. 

It  was  on  the  19th  January,  1794,  that  Simon  left  him,  and  from 
that  time  till  the  27th  July,  more  than  six  months,  he  remained  in 
solitude.  His  food  was  handed  to  him  through  a  revolving  aperture, 
which  did  not  permit  him  even  to  see  the  person  who  delivered  it. 
During  the  whole  period  the  door  of  his  apartment  was  never 
opened.  No  gleam  of  sunlight — no  breath  of  fresh  air — came  to 
the  little  victim.  To  sweep  his  apartment,  while  strength  per 
mitted  him,  was  merely  to  transfer  the  filth  from  one  place  to 
another. 

A  gruff  voice,  bidding  him  at  evening  go  to  beL  or  calling  him  at 
dead  of  night  to  present  himself  for  inspection  at  an  iron  grating, 
through  which  the  light  of  a  lanthoru  was  thrown  upon  his  person, 
was  his  whole  intercourse  with  the  human  species. 

It  is  difficult  to  conceive  the  physical  condition  to  which  a  child 
would  be  reduced  by  such  confinement.  But,  his  mental  state  sur 
passes  imagination.  He  no  longer  had  liquor  to  inebriate  him. 
For  awhile  he  must  have  pondered  in  silence  over  the  mingled  and 
inexplicable  past,  the  magnificence,  the  power,  the  dreamy  tender 
ness,  the  beauty,  the  terror,  the  tears,  the  strife,  the  humiliation, 
the  heart-rending  separations,  and  the  systematic  brutalization, 
succeeded  by  blank  solitude,  silence,  and  breathless  suffocation — 
and  then — having  no  clue  through  the  labyrinth — intense  feeling 
and  agonising  thought,  would  gradually  yield  to  apathy.  Thus, 
in  loneliness,  and  darkness,  and  filth,  and  intolerable  stench,  devour 
ed  by  vermin,  and  sharing  his  food  with  rats,  all  consciousness 
would  cease,  and  mechanical,  vegetable  life,  devoid  of  memory, 
and  destitute  of  hope,  would  alone  remain. 

But  while  all  was  dead  silent  misery  in  the  apartment  of  the 
child,  the  Revolution  was  advancing  to  its  goal,  with  giant  strides. 

The  5th  March  saw  the  downfall  of  Marat  and  Desmoulins,  the 
last  of  the  fierce  enthusiasts,  who,  too  late,  regretting  the  excesses 
into  which  they  had  fallen,  attempted  to  atone  for  the  past,  by 


SIMON.  77 

stemming  the  torrent  of  blood,  and  perished,  tardy  advocates  of 
humanity.  Then,  succeeded  the  reign  of  death,  when  blood 
drenched  the  soil  of  France,  like  a  hot  thunder  shower.  On  the 
10th  May,  Madame  Elizabeth,  the  sister  of  Louis  XVI.,  poured 
from  her  veins  the  purest  libation  which  had  yet  fallen  on  the 
scaffold.  The  children  were  now,  doubly  orphqge,  but  they  knew 
it  not.  At  length,  came  27th  July — and  Eobespierre,  who,  a  little 
more  than  a  month  previously,  had  proclaimed  the  existence  of  God, 
fell  beneath  his  retributive  power.  Many  a  prison  door  was  then 
thrown  open — and  among  themj  that  of  the  apartment  of  the 
young  Prince,  who^e  sufferings  were  ameliorated  at  nearly  the  same 
time  when  Simon  accompanied  his  master,  Eobespierre,  to  the 
scaffold. 

Baras,  commandant  of  the  National  Guard,  appointed  a  man 
named,  Laurent,  keeper  of  the  Temple.  But  his  powers,  in  respect 
to  the  prisoners,  were  of  a  very  limited  character,  and  liable, 
in  all  things,  to  be  controlled  by  the  acting  commissary,  who 
visited  the  prison  daily.  As  soon,  however,  as  Laurent  entered  on 
his  employment,  he,  naturally,  visited  the  different  chambers  of  the 
Temple,  to  see  the  condition  of  the  prisoners. 

It  was  night-time  when  he  first  came  to  the  door  of  the  young 
Prince.  The  lanthorn  was  applied  as  usual  to  the  grating,  and  tho 
child  summoned  to  the  door.  But  no  reply  was  made  to  the  loud 
and  repeated  calls  on  him,  to  rise  and  show  himself.  He  had,  in 
fact,  now,  lost  the  power  of  motion  as  well  as  of  mental  conscious 
ness.  A  feeble  sound,  showing  he  was  still  alive,  was  all  that  came 
from  the  suffocating  stench  of  the  dungeon. 

The  barricaded  door  was,  at  last,  broken  open,  and  Laurent  and 
his  associates  made  their  way  as  well  as  they  could,  to  the  bed-side 
of  the  captive.  The  chamber  smelt  like  the  grave,  and  was 
hideous  as  gloom,  filth,  and  pestilential  air  could  make  it.  The  last 
food  received  by  the  child  was  untouched.  He  was  worn  to  a 
skeleton.  His  livid  skin  was  scarcely  visible  for  dirt.  He  was 
covered  with  vermin.  There  was  vermin  everywhere — on  the  bed, 


78  XHE    LOST   PRINCE. 

on  the  floor,  on  the  walls,  in  every  fold  of  the  rags  which  hung 
about  him.  They  were  matted  in  his  hair,  and  knitted  in  every 
hollow  of  his  body.  The  noise  around  him  made  him  tremble — 
but  he  did  not  stir.  He  answered  to  no  question.  He  was  con 
scious  of  nothing.  He  breathed.  His  open  eyes  had  no 
expression.  The^color  had  changed.  He  had  the  look  not  of  a 
fool,  lut  of  an  idiot*  His  bones  seemed  protruding  angularly 
from  his  skin — for  he  had  no  flesh  to  conceal  them.  Both  his 
knees  and  his  elbows  were  covered  with  tumors,  the  result  of  long 
confinement,  bad  usage,  and  depression  of  spirits. 

A  few  hours  more  of  such  solitude  would  havg  ended  his  career. 
God  willed  'otherwise,  and  he  survived.  He  was  to  enter  on  a  new 
stage  of  his  chequered  existence,  under  altered  circumstances, 
which  we  will  pause  to  review. 


CHAPTER    VI. 

INTEIGUE. 

"  THE  Republic,"  said  Robespierre,  "  falls  with  me."  The  pro 
phecy  was  true,  and  based  on  a  profound  insight  into  the  elements 
at  work  in  France.  The  Revolution  had  spared  no  one  capable  of 
conducting  it  to  a  successful  issue,  and  of  founding  a  stable  and 
compact  structure  on  the  bloody  pedestal.  To  do  so,  required 
incorruptible  honesty  and  single-minded  devotion  to  an  idea.  Tho 
race  of  unselfish,  albeit,  bloody  devotees  to  principle  was  fast  dis 
appearing.  The  great  revolutionary  chiefs  had  successively  fallen 
— all  with  whom  the  Revolution  from  its  earliest  stages  had  been 
identified — and  he  was  the  only  person  who  inherited  the  memories 
of  the  past.  To  strike  at  him  was  to  repudiate  that  past,  to  stig 
matize  its  deeds  as  crimes,  and  say — France  has  awoke  from  her 
dream  of  blood,  and  will  no  more  of  it.  She  sought  liberty,  but 

*  Beauchesnc,  vol.  ii.  p.  263. 


INTRIGUE.  79 

ghe  found  hell,  and  cannot  lovo  institutions  which  entwine  them 
selves  with  a  name  she  abhors.  The  jubilant  crowds  who  attend 
ed  Robespierre  to  the  scaffold,  chanted  the  requiem  of  the  Kevo- 
lution. 

From  that  moment  began  a  new  era.  Its  ultimate  form  was  all 
uncertain.  But  full  scope  was  open  for  speculation,  for  ambition, 
for  intrigue,  for  plots  and  counterplots,  and  every  evil  work  which 
shuns  the  light.  Bold,  avowed  action  was  over.  The  dominant 
party — more  sanguinary  than  Robespierre — were  compelled  to  lean 
to  the  side  of  mercy,  and  pursue  a  course  of  moderation  abhorrent 
to  their  principles,  but  in  keeping  with  their  mediocrity.  Every 
thing  took  a  milder  tone.  More  external  decency  prevailed,  pri 
sons  were  emptied,  tribunals  were  more  cautious,  jailers  less 
severe. 

With  respect  to  the  captive,  the  republican  policy,  as  well  as  the 
republican  interest,  was  unchanged.  But,  another  Simon  was  not 
to  be  found,  and  had  there  been,  the  times  would  have  repudiated 
him.  The  condition  of  the  child  was,  therefore,  alleviated,  but 
contrary  to  the  wish  of  those  in  power.  They  admitted  the  per 
plexity  his  life  occasioned  them,  their  unwillingness  to  abate  the 
rigor  of  his  confinement,  and  their  fear  of  attempts  to  seat  him  on 
the  throne.  But  they  shrank  from  the  responsibility  of  extreme 
measures,  and  restricted  themselves  to  such  a  measure  of  neglect 
as  the  newly-awakened  sense  of  decency  rendered  safe. 

From  this  point  we  need  a  critical  examination  of  the  proofs 
adduced  by  M.  Beauchesne  of  the  death  of  Louis  XVII. ;  and  it  is, 
therefore,  necessary  to  inquire  into  the  general  nature  of  his  work. 
It  was  published  in  Paris  at  the  latter  end  of  1852,  and  the  reasons 
which  induced  its  publication  are  thus  stated  in  the  preface  : — 

c:  We  have  understood  from  tho  beginning  of  our  researches  how  it  has 
happened  that  public  opinion  has  never  been  definitely  settled  on  a  point 
imperceptible  in  appearance,  but,  nevertheless,  considerable — the  death  of 
a  child.  France  and  Europe  have  only  assisted  from  afar  in  the  drama  of 
the  Temple — they  have  not  seen  all  tho  scenes — they  have  only  learned 


80  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

the  lamentable  denoument  in  such  a  manner  that  room  ^vas  still  left  open 
for  doubt  Before  the  veil  which  has  enveloped  the  tragical  end  of  the  son 
of  Louis  XVI.,  one  is  not  astonished  to  hear  it  said,  with  the  warmth  of  a 
profound  conviction,  that  the  young  victim  went  out  living  from  his  prison 
It  is  conceded  that  a  child  really  died  in  the  Temple,  but  it  is  added, 
that  if  it  was  the  offspring  of  our  kings,  no  one  could  affirm  it — that  the 
physicians  have  certified  to  his  death,  but  not  to  his  identity — that  it  is 
not  known  how  the  man  in  the  iron  mask  came  on  earth — that  it  is  equal 
ly  uncertain  how  the  infant  was  taken  from  the  Temple,  and  that  the 
tomb  of  the  one  remains  as  mysterious  as  the  cradle  of  the  other." 

Let  me  here  call  attention  to  the  admission  of  H.  Beauchesne. 
]Je  confesses  that,  up  to  the  time  of  the  publication  of  his  work,  no 
proof  had  been  adduced  of  the  death  of  the  child.  Since  the  agi 
tation  of  the  subject  in  this  country,  some  who  profess  to  be  pro 
foundly  versed  in  questions  of  French  history  and  opinion,  have 
assured  us  that  the  death  of  Louis  XVII.  is  as  well  authenticated  as 
that  of  Napoleon.  Let  them  listen  to  M.  Beauchesne.  Had  there 
been  proof  of  the  fact,  his  work  would  not  have  appeared.  It  was 
published  to  supply  a  felt  deficiency.  He  tells  us,  that  up  to 
November,  1852,  "  room  was  still  open  for  doubt,"  and  that,  in 
fact,  there  was  in  France  "  a  profound  conviction"  of  the  Prince's 
existence. 

"It  was  natural,"  he  continues,  "  after  this,  that  impostors  should 
think  they  were  authorized  to  impose  themselves  on  the  world  as  the 
inheritors  of  a  glorious  name."  "The  conviction  of  his  death  has  for  me 
the  character  of  a  certainty,  authentically  demonstrated — a  curse  on  me, 
if  my  mind,  in  possession  of  the  truth,  should  suffer  my  pen  to  lie.  I  have 
spared  neither  care,  nor  research,  nor  study  to  arrive  at  this  truth — I  have 
particularly  known  Lasne  and  Gomin,  the  two  last  jailers  of  the  Tower, 
in  whose  arms  Louis  XVII.  died."  "  We  hope  that  we  bring  to  this  history 
not  only  the  certitude,  but  the  material  authentic  proof  that  the  Dauphin 
of  France,  the  son  of  Louis  XVI.  really  died  in  the  Temple.  I  have  not 
raked  among  these  ruins,  nor  built  this  edifice  to  give  food  to  the  passions 
of  the  day.  I  have  still  less  the  pretension  of  pleading  a  cause." 


INTRIGUE.  81 

It  will  be  seen  that  all  the  fresh  evidence  on  which  ho  relies 
to  settle  the  question,  consists  simply  of  the  testimony  of  Lasne  and 
Gamin,  which,  strangely  enough,  is  not  ushered  before  the  world 
until  after  their  death.  M.  Beauchesne  has  built  a  very  imposing 
structure  on  narrow  and  infirm  foundations.  No  one  who  looked, 
for  the  first  time,  upon  his  portly  volumes,  containing  each  their 
five  hundred  pages,  would  be  apt  to  imagine  that  all  the  solemnly 
heralded  evidence,  which  was  to  lift  up  for  ever  the  veil  from  a 
hitherto  impenetrable  mystery,  dwindled  into  this. 

He  spent,  we  are  told,  twenty  years  npon  the  work — as  much 
as  Gibbon  spent  on  the  Decline  and  Fall — and  there  is  something 
awful  in  the  literary  labor  of  a  mature  intellect  for  twenty  years  upon 
a  single  historic  point.  Either  M.  Beauchesne's  habits  of  composi 
tion  are  very  slow,  or  he  must  have  found  he  had  a  hard  task.  For 
there  is  nothing  novel  in  the  bulk  of  his  work.  Whole  pages  of  it 
are  transcribed  verbatim  from  such  well  known  writers  as  Hue  and 
Clery.  The  novelty  and  the  point  of  his  book  consist  entirely  in 
the  autograph  testimony  of  Lasne  and  Gomin,  taken  from  his  album. 
Here  is  what  Johnson's  ghost  calls  "the  muscipular  abortion"  of 
the  "parturient  mountain." 

But  how  is  it,  that  for  fifty  seven  years,  it  never  entered  into  the 
human  brain  to  substantiate  the  fact  of  the  Dauphin's  death  in  the 
Temple,  by  the  production  of  the  testimony  of  these  men?  IIow 
came  there  such  a  lack  of  discernment  in  the  French  nation? 
Because  there  was  evident  folly  in  the  attempt.  If  the  Dauphin 
escaped,  it  must  have  been  with  the  connivance  of  these  very 
officials.  With  the  same  plausibility  might  a  counsel  for  the 
defence  produce  two  men,  accused  of  stealing  some  article  from 
their  master's  shop,  to  prove  that  it  was  not  stolen.  Fifty-seven 
years  work  wonderful  revolutions — but  cannot  make  testimony, 
which  has  been  worthless  all  that  time,  worth  anything  now. 

Concerning  M.  Beauchesne  and  his  motives,  I  know  nothing, 
and  will  not  trouble  myself  with  conjecturing.  I  will  take 
his  narrative  as  it.  stands.  The  renewed  attention  I  have 

4* 


82  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

given  to  his  work  has  not  lessened,  but  confirmed  my  conviction 
of  the  insufficiency  of  his  testimony,  and  of  the  weakness  of  his 
position.  So  far  from  allaying  doubt,  his  narrative  more  com 
pletely  throws  the  question  open — and  the  nearer  we  approach  the 
heart  of  the  mystery,  the  more  profound  is  the  conviction  that, 
whether  Louis  XVII.  be  now  alive  or  not — which  is  a  question  for 
after-consideration,  there  is  no  proof  that  he  died  in  the  Temple — 
nay,  no  probability — and,  further  still,  no  possibility — if  the  inquiry 
be  limited  to  the  question,  whether  the  body  represented  as  his 
was  really  so  or  not.  And  this  is  the  issue.  It  is  not  pretended 
that  he  died  at  any  other  time  than  the  8th  June,  1795 — nor  under 
any  other  circumstances  than  those  specified  by  Beauchesne. 
Whoever,  therefore,  desires  to  prove  the  death,  must  first  show  that 
under  the  circumstances  it  was  physically  possible.  And  here,  I 
apprehend,  will  be  an  insuperable  bar. 

Laurent  who  was  appointed,  on  the  fall  of  Robespierre,  guardian 
of  the  children  of  Louis  XVI.  was  a  man  of  private  property,  not 
devoid  of  taste,  information,  and  good  feeling,  but  a  zealous  repub 
lican,  and  devoted  to  the  interests  of  his  party.  His  appointment 
was  an  index  of  the  times.  From  him,  nothing  unworthy  could 
be  asked — but  care  was  taken  that  his  appointment,  which  gave 
dignity  to  the  position  of  the  Convention,  should  be  of  as  little 
service  to  the  child  as  possible.  He  was  permitted  to  visit  the 
captive  only  at  particular  periods,  and  then  but  for  a  short  time. 

To  the  child,  however,  in  the  vegetable  condition  of  life  to  which 
lie  was  now  reduced,  solitude  was  no  longer  a  hardship.  He  had 
now  fallen  into  that  listless  apathy  which  distinguished  him,  as 
far  as  we  have  any  reliable  accounts,  to  the  last  moment  spent  in 
the  Temple.  He  had  sense  enough  to  play  mechanically  with  a 
toy  or  a  flower,  but  felt  no  want  of  companionship. 

I  have  mentioned  that,  on  the  opening  of  his  chamber,  his  knees 
and  elbows  were  covered  with  swellings,  the  result  of  filth  and 
confined  air.  The  location  of  these  swellings  is  not  only  a  means 
of  distinguishing  the  Prince  from  the  substitute  who  died  in  the 


INTRIGUE.  83 

Temple,  on  the  8th  June,  but  of  establishing  the  identity  of  the 
child  at  this  period,  in  the  Temple,  with  the  one  seen  and  reported 
on,  by  Harmand.  He  also  suffered  from  a  continual  pain  in  the 
head,  which  was  so  extreme  that  the  slightest  touch  made  him 
groan ;  and  he  could  neither  endure  a  comb  to  be  passed  through 
his  matted  hair,  nor  even  the  gentle  friction  attending  the  applica 
tion  of  ointment.  But  change  of  air,  cleanliness,  plain  wholesome 
food,  the  absence  of  all  irritation,  and  profound  repose,  gradually 
revived  his  corporeal  strength,  though  his  mind  continued  pros 
trate  and  unobservant. 

But  while  he  was  thus  slowly  recovering,  the  name  of  Louis 
XVII.  was  the  rallying  point  of  hope  to  tens  of  thousands  in 
France,  and  the  perplexities  of  the  Convention  daily  increased. 
It  seemed  alike  dangerout  to  keep  him  in  the  heart  and  centre  of 
political  intrigue,  or  to  banish  him  from  the  country. 

The  position  of  the  royalist  refugees,  at  this  period,  was  peculiar. 
The  Count  de  Provence,  who  had  usurped  the  title  of  Regent,  held 
his  court  at  Verona — and  the  Count  D'Artois,  at  Arnheim,  while 
the  Prince  de  Conde,  with  his  army,  was  actively  engaged  on  the 
Rhine.  The  Regent  had  little  power  over  the  other  two,  and  his 
position,  so  long  as  the  Prince  was  known  to  survive,  was  embar 
rassing  in  the  extreme. 

At  first,  the  brothers  had  hoped  for  assistance  from  foreign 
courts,  but,  with  the  exception  of  Russia,  none  officially  acknow 
ledged  them,  though  they  clandestinely  received  and  corresponded 
with  their  agents.  The  war  in  La  Vendee  promised  no  profitable 
results ;  mainly  because  the  two  princes  would  not  risk  themselves 
on  the  scene  of  action.  Disappointed,  however,  in  his  expecta 
tions  of  foreign  aid,  the  principal  trust  of  the  Regent  was, 
nevertheless,  in  La  Vendee,  and  on  his  agents  and  intrigues  in 
France. 

In  La  Vendee,  and  especially  among  its  chiefs  and  generals, 
loyalty  was  a  religion  and  a  passion — no  thought,  unworthy  the 
hero,  the  martyr,  or  tho  patriot,  burned  in  the  bosoms  of  the 


84  THE    LOST   PRINCE. 

peasant  warriors  or  their  glorious  leaders.  Unstained  by  corrupt 
intrigue,  unwarped  by  selfish  ambition,  they  fought  and  bled  for 
what  they  deemed  the  right. 

But  they  distrusted  the  Regent,  and  unfurled  their  banner  solely 
for  the  captive  monarch  of  the  Temple.  To  obtain  possession  of 
him  was  their  great  object,  and  it  may  be  easily  seen,  that  while 
nothing  could  be  more  detrimental  to  the  ambitious  designs  of  the 
Regent,  than  to  permit  them  to  do  so,  his  agents  could  only 
approach  them  successfully  by  feigning  an  interest  in  the  Prince, 
and  promising  to  procure  his  escape,  and  his  surrender  to  them. 

From  these  agents  in  the  interior,  the  Count  de  Provence 
derived  hopes  of  a  speedy  movement  in  his  favor — and  held  inter 
course,  real  or  imaginary,  with  the  heads  of  the  French 
government.*  There  is  far  more  probability,  that  the  men  now  in 
power  would  intrigue  with  him,  than  those  in  previous  periods. 
The  principal  royalist  agents,  were  the  Count  B'Entraignes, 
Lemaitre,  Laville  Heurnois,  and  the  Marquis  de  Fenouil.  They 
assumed  the  appearance  of  republicans,  and  often  deceived  the 
French  government,  making  their  way  into  places  least  to  have  been 
expected.  They  swarmed  in  Paris,  and  availed  themselves  of  the 
wide-spread  sympathy  in  favor  of  the  children  of  Louis  XVI.  to 
increase  the  popular  dissatisfaction  with  the  Republic,  and  the 
desire  to  return  to  monarchy.  In  addition,  royalist  journals  began 
openly  to  advocate  a  counter-revolution,  and  though  prosecuted, 
the  editors  escaped  with  impunity.  Thus,  while  there  was  much 
to  discourage  the  Regent  in  the  apathy  shown  by  European  courts, 
there  was  everything  in  the  internal  condition  of  France,  evi 
dently  in  a  transition  state,  to  promise  the  fulfilment  of  his 
original  expectation — that,  his  nephew  being  removed,  the  Revolu 
tion  would  terminate  by  elevating  him  to  the  throne. 

After  being  guardian  to  the  Prince  for  some  months,  Laurent,  a 
man  of  social  habits,  felt  wearied  with  the  incessant  servitude,  and 
applied  to  the  Committe  of  General  Safety  for  a  colleague.  On  the 

*  Thiers,  vol.  iii.  p.  281. 


ISTTRIGUE.  85 

8th  November,  a  man  named  Gomin,  was  appointed  to  assist  him, 
In  tins  nomination  we  find  the  first  traces  of  the  influence  of  the 
Kegeiit  in  the  Temple,  on  which,  according  to  his  proclamation, 
his  eye  had  been  long  fixed  with  the  design  of  removing  the  king. 

Hitherto,  his  agents  had  been  unable  to  gain  any  footing  there, 
but,  under  the  altered  condition  of  things,  the  case  was  different. 
"M.  le  Marquis  de  Fenouil,  who  knew  Gomin  intimately,"  says 
Beauchesne,  an  unimpeachable  witness  on  such  a  point,  "  had, 
thanks  to  certain  soi-distant  patriotic  intrigues,  which  he  knew 
how  to  manage  and  employ  with  art,  contributed  powerfully  to  a 
nomination,  which  was  a  guarantee  for  the  royalist  party."  In 
other  words,  Gomin  was  placed  in  the  Temple  by  one  of  the  crea 
tures  of  the  Count  de  Provence,  to  act  according  to  instructions. 
"We  may  be  certain,  that  the  pretended  republican  intrigues — the 
nature  of  which  Beauchesne  is  careful  not  to  mention — had  rela 
tion  to  Louis  XVII.,  both  because  by  virtue  of  them  he  gained 
the  power  of  nominating  his  keeper,  and  also,  because  when  ho 
had  placed  Gomin  in  the  Temple,  he  kept  up  a  constant  corres 
pondence  with  him,  by  means  of  Doisy,  his  valet  de  chambre, 
who,  under  pretext  of  being  a  relative,  went  frequently  to  visit 
him,  and  converse  respecting  La  Vendee  and  the  Prince.* 

There  was  also  another  royalist,  named  Debierne,  who,  being 
appointed  acting  commissary,  opened  instant  communication  with 
Gomin  concerning  the  escape  of  the  Prince,  and  received  the  pro 
mise  of  his  co-operation.t  Gomin  and  Debierne  were  in  the  habit 
of  holding  stealthy  interviews  in  the  apartment  of  the  steward, 
Lienard,  who  also  acted  as  a  sentinel.  Debierne,  as  well  as  Doisy, 
falsely  represented  himself  as  a  relative  of  Gomin,  and  und*r  this 
pretext  came  frequently  to  see  him.  He  brought,  at  first,  play 
things  for  the  Prince,  then  showed  Gomin  some  assi gnats  issued  in 
the  name  of  Louis  XVII.,  and  made  payable  on  the  Restoration, 
lie  also  informed  the  keeper  of  a  design  for  carrying  the  young-  king 
into  La  Vendee.  "  The  good  heart  of  Gomin,"  says  Beaucha«ue, 
*  Beauchesne,  voL  ii.,  p.  208.  t  Ibid. 


80  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

"  opened  itself  to  this  hope  with  a  lively  joy."  Here,  then,  we 
find  evidence  that  the  agents  of  the  Regent  were  playing  with  both 
parties — the  Convention  and  the  Vendeeans — and  that  Gorain 
entered  fully  into  the  scheme  for  the  removal  of  the  captive. 
On  another  occasion,  whenDebierne  came  to  see  "his  accomplice1' 
— the  word  accomplice  is  that  used  by  Beauchesne — he  brought 
concealed  under  his  cloak  a  dove  or  pigeon.  The  sight  of  it  occa 
sioned  Gomin  some  anxiety — as  it  was,  in  truth,  a  very  suspicious 
present — and,  if  discovered,  likely  to  compromise  him  with  the  act 
ing  commissaries.  But,  he  concealed  it  under  his  cloak,  and  car 
ried  it  into  the  Tower. 

In  all  this  we  may  see  the  way  slowly  paved  for  future  action. 
Here,  without  controversy,  is  proof  that  the  royalist  agents  were 
plotting,  in  the  end  of  the  year  1794,  to  remove  the  Prince — that 
Fenouil,  Doisy,  Debierne,  Gomin,  and  probably  Lienard,  were  in 
the  plot — that  meetings  were  held  for  consultation  in  the  apart 
ments  of  one  of  the  sentinels,  who  had  the  responsible  post  of 
steward,  and  all  they  waited  for  was  the  formation  of  some  definite 
plan  to  carry  their  design  into  execution.  And,  now  let  us  turn  to 
the  state  of  feeling  in  the  Convention,  and  to  the  action  of  the 
government  respecting  the  Prince,  and  see  if  we  can  discover  any 
thing  which  corresponds  with  the  events  going  on  within  and 
around  the  Tower,  and  any  clue  to  the  intrigues  of  the  Marquis  de 
Fenouil,  and  to  the  meaning  of  the  project  to  carry  the  child  into 
Ija  Vendee. 

There  had  been  frequent  and  fierce  debating  as  to  what  should 
be  done  with  the  Prince,  when,  on  the  28th  December,  Leguinio 
argued,  that  as  there  was  no  hope  of  quelling  the  royalists  while  he 
remained  in  Paris,  "  measures  should  be  taken  to  purge  the  soil  of 
the  sole  vestige  of  tyranny  that  remained,"  and  moved,  that  he 
should  be  exiled.  But,  on  the  22d  January,  Cambaceres,  on  the 
part  of  the  government  committees,  made  a  report  unfavorable  to 
his  proposition,  taking  the  ground  that  the  expulsion  of  tyrants  had 
always  prepared  the-way  for  their  restoration.  The  Convention 


INTRIGUE.  87 

was  greatly  divided  in  opinion ;  but,  as  the  view  expressed  by 
Cambaceres  seemed  the  wisest,  the  question  was  dropped. 

It  is  not,  however,  from  open  action  that  the  designs  of  such  a 
government  as  the  one  then  ruling  France  can  be  derived.  Only 
eight  days  previous  to  the  report  of  Cambaceres,  a  treaty  had  been 
made  with  Charette,  at  Nantes,  in  one  of  the  secret  clauses  of  which 
the  government  stipulated  to  put  the  young  Prince  and  his  sister 
into  the  hands  of  the  Vendeean  leader,  on  condition  that  the  sur 
render  should  be  delayed  until  June  13,  1795.* 

If  the  reader  will  connect  this  with  the  "certaines  intrigues  soi- 
disant  patriotiques,"  of  Fenouil,  and  the  plot  for  the  young  king's 
removal  into  La  Vendee — he  will  scarcely  have  the  discernment  I 
would  wish  to  attribute  to  him,  if  he  does  not  perceive  the  gradual 
working  and  development  of  a  deep  laid  scheme,  worthy  of  the 
intriguing  genius  of  Louis  XVIII.,  a  very  master  piece  of  Machiavel 
lian  policy,  to  deceive  and  overreach  both  parties.  It  is  not  impro 
bable  that  Cambaceres  and  others  may  have  secretly  lent  their  aid 
in  carrying  out  his  design. 

We  now  come  to  a  portion  of  this  history  of  utmost  importance 
in  many  respects.  I  allude  to  the  visit  of  three  members  of  the 
Committee  of  General  Safety,  to  the  Tower,  to  ascertain  the  state  of 
the  child's  health.  Before,  however,  we  enter  on  it,  let  me  call 
attention  to  one  of  the  most  important  considerations  it  involves, 
viz.  the  mental  condition  of  the  Prince  at  the  time. 

M.  Beauchesne,  without  formally  raising  the  question  or  throw 
ing  the  subject  into  the  shape  of  argument — a  thing  he  carefully 
avoids  throughout — labors  to  prove  that  the  mind  of  the  captive 
was  not  impaired.  This  position  is  necessary  to  give  any  weight 
to  the  evidence  he  adduces  of  his  death.  If  his  reason  was  alienated, 

*  "  Charette,  avait  sign6,  le  IT  Janvier,  dans  le  petit  chateau  de  la  Jaunaie,  pres  de 
Nantes,  un  traite,  dont  les  clauses  secretes  stipulaient  la  remise  entre  ses  mains  du 
jeune  Roi  et  de  la  Princesse,  sa  soeur.  Le  gouvernement  r6publicain  avait  feint  d'ac- 
quiescer  a  ces  conditions,  en  demandant  seulement  que  la  remise  des  enfans  de  Louia 
XVI.,  ne  fut  effectual  que  le  13  Juin,  1795."— Beauchesne,  vol.  ii.  p.  416. 


88  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

then  every  word  which  Lasne  and  Goinin  have  put  into  his  mouth 
is  proof  of  their  falsehood.  They  represent  him  as  not  only  retain 
ing  his  senses,  hut  manifesting  to  the  last  the  most  sprightly  and 
vivid  intelligence,  in  conjunction  with  a  fixed  heroic  determination, 
which  savors  of  the  miraculous. 

The  Duchess  D'Angouleme,  who  derived  her  knowledge  from 
Go'min,  says  her  brother's  mind  "  suffered  from  the  effects  of  the  cruel 
treatment  that  had  so  long  heen  exercised  towards  him,  and  show 
ed  symptoms  of  increasing  weakness ;"  and  again,  that  "  the  horri 
ble  treatment  of  which  he  was  the  victim  gradually  affected  his 
mind,  and  even  had  he  lived,  it  is  probable  he  would  never  have 
recovered  from  the  effects  of  it."  Lamartine  says — "They  had 
brutalized  him  not  only  to  dethrone  him,  but  to  deprive  him  even 
of  his  childish  innocence  and  human  intelligence."* 

On  the  26th  February,  1794,  the  commissaries  of  tho  Temple, 
Laurent  and  Gomin,  reported  to  the  Committee  of  General  Safety, 
that  the  life  of  the  prisoner  was  in  imminent  danger — and,  on 
being  asked,  "  What  was  the  nature  of  the  danger  ?"  they  replied, 
"that  the  little  Capet  had  tumors  on  all  the  articulations,  and 
particularly  at  the  Tcnees — that  it  was  impossible  to  obtain  from  him  a 
single  word — and  that  always,  whether  sitting  or  laying  down,  ho 
refused  all  kinds  of  exercise."  When  questioned  as  to  the  period 
from  whence  this  obstinate  silence  and  systematic  immobility 
dated,  they  said  it  was  since  the  6th  October,  1793,  the  day  on 
wJiich  he  had  been  made  to  sign  a  charge  of  incest  against  his 
mother.  Here  let  me  remark,  that  Gomin  stands  directly  opposed 
to  himself.  As  one  of  the  commissaries^  he  affirmed  that  it  was 
impossible  to  get  a  word  from  him,  and,  in  fact,  that  he  had  never 
heard  him  speak ;  and  yet,  through  M.  Beauchesne,  ho  has  favored 
us  with  particular  accounts  of  his  conversations. 

A  committee,  consisting  of  MM.  Harrnand,  Matthieu,  and  Rever- 
choii,  were  appointed  to  visit  the  prisoner.  They  found  him  in  a 
clean  and  well-lighted  room,  having  no  furniture  but  a  bedstead,  a 

•  Lamartino's  Girondists,  vol.  I.  p.  800. 


INTRIGUE.  89 

table,  and  earthen  stove.  "  The  Prince,"  says  Harmand,  "  was 
sitting  before  a  little  square  table,  on  which  were  scattered  some 
playing-cards,  some  bent  into  the  form  of  boxes  and  little  chests, 
others  piled  up  in  castles.  He  was  amusing  himself  wfm  these 
cards  when  we  entered,  but  he  did  not  give  up  his  play.  He  was 
dressed  in  a  sailor's  jacket  of  slate-colored  cloth — his  head  was 
bare."  Harmand  approached  him,  but  he  took  no  notice. 
He  spoke  to  him,  but  he  looked  steadily  forward  without  any 
change  in  his  position.  He  promised  him  toys,  but  he  stared  with 
steady  and  vacant  indifference.  To  all  questions,  he  answered  nei 
ther  by  gesture,  expression,  nor  word.  Baffled  in  all  attempts, 
Harmand  now  tried  peremptory  command,  which  succeeded  a  lit 
tle  better.  "Monsieur,  have  the  goodness  to  give  me  your  hand. 
He  presented  it,  and  I  felt,  in  prolonging  my  movement  up  to  the 
arm-pit,  a  tumor  at  the  wrist,  and  another  at  the  elbow,  like  knots. 
The  tumors  were  not  painful,  for  the  Prince  showed  no  sign  of 
their  being  so.  The  other  hand,  Monsieur.  He  presented  it  also. 
There  was  nothing.  Permit  me,  sir,  to  touch  your  legs  and  your 
knees.  Ho  raised  himself  up.  I  felt  the  same  swellings  at  the  two 
knees  under  the  joint."  This  mechanical  movement  of  his  limbs  at 
command  was  the  only  indication  of  sense  he  showed  during 
the  whole  interview.  "  He  remained  on  his  seat — his  look  did 
not  change  a  single  instant,  by  the  least  apparent  emotion,  by  the 
least  astonishment  in  the  eyes — he  acted  as  if  we  were  not  there 
and  I  had  said  nothing." 

His  dinner  was  now  brought.  He  eat  without  saying  anything. 
They  threatened  if  he  did  not  speak,  to  remove  the  commissaries 
(Laurent  and  Gomin),  who  were  kind  to  him,  and  send  him  others 
who  might  be  more  disagreeable  to  him.  He  neither  changed  his 
look,  nor  gave  an  answer.  "Do  you  wish,"  inquired  Harmand 
"that  we  should  go  away  ?"  There  was  no  reply. 

The  deputies  began  now  to  question  the  commissaries,  i.  0., 
Laurent,  Gomin,  and  the  acting  commissioner  for  the  day,  as  to  the 
cause  of  this.  "  We  demanded,  if  this  obstinate  silence  had  been 


00  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

really  preserved  since  the  day  when  that  monstrous  deposition 
against  his  mother  had  been  violently  forced  from  him.  They 
assured  us,  that  ever  since  that  day,  the  poor  child  had  ceased  to 
speak.  Remorse  had  prostrated  Ms  understanding"*  These 
words,  preserved  by  Lamartine,  are  omitted  by  M.  Beauchesne, 
who  inserts  three  points  in  their  stead,  though  he  pretends  to  give 
the  narrative  of  Harmand  entire.  He  well  knew  that  a  prostra 
tion  of  the  child's  understanding  would  be  fatal  to  all  the  accounts 
of  pointed  remarks,  and  interesting  conversations,  between  the 
Prince  and  his  jailers,  which  give  so  much  particularity  to  their 
narrative  of  the  last  days  and  hours  of  his  life ;  and,  not  content 
with  omitting  the  testimony  in  respect  to  his  aberration  of  mind, 
accuses  Harmand  of  having  exaggerated  in  his  statement  concern 
ing  the  child's  silence. 

Now,  it  is  undeniable  that  the  commissaries,  in  their  first  report 
to  the  Committee  of  General  Safety,  acknowledged  that  the  Prince 
never  spoke  even  to  them — that  Ilarmand  and  his  colleagues  could 
obtain  from  him,  no  reply  or  token  of  sense — that  Laurent  and 
Gornin  acknowledged  a  second  time  to  them,  that  he  never  spoke, 
and  had  not  done  so  for  months— that  the  deputation  justly  con 
cluded,  that  his  understanding  was  prostrated — that  his  sister 
believed  him  to  be  incurably  insane,  and  that  Lamartine  repre 
sents  him  as  deprived  of  "human  intelligence."  Of  what  value, 
then,  let  me  ask,  is  testimony  which  proceeds  upon  an  entirely  dif 
ferent  hypothesis,  and  which  represents  him  indulging  to  the  last 
in  a  lavish  garrulity  ? 

On  the  29th  March,  1795,  Laurent  left  the  Temple.  He  was 
tired  of  his  employment,  and  wished  to  return  to  his  family,  and 
to  the  care  of  his  private  affairs.  He  parted  with  affection  from 
the  prisoner,  whom  he  had  always  kindly  treated,  and  in  two  days 
afterwards,  the  vacancy  was  filled  by  the  appointment  of  Etienno 
Lasne.  Lasne,  had  formerly  been  a  soldier  in  the  Garde 
Frangaise ;  in  1789,  be  entered  the  National  Guard ;  and  in  1791, 

*  Lamartine,  Ilist.  Restoration,  vol.  i.  p.  808.  Beauchesne,  vol.  ii.  p.  809. 


INTRIGUE.  91 

was  made  captain  of  grenadiers.  'Revolutionary  influences," 
pays  Beauchesne,  "  had  nominated  Lasne,  as  royalist  influences 
Lad  nominated  Gomin,  but  they  both  belonged  to  the  moderate 
party."  As  the  Marquis  do  Fenouil,  Gomin,  and  Debierne,  aro 
proofs  that  it  was  no  unusual  thing  for  royalists  to  appear  in 
republican  garb— and  as  M.  Lasne's  republicanism  was  confessedly 
of  a  moderate  character,  being,  probably,  of  that  convenient 
quality  which  enables  a  man  to  do  whatever  seems  best  for  his 
pecuniary  interests — his  practical  principles  must  be  estimated  by 
his  actions. 

His  republicanism  yielded  to  time,  for  he  was  a  very  loyal  subject 
at  the  ^Restoration,  and,  when  Mr.  Beauchesne  first  visited  him,  in 
1837,  had,  in  his  room,  many  portraits  of  the  royal  family,  including 
some  of  the  Dauphin.  He  had  sufficient  influence  with  Louis 
XVIII.  to  induce  him  to  discredit  the  word  of  an  eminent  physician 
like  Pelletan. 

As  soon  as  Lasne  entered  on  office,  we  find  indications  of  a  dis 
position  to  aid  in  the  escape  of  the  Prince.  The  keys  made  a  great 
noise  in  turning  in  the  locks,  and  ho  accordingly  had  them  care 
fully  oiled.  He  also  denied  the  necessity  of  the  doors  being  closed 
on  the  landings,  and  ordered  them  to  be  left  open.  There  can  be 
no  question  that  these  are  the  very  things  which  would  be  done  by 
a  person  in  his  position,  anxious  to  facilitate  escape. 

The  acting  commissaries,  however,  objected  to  the  doors  being 
left  open,  as  they  said  they  were  put  there  to  be  shut ;  and  Lasne, 
"  knowing  that  all  resistance  would  ~be  untimely,  and  could  only  bring 
suspicion  on  him,"  acceded  in  silence.  There  was  a  perfect  under 
standing  between  Lasne  and  Goinin,  and  they  continued  to  act 
from  beginning  to  end  in  entire  harmony.  They  made  mutual 
arrangements  to  give  each  other  the  fullest  liberty,  and  broke  up 
every  established  usage  which  interfered  with  this.  Hitherto  the 
keys  could  only  be  used  in  the  presence  of  both  the  keepers.  They 
were  now  placed  at  the  disposal  of  either  of  them,  at  any  time. 
Instead  of  the  previous  severe  and  silent  discipline,  they  introduced 


92  THE    LOST   PRINCE. 

music  into  the  tower,  and,  though  unskilled,  Gomin  played  on  the 
violin,  and  Lasne  accompanied  him  with  his  voice ;  all  which  was 
well  calculated  to  distract  attention,  and  accustom  all  who  might 
entertain  suspicion,  to  noise  and  commotion  in  the  hitherto  quiet 
and  monotonous  prison. 

We  are  here  reminded,  by  M.  Beauchesne,  that  the  silence  of  the 
Prince  was  only  relative — in  other  words,  that  he  could  talk  when 
and  to  whom  he  pleased — and  are  informed  that  although  he 
observed,  for  three  weeks,  an  obstinate  silence  towards  Lasne,  he, 
at  length,  yielded  to  the  kindness  of  his  keeper,  and,  during  the  rest 
of  his  life,  took  pleasure  in  chatting  with  him,  especially  respecting 
the  events  of  his  early  childhood,  before  the  Revolution,  of  which 
he  retained  a  distinct  and  clear  remembrance.  u  Contrary  to  his 
Tidbit,"  this  is  admitting  something,  "  he  theed  and  thoud  him  and 
treated  him,  with  familiarity." 

For  reasons  already  given,  and  for  others  which  will  appear  as 
we  advance,  I  can  yield  no  credence  to  these  long  jocose  conver 
sations,  and  shall,  therefore,  merely  allude  to  them  for  the  purpose 
of  denying  in  the  strongest  manner  their  probability.  They  mili 
tate  with  everything  recorded  of  the  captive,  by  those  whose  +esti- 
mony  can  be  credited — they  indicate  a  state  of  mind  entirely 
different  from  what  his  physical  condition  would  require — they  are 
confessed  to  be  exceptions  to  his  usual  conduct — and  unless,  there 
fore,  they  rest  on  evidence,  itself  above  dispute,  they  deserve  to 
have  no  place  in  history. 

But  as  their  improbability,  though  great,  is  far  exceeded  by  what 
we  shall  be  asked  to  believe  hereafter,  I  must  beg  the  reader  to 
observe  that  it  was  three  full  weeks  before  Lasne,  by  dint  of  the 
most  assiduous  and  unremitting  care,  could  get  even  a  look  of 
recognition,  or  the  slightest  intimation  that  his  attention  was 
appreciated. 

Never  since  the  beginning  of  the  Revolution  was  the  prospect  of 
the  royalist  party  so  bright  in  France  as  in  the  spring  of  the  year 
1795.  The  strife  between  the  two  extreme  factions  in  the  state,  the 


INTRIGUE.  93 

royalists  and  the  patriots,  was  severe  and  constant — and  the  former 
obtained  everywhere  the  ascendency.  In  league  with  the  Giron 
dists,  they  became  daily  bolder,  and  caused  decrees,  of  which  they 
made  terrible  use,  to  be  passed  against  them.  "  They  imprisoned 
them,"  says  Thiers,  "  as  accomplices  of  Robespierre,  or  as  having 
had  the  management  of  the  public  money,  without  rendering  any 
account  of  it.  They  disarmed  them,  as  having  participated  in  the 
tyranny  abolished  on  the  9th  Thermidor ;  or,  lastly,  they  hunted 
them  from  place  to  place,  as  having  quitted  their  communes.  It 
was  in  the  south  itself  that  these  hostilities  against  the  unfortunate 
patriots  were  most  active;  for  violence  always  provokes  equal 
violence.  In  the  department  of  the  Rhone  a  terrible  reaction  was 
in  contemplation." 

Those  who  had  fled  from  the  country  in  the  year  1793,  now 
returned  into  it  by  thousands — and  so  powerful  was  the  influence 
exerted,  that  Lyons,  which  had  been  wholly  republican,  became 
now,  as  extreme  in  royalism.  In  the  chief  cities  of  Switzerland, 
shoals  of  emigrants  collected,  ready  to  re-enter  France.  The  res 
toration  of  Louis  XVII.  was  the  universal  cry.*  The  priests  too, 
who  had  fled,  returned  into  France,  declared  that  all  the  ordinances 
performed  by  those  who  had  taken  the  republican  oath  were  void, 
aud  began  to  rebaptize,  remarry,  and  excite  every  popular  hatred 
against  the  government.  From  words  and  recriminations  the  roy 
alists  soon  came  to  blows,  and,  in  many  parts,  blood  was  shed  by 
them,  a  slavishly  as  by  their  enemies  in  past  years.  An  armistice 
was  concluded  with  Oharette,  the  Vendeean  chief,  in  the  secret 
articles  of  which,  the  government  at  Paris  promised  to  re-establish 
the  Roman  Catholic  worship  throughout  France,  and  to  restore 
Louis  XVII.  to  the  armies  of  La  Vendee  and  Brittany  .f 

Paris  was  full  of  reports  concerning  the  disposition  to  be  made 
of  the  Prince,  whose  longer  retention  in  captivity  was  felt  to  be 
impossible.  Various  movements  had  been  made  in  his  favor  by 
foreign  courts.  Spain  had  a  project  of  making  him  king  of 

*  Thiers,  vol.  iii.  p.  262.  t  Beauchesne,  vol.  ii.  p.  843. 


94  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

Navarre.  On  the  other  hand,  it  was  said  that  the  courts  of 
Vienna,  Petersburg,  and  Berlin  designed  to  place  him  on  the  throne 
of  Poland.  There  was  a  general  public  belief  that  attempts  were 
on  the  eve  of  execution  to  carry  him  from  the  Tower.  lie  was  an 
object  of  universal  conversation,  and  everything  betokened  a  crisis. 
Never,  perhaps,  in  the  history  of  the  world,  was  there  a  child  on 
whom  so  many  expectations  and  fears  were  centered — who  stood 
in  the  path  of  so  many  ambitions,  who  had  so  many  potent  rivals, 
anxious  to  remove  him  out  of  their  way,  or  who  was  exposed  in 
such  perfect  helplessness  to  his  enemies.  It  seems  inexplicable, 
that  in  those  times  of  blood,  no  one  was  found  to  deprive  him  of 
life.  Before  the  downfall  of  Robespierre,  it  might  have  been 
effected  without  leaving  a  trace  behind.  Providence,  it  is  all  that 
we  can  say,  destined  he  should  survive. 

At  this  critical  moment,  we  find  him  in  the  hands  of  a  royalist 
keeper,  placed  in  his  position  by  an  intriguing  agent  of  the  Count 
de  Provence,  who,  to  effect  this  end  had,  with  Jesuit  policy, 
feigned  to  be  a  republican.  We  see  this  keeper  closeted  with  roy 
alists,  and  are  permitted  to  hear  enough  of  their  conversations  to 
know  that  they  contemplate  his  removal  from  the  tower  in  which 
he  is  confined.  We  next  find  another  keeper  added  to  the  previous 
one,  who,  though  nominally  republican,  does  everything  which 
would  be  politic  were  he  preparing  for  his  liberation.  In  the 
French  government  we  perceive  men  ready  to  lend  themselves 
to  anything — anxious,  if  the  Republic  survive,  to  remove  the 
child — but  equally  willing,  should  there  be  a  change  in  the  tide,  to 
court  the  favor  of  an  usurper. 

Such  is  the  situation  of  affairs,  when  the  curtain  lifts  upon  the 
scene  of  mystery,  in  which  the  Prince  disappears  from  our  sight. 


DISAPPEARANCE.  05 


CIIAPTER  VII. 

DISAPPEARANCE. 

THE  thirteenth  of  June,  on  which  day  the  Convention  had 
covenanted  to  deliver  the  royal  children  into  the  hands  of 
Oharette,  rapidly  approached.  The  Marquis  de  Feuouil,  though 
endeavoring  to  outwit  the  republican  government,  was  possessed 
of  its  confidence,  and  ostensibly  acting  with  it,  to  overreach  the 
Vend6eans.  Between  him  and  his  creatures  in  the  Temple,  there 
was,  doubtless,  a  complete  understanding  and  a  concerted  plan  of 
operations.  They  could  act  with  greater  freedom,  because  plotting 
against  the  government  under  its  shadow,  with  its  sanction,  and, 
perhaps,  with  the  secret  co-operation  of  some  of  its  members. 
The  lax  discipline  which  prevailed  in  the  Temple ;  the  good- 
natured,  easy,  and  unsuspicious  course  of  the  keepers  towards  each 
other  and  the  guard ;  the  boisterous  fiddling  and  singing,  which 
made  the  stern  old  walls  and  vaulted  staircase  ring  with  unwonted 
merriment ; — were  all  admirably  contrived  to  lull  watchfulness  to 
sleep.  "  Like  master,  like  men,"  is  a  homely  but  true  proverb,  and 
if  the  principal  officials  in  the  Temple  led  a  careless,  jovial  life,  it 
is  not  probable  that  those  on  whom  less  responsibility  rested,  were 
a  whit  more  alert.  The  only  real  difficulty  in  the  way  of  an 
escape,  consisted  in  the  vigilance  of  the  acting  commissaries — offi 
cers,  whose  term  of  duty  lasted  only  for  a  single  day,  and  who,  on 
that  very  account,  were  apt  to  be  strict  and  watchful. 

But  this  was  an  obstacle  easily  evaded.  The  Marquis,  who  had 
secured  the  appointment  of  permanent  officials  in  his  interest, 
could  easily,  when  the  proper  moment  arrived,  obtain  the  nomina 
tion  of  a  royalist  acting  commissary.  That  he  could  do  BO,  is 
evident  from  the  case  of  Debierne;  In  agreement,  doubtless,  with 
a  concerted  scheme,  the  keepers  were  only  obeying  their  instruc 
tions  when,  in  the  beginning  of  May,  1795,  they  wrote  upon  the 


96  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

Register  of  the  Tower,  "  The  little  Capet  is  indisposed" — and  the 
next  day,  "  The  little  Capet  is  dangerously  ill,  and  there  is  fear  of 
his  death."  It  was  necessary  to  go  through  the  formality  of  an 
especial  sickness,  in  order  to  arrive  at  the  formality  of  a  pre 
tended  death.  On  the  6th  May,  1795,  they  were  informed  that, 
M.  Desault,  the  chief  surgeon  in  France,  a  man  of  world-wide  renown 
in  his  profession,  had  been  appointed  to  take  care  of  the  Prince. 

There  is  no  evidence  that  the  physician  considered  his  young 
charge  in  any  danger,  from  which  there  was  not  an  easy  escape. 
He  examined  him  long,  with  great  attention,  and  questioned  him, 
without  being  able  to  obtain  an  answer.  lie  expressed  in  the 
prison,  no  opinion  of  his  condition,  but  ordered  merely,  a  decoc 
tion  of  hops ;  and  on  his  visit  the  next  day,  directed,  in  addition, 
that  his  tumors  should  be  rubbed  with  volatile  salts.  These  pre 
scriptions  are  as  simple  as  can  well  be  imagined.  They  indicate  no 
anxiety — and  this  quiet,  easy  course — hop  tea  and  gentle  frictions, 
was  continued  by  Desault  to  the  very  last.  In  his  conversations 
abroad,  we  are  told  by  M.  Beauchesne,  that  he  said,  that  the 
Prince  u  had  the  germ  of  the  scrofulous  affection  of  which  his 
brother  had  died,  at  Meudon;  but  this  malady  had  scarcely 
imprinted  its  seal  on  his  constitution,  nor  manifested  itself  with  any 
violent  symptom ;  neither  vast  ulcers,  nor  rebellious  ophthalmia,  nor 
chronic  swellings  of  the  joints."  In  the  opinion  of  Desault,  and 
his  opinion  cannot  be  rejected,  the  swellings  on  the  articulations  of 
the  Prince's  body  were  not  scrofulous.  They  had  been  in 
existence  ever  since  his  solitary  imprisonment ;  and,  if  they  were 
scrofulous  tumors,  the  disease  must,  already,  have  been  of  long 
standing,  and  firmly  seated  in  his  constitution.  Instead  of  suffering 
from  scrofula,  Desault  said,  he  was  sinking  under  decline,  occa 
sioned  by  confinement,  and  proposed  an  immediate  transportation 
to  the  country,  hoping  that  good  air,  careful  treatment,  and 
constant  attention,  would  restore  him.  In  a  word,  "He  under 
took,"  says  the  Duchess  D'Angouleme,  "  to  cure  him.* 

*  Filia  Dolorosa,  p.  245. 


DISAPPEARANCE.  97 

It  was  with  difficulty  the  child  could  be  induced  to  take  the 
medicine  prescribed.  The  government  refused  to  comply  with  the 
physician's  request  for  his  removal,  and  hop  tea  and  sal-volatile 
frictions  constituted,  let  me  repeat,  the  whole  treatment  the  child 
received  at  the  hands  of  Desault.  The  frictions  had  no  effect  in 
diminishing  the  swellings,  and  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  conti 
nued  confinement,  but  not  scrofula,  would  soon  have  deprived  the 
child  of  life.  The  only  evidence  of  immediate  danger  adduced,  is  the 
testimony  of  Lasne  and  Gomin,  who  are  themselves  on  trial.  Both 
M.  Hue  and  Madame  Royale  were  forbidden  to  see  him,  so  that  we 
have  none  but  most  suspicious  witnesses  to  prove  his  condition — 
for  no  record  of  Desault's  opinion  remains. 

We  are  told  that  the  child  gradually  became  attached  to  his  phy 
sician,  and,  towards  the  last,  before  he  left  his  apartment,  would 
timidly  detain  him  by  the  skirt  of  his  coat.  This  incident  seems, 
under  the  circumstances,  characteristic  and  natural.  If  he  had 
any  sense  at  this  time,  it  was  just  in  such  acts  of  shy,  sensitive  gra 
titude  that  he  would  show  it. 

"We  now  come  to  the  point  of  mystery.*    Up  to  the  30th  May, 

*  "  On  the  llth  Prairial  (30th  May),  le  Sieur  Brieullard,  the  acting  commissary  for  the 
day,  who  accompanied  Desault,  said  to  him,  in  going  down  the  staircase, '  The  child 
will  die — will  he  not?'  '  I  fear  it ;  but  there  are,  perhaps,  those  persons  in  the  world 
who  hope  it,'  replied  Desault,  the  last  words  which  he  pronounced  in  the  Tower  of 
the  Temple,  and  which,  though  spoken  in  a  low  voice,  were  heard  by  Gomin,  who 
walked  behind  Brieullard. 

"  On  the  12th  Prairial  (31st  May),  the  acting  commissary,  on  his  arrival,  at  nine 
o'clock,  said  he  would  wait  for  the  Doctor  in  the  chamber  of  the  child,  to  which  he 
caused  himself  to  be  introduced.  This  commissary  was  M.  Bellanger,  painter  and 
designer  of  the  cabinet  of  Monsieur  (the  Count  de  Provence,  afterwards  Louis  XVIII.) 
who  lived  No.  21  Rue  Poissonniere.  He  was  an  honest  man ;  the  misfortune  of  his 
benefactor— alas,  in  those  sad  tunes  he  was  almost  an  exception— had  not  dried  up 
the  devotionof  fits  heart.  M.  Desault  did  not  come. 

"  M.  Bellanger,  who  had  brought  a  portfolio  filled  with  his  drawings,  asked  the  Prince 
if  he  liked  painting ;  and,  without  waiting  for  an  answer,  which  did  not  come,  the 
artist  opened  his  portfolio,  and  put  it  under  the  eyes  of  the  child.  He  turned  it  over, 
at  first  with  indifference,  afterwards  with  interest,  dwelt  a  long  time  on  each  page, 
and  when  he  had  finished,  began  again.  This  long  examination  seemed  to  give  some 
solace  to  his  sufferings,  and  some  relief  to  the  chagrin  which  waa  caused  by  tho 


98  THE    LCCT   PRINCE. 

Desault  paid  his  visits  regularly,  at  nine  o'clock,  without  any  change, 
either  in  the  patient  or  in  his  treatment.  On  that  day,  it  is  assert 
ed,  on  the  authority  of  Gomin,  he  expressed,  in  a  low  voice,  fears 
for  the  child's  life,  when  going  down  stairs,  never  to  return.  The 
next  day,  a  new  actor  appears  upon  the  scene  under  most  sus 
picious  circumstances.  Already,  the  child  was  surrounded  within 
and  without  the  Temple  by  royalist  agents,  who  were  plotting  to 
effect  his  removal.  There  now  entered  another,  who  was  a  creature 
and  confidant  of  the  Regent,  and  devoted  to  the  cause  of  his  patron 

absence  of  his  physician.  The  artist  often  gave  him  explanations  of  the  different 
subjects  of  his  collection.  The  child  had  at  first  kept  silence,  but,  little  by  little,  he 
listened  to  M.  Bellanger  with  marked  attention,  and  finished  by  answering  his 
questions. 

"  In  taking  the  portfolio  from  his  hands,  M.  Bellanger  said  to  him, '  I  much  desire, 
sir,  to  take  away  one  drawing  more,  but  I  will  not  do  it  if  you  object.'  '  What 
drawing?'  said  the  Dauphin.  'That  of  your  countenance;  it  will  give  much 
pleasure,  if  it  will  not  cause  you  pain.'  'Will  it  give  you  pleasure  ?'  said  the  child, 
and  the  most  gracious  smile  completed  his  sentence  and  the  mute  approbation  which 
he  gave  to  the  desire  of  the  artist.  M.  Bellanger  traced  in  crayon  the  profile  of  the  young 
king,  and  it  is  from  this  profile,  that,  some  days  after,  M.  Beaumont,  the  sculptor,  and, 
twenty  years  after,  manufacturer  of  Sevres  porcelain,  executed  the  bust  of  Louis  XVII. 

"The  13th  Prairial  (1st  June),  M.  Desault  did  not  come  again.  The  keepers  were 
astonished  at  his  absence,  and  the  child  regretted  it.  The  acting  commissary,  M. 
Benoist,  Faubourg  St.  Denis,  4,  was  of  opinion  that  word  should  be  sent  to  the  house 
of  the  physician,  to  inquire  the  cause  of  so  prolonged  an  absence.  Gomin  and  Lasne 
had  not  yet  dared  to  act  according  to  this  advice,  when  the  next  day  M.  Bedault 
Rue  de  Bondi,  17,  who  relieved  M.  Benoist,  hearing  him  on  his  arrival  pronounce 
the  name  of  M.  Desault,  said  immediately, '  Don't  wait  for  him  any  longer,  he  died 
yesterday.' 

"  This  sudden  death,  under  such  circumstances,  opened  a  vast  field  of  conjecture 
There  is  one,  which  mutft  astonish  by  its  boldness,  let  us  say  more  justly,  by  its  infamy. 
They  dare  assert  that  M.  Desault,  after  having  administered  a  slow  poison  to  his 
patient,  had  been  himself  poisoned  by  those  who  had  commanded  the  crime.  But  the 
noble  life  of  M.  Desault  protects  him,  without  any  doubt,  against  such  a  calumny. 
Other  inventors  have  not  feared  to  say,  that  M.  Desault  did  not  recognise  in  the  poor, 
sickly  one  in  the  Tower  of  the  Temple,  the  child  so  full  of  strength  and  grace  whom 
he  had  admired  more  than  once,  and  in  a  happier  dwelling ;  and  that  it  was  because 
he  showed  an  intention  of  revealing  to  the  government  this  substitution,  that  the 
doctor  had  been  poisoned.  This  supposition  is  equally  true  with  the  first.  M. 
Desault,  who  had  been  physician  to  the  royal  children,  never  doubted  that  his  young 
patient  was  the  Dauphin." — £eauc7iesne,  vol.  ii.  849. 


DISAPPEARANCE.  99 

and  lerwfactor — M.  Bellanger,  painter  and  designer  of  the  cabinet 
of  Monsieur.  It  cannot,  with  semblance  of  reason,  be  denied  that 
this  man  was  there  as  agent  of  the  Regent.  And  now,  let  us  watch 
his  actions.  It  was  usual  for  the  acting  commissary  to  wait  the 
arrival  of  the  physician,  and  go  with  him  and  the  two  guardians 
— who  were  also  styled  commissaries  of  the  Committee  of  General 
Safety — into  the  chamber  of  the  patient;  but  M.  Bellanger,  though 
he  arrived  precisely  at  the  hour  when  M.  Desault  was  expected, 
said  that  he  would  go  up  at  once  to  the  Prince's  room,  and  stay 
there  till  the  physician  came.  The  discipline  of  the  prison  was 
relaxed,  so  that  this  infraction  of  rule  would  occasion  no  particular 
remark.  The  physician  did  not  come,  and  the  creature  of  the 
Regent  remained  with  the  child  the  whole  day.  He  had  come 
prepared  to  stay,  and  try  to  gain  the  affections  of  the  captive.  He 
amused  him  with  pictures,  and  concluded  by  taking  a  sketch  of 
him.  When  he  went  away,  or  how,  we  are  not  informed.  What 
was  done  in  the  prison  that  day,  besides,  has  no  record.  But, 
there  was  time  enough  to  effect  any  change,  and  there  were  hands 
enough  within  and  without  the  prison  ready  to  co-operate  in 
removing  the  young  captive.  There  was  no  spy  on  their  opera 
tions — no  inconvenient  physician — no  harsh  republican  commissary. 
All  were  agreed,  keepers,  commissary,  steward,  probably  sentinel, 
within — Fenouil,  Doisy,  Debierne,  and  who  else,  we  know  not, 
without.  The  child,  conciliated  and  pleased  with  pictures,  and 
dosed  for  a  month  with  decoction  of  hops,  which  I  very  much  ques 
tion  whether  Desault  ever  ordered,  would  offer  no  opposition  to 
accompanying  a  stranger.  If  ever  there  were  a  conjunction  of  men 
and  circumstances  favorable  to  the  easy  and  unobserved  removal  of 
a  prisoner,  we  have  them  here.  But  we  are  left  to  imagine  what 
happened,  with  probability  only  for  our  guide. 

The  next  day  comes,  and  no  physician  appears.  The  guardians, 
according  to  their  testimony,  are  very  much  astonished,  and  the 
child  very  sad.  On  the  2d  June,  the  news  arrives  that  Desault 
had  died  the  previous  day.  Even  before  the  event  of  the  Dauphin's 


100  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

illness  is  known,  the  sudden  death  of  such  a  man,  at  such  a  time, 
throws  all  Paris  into  bewilderment.  The  public  mind  feels  that 
there  is  a  mystery  transacting.  It  'conjectures  this,  and  it  conjec 
tures  that ;  but  though  its  surmises  take  different  shapes,  there  is  a 
rooted  suspicion  of  foul  play,  and  a  firm  belief  that,  for  some 
reason,  Desault  has  been  poisoned.  It  can  scarcely  be  imagined 
that  a  careful  and  skilful  practitioner,  like  Desault,  would  keep  no 
record  of  his  visits  to  the  Prince — no  description  of  his  case,  his 
symptoms,  and  the  probabilities  of  his  recovery  or  death.  But,  no 
such  record  is  found,  which  creates  another  strong  suspicion  that 
his  papers  were  tampered  with,  and  all  traces  of  an  inconvenient 
character  removed.  .  Had  his  memoranda  been  preserved,  it 
would,  probably,  have  appeared  that  the  Dauphin  was  in  no 
immediate  danger.  Desault  did  not  act  as  if  he  imagined  him  to 
be  in  any.  Physicians  do  not  like  to  assume  sole  responsibility  in 
such  cases.  The  moment  that  Pelletan  was  called  to  the  Tower, 
he  asked  for  a  colleague.  Desault  continued  to  treat  the  case, 
quietly,  by  himself,  making  no  extraordinary  visits,  giving  no 
unusual  remedies.  He  was  taken  sick,  we  are  told,  by  M.  Beau- 
chesne,  in  explanation  of  his  death,  with  ataxique  fever,  oil  the 
night  of  the  29th  May.  M.  Abeille,  his  medical  pupil,  who,  pro 
bably,  understood  his  symptoms  better  than  any  one  else,  has 
declared,  both  in  Europe  and  America,  that  he  was  poisoned.* 
But,  notwithstanding  his  asserted  sickness  on  the  29th  May,  the 
30th  found  him  well  enough  to  visit  his  patient,  as  usual,  without 
exhibiting  any  signs  of  indisposition.  Had  he  been  suffering,  at 
his  last  visit  to  the  Temple,  under  a  fever,  which  in  a  few  hours 
would  bring  him  to  the  grave,  he  would  have  shown  some  indica 
tion  of  his  condition ;  but,  the  veracious  witness,  Gomin,  observed 
none,  and  was  at  a  loss  to  imagine  the  reason  of  his  absence  the 
next  day. 

If  his  illness  increased  so  much  during  the  29th  that  he  found 
himself  unable  to  make  his  usual  visit  to  tho  Prince,  he  would,  in 

*  Percival,  p.  165. 


DISAPPEARANCE.  ll 

all  human  probability,  have  sent  some  substitute,  had  the  child,  in 
his  opinion,  leen  in  immediate  danger.  A  great  physician  is  the 
most  faithful  of  mortals ;  and  the  sense  of  duty  and  the  esprit  du 
corps  operate,  as  in  the  soldier's  or  the  sailor's  heart,  to  the  last 
beat  of  life.  That  Desault,  even  on  his  death-bed,  would  volun 
tarily  allow  the  dying  Prince,  if  such  he  deemed  him,  to  be 
neglected  for  forty-eight  hours,  is  impossible.  Let  the  profession 
say  whether  I  am  right.  In  short,  the  conduct,  as  well  as  the 
death,  of  Desault,  are  wrapped  in  impenetrable  mystery,  and  do 
not,  in  any  way,  coincide  with  the  hypothesis  that  he  regarded  his 
patient  in  extreme  danger. 

At  this  point  there  occurs  an  entire  break  in  the  narrative  of  M. 
Beauchesne.  From  the  time  that  Bellanger  left  the  Tower,  on 
31st  May,  until  June  5,  there  is  no  record  of  anything  that 
transpired  in  the  sick  chamber,  except  a  remark,  requiring  no 
great  stretch  of  intellect  to  coin,  that  the  child  felt  sad  on  June 
1st.  The  space  left,  at  this  most  critical  period,  affords  ample  room 
and  verge  enough  for  any  new  arrangements,  and  we  are  not  to 
suppose  the  ingenuity  of  our  friend  the  marquis,  and  his  accom 
plices  within  and  without  the  Temple,  was  at  fault. 

Pelletan,  receiving  his  appointment  from  the  Committee  of 
General  Safety,  on  the  morning  of  June  5,  went  to  visit  his  patient 
at  five  in  the  afternoon.  He  was  entirely  unacquainted  with  tho 
Prince,  and  had  never  seen  him.  "I  found  the  child,"  he  says, 
"  in  so  sad  a  state  that  I  demanded  instantly  that  another  profes 
sional  person  should  be  joined  with  me,  to  relieve  me  from  a 
burden  I  did  not  wish  to  bear  alone."  The  instinctive  feeling  and 
the  ordinary  practice  of  the  medical  profession  immediately  displayed 
themselves,  in  a  case  fraught  with  real  danger.  No  sooner  did 
Pelletan  cast  his  eyes  upon  the  child  he  was  called  on  to  attend, 
than  he  cried,  "  Give  me  a  colleague."  Desault  convinced,  as  the 
Duchess  D'Angouleme  acknowledges,  that  he  could  cure  tho 
Prince,  made  no  allusion  to  the  subject. 

The  sick  child  in  the  Temple  was  now  in  the  hands  of  a  perfect 
stranger.  Of  such  a  person  the  Prince  was,  according  to  every 


102  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

account,  most  shy.  His  timid  recognition  of  Desanlt,  after  the 
lapse  of  some  weeks'  acquaintance,  we  have  seen,  as  well  as  the 
difficulty  experienced  by  every  one  in  obtaining,  by  the  most  win 
ning  arts,  the  slightest  attention.  But,  if  the  authorities  on  whom 
M.  Beauchesne  relies  are  to  be  trusted,  an  entire  change  now  came 
over  his  feelings  and  conduct.  Instead  of  waiting  to  be  spoken  to, 
he  began  to  converse  with  the  strange  physician,  and  displayed 
every  sign  of  a  mind  thoroughly  alive  to  all  that  was  going  on. 

Rogues  have  seldom  the  genius  of  Shakespeare,  and  truth,  there 
fore,  has  little  to  fear  from  the  combinations  of  falsehood.  They 
outrage  nature  and  probability  in  their  attempts  to  make  a  plausible 
case,  and  though  they  may  deceive  some,  cannot  deceive  all.  The 
physician,  it  is  said,  on  entering  the  apartment,  found  fault  with 
the  confined  air,  and,  in  a  loud  tone,  proposed  to  the  municipal 
officer  on  duty,  that  the  child  should  be  carried  into  another  room, 
on  which  he  immediately  beckoned  M.  Pelletan  to  approach,  and 
said,  "  Speak  lower,  I  pray  you ;  I  fear  they  will  hear  you  above, 
and  I  should  be  very  sorry  they  should  learn  that  I  am  sick,  for  it 
would  give  them  much  pain."  He  was  removed  to  another  room, 
and  during  all  the  time  the  preparations  were  being  made,  his  eyes 
followed  every  motion. 

So  many  asserted  details  respecting  his  feelings,  which  must  be 
purely  imaginary,  are  given,  that  it  is  folly  to  notice  them.  As 
even  M.  Beauchesne  could  perceive  the  necessity  of  accounting  for 
the  remarkable  change  which  is  henceforth  visible,  he  ascribed  it 
to  the  sunny  room.  "  He  found  himself  in  an  airy  chamber,  with 
out  bars,  and  ornamented  with  great  white  curtains,  which  permit 
ted  him  to  see  the  sky  and  the  sun.  The  gay  sun  of  June  entering 
by  the  open  window — what  a  spectacle  for  a  child  so  long  shut  up 
in  a  dungeon!" 

There  is  some  inconsistency  in  this,  for  the  sky  and  the  sun  were 
not  such  strangers  to  the  eyes  of  the  child  who  had  been  for 
months  accustomed  to  a  daily  walk  on  the  Tower,  and  the  deputa 
tion  who  visited  him  in  February,  represented  his  room  aa 


DISAPPEARANCE.  103 

agreeable  and  well  lighted.  "Are  you  pleased  with  this  cham 
ber?"  said  Pelletan.  "Oh,  yes!  very  much  pleased,"  was  the 
ready  and  animated  reply.  His  heroic  resolution  of  never  speaking 
again,  must  have  been  long  abandoned.  On  7th  June,  M. 
Dumangin,  chief  physician  of  the  Hospital  of  the  Unity,  was 
added  to  Pelletan,  and  both  of  them  came  immediately  to  visit  the 
child,  who,  at  all  convenient  occasions,  continued  to  talk  and  chat, 
with  unabated  interest,  respecting  all  that  was  going  on  around  him. 

But  we  are  not  left  without  other  testimony  of  the  real  scenes 
which  the  interior  of  the  Temple,  at  this  time,  presented. 

"  A  very  respectable  tradesman,"  says  Ireland,*  in  stating  the 
prevalent  disbelief  in  Paris  at  the  Eestoration,  concerning  the 
Dauphin's  death,  "is  my  authority  for  the  following  narrative, 
who  has  heard  his  father,  to  whom  the  circumstance  occurred, 
repeat  it  in  society  fifty  times.  I  shall  now  give  it  as  nearly  as 
possible,  in  his  own  words,  or,  rather,  as  if  the  father  himself  were 
repeating  the  facts : — 

u  '  As  I  was  then  a  resident  in  that  quarter  of  Paris  where  the 
Temple  was  situated,  in  my  capacity  as  a  National  Guard,  it 
became  my  turn  to  attend  there  as  sentry  ;  when  having  seen  the 
Dauphin  about  six  months  before,  and  being  anxious,  if  possible,  to 
behold  him  again,  prior  to  his  death,  as  the  current  report  was  his 
being  in  a  very  dangerous  state ;  I,  in  consequence,  applied  to  the 
jailer  to  know  whether  I  might  be  permitted  to  occupy  the  post 
of  the  guard,  destined  to  keep  watch  on  the  Dauphin's  apartment, 
there  being  always  one  stationed  there.  To  this  request,  after 
regarding  me  with  an  air  of  doubt,  which  the  frankness  of  my 
manner  dispelled,  he  acceded  under  one  proviso,  that  I  was  not  to 
exchange  a  single  syllable  with  citizen  Capet  in  case  he  addressed 
me,  as  the  infringement  of  such  order  would  be  attended  with  the 
loss  of  my  head.  I  promised  strict  obedience  to  these  commands, 
and  immediately  entered  upon  my  duty,  being  forthwith  introduced 
into  the  chamber,  where  I  relieved  a  brother  guard.  In  this 
*  Ireland's  France,  p.  27.  London,  1822. 


104  THE    LOST    PniNCE. 

apartment  there  were  three  common  chairs,  a  table,  and  a  low 
bedstead,  whereon  the  Dauphin  was  lying,  but  from  the  position 
of  the  bed  clothes  I  could  not  perceive  his  countenance,  and  thus  I 
continued  nearly  the  space  of  an  hour,  only  observing,  at  intervals, 
a  motion  beneath  the  covering ;  at  length,  however,  he  pushed 
away  the  sheet  from  his  head,  when  I  was  enabled  to  consider 
a  countenance  squalid  in  the  extreme,  partially  covered  with 
blotches,  and  disfigured  by  one  or  two  sores ;  as  he  perceived  in  me 
a  stranger,  he  inquired,  in  a  faint  voice,  who  I  was,  but  the 
peremptory  order  received,  and  the  heavy  price  set  upon  a  breach  of 
my  faith,  sealed  my  lips,  upon  which  I  placed  my  finger,  thereby 
indicating  the  prohibition  under  which  I  lay. 

"  '  At  this  he  appeared  displeased,  and  after  turning  about,  I 
beheld  his  body  rise  until  he  sat  upright  in  the  bed,  when  nothing 
could  exceed  my  astonishment,  on  viewing  a  figure  much  taller,  from 
the  head  to  the  bottom  of  the  back,  than  the  Dauphin  could  possi 
bly  have  displayed  from  what  I  had  seen  of  him  only  six  months 
before ;  my  wonder,  however,  increased  on  beholding  him  thrust 
his  legs  from  beneath  the  covering,  from  which  I  was  enabled  to 
form  an  estimate  of  the  height  of  the  figure  before  me,  if  standing 
erect,  when  I  felt  an  inward  conviction,  that  however  extraordi 
nary  the  efforts  of  nature  may  be  in  some  instances,  no  such  change 
could  have  taken  place  in  the  growth  of  a  youth  in  the  half  a  year, 
as  must  have  been  the  case,  supposing  the  object  before  me  to  have 
been  the  Dauphin.  With  respect  to  the  physiognomy  it  was  impos 
sible  to  identify  from  thence  anything  for  a  certainty,  as  the  fright 
ful  effects  of  disease,  with  blotches  and  sores,  had  so  disfigured  the 
countenance,  that  no  conjecture  could  be  hazarded  as  to  what  its 
appearance  might  be  in  a  healthful  state ;  the  lips,  like  the  face, 
were  also  covered  with  livid  spots,  and  it  appeared  to  mo  that 
there  were  also  scabs  on  the  hinder  part  of  the  head ;  in  short,  p 
more  pitiable  object  never  met  the  human  sight,  whosoever  it  may 
have  been,  for  as  to  the  Dauphin,  /  am  fully  convinced  it  was  not 
Mm.  After  remaining  some  minutes  with  the  legs  exposed,  and 


DISAPPEARANCE.  105 

seated  in  a  kind  of  stupefied  position,  he  again  replaced  them 
beneath  the  clothes,  and  covered  himself  as  high  as  the  neck,  leav 
ing  the  face  exposed,  and  turned  towards  me,  the  eyes  being  some 
times  shut  for  a  few  minutes,  which,  when  re-opened,  were  always 
bent  upon  me,  and,  in  two  or  three  instances,  I  saw  the  lips  move, 
and  heard  a  faint  articulation,  but  nothing  was  distinguishable.  In 
this  manner  the  allotted  period  of  my  attendance  elapsed,  upon 
which  I  was  relieved  by  another  National  Guard  from  the  melan 
choly  duty,  and  descended  to  the  chamber  adjoining  the  grand 
entrance  of  the  Temple,  where  I  found  the  jailer,  who  inquired  of 
me  how  I  had  left  the  citizen  Capet,  upon  which,  after  expressing 
my  opinion  that  his  death  must  soon  take  place,  I  very  foolishly 
remarked  that,  I  thought  the  youth  by  far  too  tall  for  the  Dauphin 
— when  he  hastily  demanded  my  reason  for  harboring  such  a 
doubt.  I  then  explained  my  having  seen  the  youth  six  months 
before,  and  the  absolute  impossibility  of  such  a  change  in  stature 
taking  place  within  so  short  a  period.  To  which  remark  I  received 
the  following  singular  reply,  "  Sick  children,  citizen,  will  sometimes 
shoot  up  very  fast ;  but  I  advise  you  to  go  home  and  keep  a  still 
tongue  in  your  mouth,  lest  you  should  grow  shorter  by  the  head." 
I  immediately  left  the  prison  and  profited  by  this  advice,  as  I 
never  opened  my  lips  upon  the  subject  until  the  settled  state  of 
affairs  in  France,  left  me  at  liberty  to  do  so  without  any  apprehen 
sion  of  danger.'  " 

I  give  this  narrative  as  I  find  it  in  the  pages  of  Ireland.  It  is 
simple  and  natural.  The  time  and  place  at  which  the  work  in 
which  it  occurs  was  published,  and  the  absence  of  design  in  the 
writer  to  connect  it  with  any  theory  on  the  subject,  simply  record 
ing  it  as  an  isolated  fact,  which  had  come  to  his  knowledge,  entitle 
it  to  weight,  and  will  not  justify  its  omission,  when  presenting 
the  evidence  of  the  Dauphin's  having  survived  his  captivity.  I 
may  observe,  further,  that  the  external  condition  of  the  body,  as 
described  above,  corresponds  well  with  the  account  of  its  inter- 

6* 


106  THE    LOBT    PRINCE, 

nal  state  given  in  the  proems  verbal,  and  is  quite  agreeable  to  an 
advanced  stage  of  scrofulous  disease. 

The  last  night  of  the  child's  life  is  thus  described  by  De  Beau- 
chesne : — 

" '  How  unhappy  am  I  to  see  you  suffer  so  much,'  said  Gomin.  '  Con 
sole  yourself,'  replied  the  child,  '  I  shall  not  suffer  always.'  Gomin  placed 
himself  on  his  knees  to  be  near  him.  The  child  took  his  hand,  and  carried 
it  to  his  lips.  The  religious  heart  of  Gomin  (Gomin,  of  course,  is  the 
authority)  breathed  forth  an  ardent  prayer,  one  of  those  prayers  which 
sorrow  wrings  from  men,  and  love  sends  to  God.  The  child  did  not  quit 
the  faithful  hand  which  remained  with  him ;  he  lifted  his  eyes  to  Heaven, 
while  Gomin  prayed  for  him.  It  is  impossible  to  describe  all  that  is  holy 
and  angelic  in  this  last  look  of  the  child.  You  will  ask  without  doubt,  what 
were  the  last  words  of  the  dying  child  ?  You  have  heard  those  of  his 
father,  who,  from  the  height  of  the  scaffold,  which  his  virtue  had  made  a 
throne,  sent  pardon  to  his  assassins.  You  have  heard  those  of  his  mother, 
that  heroic  queen,  who,  impatient  to  quit  the  earth  where  she  had  suffered 
BO  much,  prayed  the  executioner  to  make  haste.  You  have  known  those 
of  his  aunt,  of  that  Christian  virgin,  who,  with  supplicating  eye,  when 
they  removed  her  dress,  to  strike  her  better,  asked,  in  the  name  of  modesty, 
that  they  would  cover  her  bosom. 

"And,  now,  shall  I  dare  to  repeat  the  last  words  of  the  orphan  ?  Those 
who  received  his  last  sigh  have  related  them  to  me — and  I  come  faithfully 
to  inscribe  them  on  the  royal  martyrology.  Gomin,  seeing  the  infant 
calm,  immovable,  and  mute,  said  to  him,  '  I  hope  you  do  not  suffer  at  this 
moment  ?'  '  Oh,  yes,  I  suffer  still,  but  much  less,  the  music  is  so  fine.' 
Now,  there  was  no  music  in  the  Tower  or  its  neighborhood  ;  no  noise 
from  without  came  into  the  Tower  where  the  young  martyr  lay.  Gomin, 
astonished,  said  to  him,  '  In  what  quarter  do  you  hear  this  music  ?' 
'  From  above.'  '  Have  you  heard  it  a  long  time  ?'  '  Since  you  have  been 
on  your  knees ;'  and  the  child  raised  by  a  nervous  movement  his  falling 
hand,  and  opened  his  great  illuminated  eyes  in  ecstasy.  His  poor  guar 
dian,  not  wishing  to  destroy  this  last  and  sweet  illusion,  set  himself  also 
to  listen,  with  the  pious  desire  to  hear  that  which  could  not  be  heard. 
After  some  moments  of  attention,  the  child  waa  again  agitated,  his  eyes 


DISAPPEARANCE.  10*7 

flashed,  and  ho  cried  in  indescribable  transport,  '  In  the  midst  of  all  the 
voices,  I  have  heard  that  of  my  mother.'  This  name  falling  from  the  lips 
of  the  child,  seemed  to  take  from  him  all  pain.  His  contracted  eyebrows 
distended,  and  his  look  was  illumined  with  that  serene  ray  which  gives  the 
certainty  of  deliverance  or  of  victory.  His  eye  fixed  on  an  invisibls  spec 
tacle — his  ear  open  to  the  far-off  sound  of  one  of  those  concerts  which  the 
human  ear  has  never  heard — his  young  soul  seemed  to  blaze  out  with  a 
new  existence.  Lasne  came  up  to  relieve  Gomin,  who  went  away  with  a 
broken  heart,  but  not  more  unquiet  than  the  evening  before,  for  he  did  not 
foresee  an  approaching  end.  Lasne  seated  himself  near  to  the  bed.  The 
Prince  looked  at  him,  for  a  long  time,  with  an  eye  fixed  and  dreamy. 
Lasne  asked  him  how  he  was,  and  what  he  wanted  ?  The  child  said,  '  do 
you  think  that  my  sister  could  have  heard  the  music  ?  What  good  it 
would  have  done  her.'  Lasne  could  not  reply.  A  look,  full  of  anguish, 
from  the  dying  child,  darted — earnest  and  piercing — towards  the  window 
— an  exclamation  of  happiness  escaped  his  lips — then,  looking  at  his  guar 
dian — 'I  have  something  to  tell  you.'  Lasne  approached,  and  took  hia 
hand — the  little  head  of  the  prisoner  fell  on  the  breast  of  his  guardian, 
who  listened,  but  in  vain — God  had  spared  the  young  martyr  the  hour  of 
the  death  rattle — God  had  preserved  for  himself  alone  the  confidence  of  his 
last  thought.  Lasne  put  his  hand  upon  the  heart  of  the  child.  The  heart 
of  Louis  XVII.  had  ceased  to  beat.  It  was  two  hours  and  a  quarter  after 
tnid-day '." 

As  every  striking  discrepancy  between  the  statements  of  those 
connected  with  this  affair  should  be  brought  out,  I  will  here  refer 
to  a  curious  question  of  time.  At  half-past  two  o'clock  on 
the  afternoon  of  the  20th  Prairial  (8th  June),  according  to  the 
statement  of  Lasne,  the  prisoner  died.  When  he  had  drawn  his 
last  breath,  Lasne  went  to  inform  Gomin,  and  Damont,  the  acting 
commissary,  who  went  up  into  the  room.  Some  time  was  spent  in 
arranging  the  clothes  on  the  bed,  in  opening  the  windows,  and  in 
making  the  ordinary  changes  in  a  chamber  of  death.  After  all 
this,  Gomin  set  off  to  the  Tuileries,  in  a  distant  part  of  the  city,  to 
inform  the  Committee  of  General  Safety  of  the  event.  But,  he 
found  the  session  for  the  day  was  over.  "  La  seance  est  Iev6e." 


108  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

It  was,  consequently,  impossible  for  him  to  make  his  report  to  the 
committee.  He  met,  however,  in  the  Tuileries,  one  of  the  mem 
bers,  who  said  to  him,  "  Keep  the  secret  until  to-morrow,"  which 
he  accordingly  did.  Now,  the  next  day  after  the  proces  verbal  had 
been  made  out,  Sevestre,  one  of  the  Committee  of  General  Safety, 
reported  to  the  Convention  the  death  of  the  Prince,  from  "  a  swell 
ing  in  the  right  knee  and  the  left  wrist,"  adding,  that  the  Com 
mittee  of  General  Safety  "received  the  news  of  the  death  of 
Capet's  son  at  a  quarter  past  two  the  previous  afternoon." 

How  it  was  possible  for  them  to  do  this,  when  the  sitting  was 
closed  before  Gomin  got  to  the  Tuileries,  which  must  have  been  at 
least  an  hour  after  the  death  of  the  Prince,  is  more  than  I  can  con 
ceive.  In  the  proems-  verbal,  the  decease  is  said  to  have  occurred 
about  three  o'clock ;  in  Gomin's  certificate  of  death,  exactly  at 
three  ;and  yet  the  Committee  of  General  Safety  heard  of  it  at  a 
quarter  past  two.  As  in  those  days  there  were  no  electric  tele 
graphs  to  antedate  time,  the  reader  must  frame  the  best  expla 
nation  he  can  for  these  facts.* 

But,  it  now  comes  out  that,  on  the  8th  June,  the  Committee  of 
General  Safety  were  engaged  in  business  of  another  kind,  which 
may  serve  to  explain  this  difficulty  as  to  time.  On  the  very  day 
on  which  the  tragic  death-scene  of  the  Prince — so  graphically  and 
lugubriously  chronicled  by  Beauchesne — occurred,  the  Committee 
made  no  less  a  discovery  than  that  they  had  been  overreached,  and 
that  he  had  escaped.  "  The  great  fact  of  the  escape  of  the 
Dauphin  from  the  Temple,"  writes  the  Paris  correspondent  of  the 
"  London  Atlas,"  quoted  in  the  "  New  York  Tribune,"  of  Septem 
ber  19,  "  is  well  established  by  the  archives  of  the  police,  where  is 
still  preserved  the  order  sent  out  to  the  departments  to  arrest  on 
every  high  road  in  France  any  travellers  bearing  with  them  a 
child  of  eight  years  or  thereabouts,  as  there  had  been  an  escape  of 
royalists  from  the  Temple.  This  order  bears  date  June  8,  1795— 
the  very  day  of  the  death  of  the  child  in  the  Temple."  That  this 

*  Sevestre  also  informs  us  that  Desault  died  on  the  4th  June — Beauchesne  saya  he 
died  on  the  1st.  When  did  he  die  ? 


DISAPPEARANCE.  109 

order  was  rigorously  acted  on,  and  that  the  police  over  the  whole 
of  France  were  on  the  alert,  the  reader  will  hereafter  see,  when 
he  comes  to  the  statement  of  M.  Guerwiere,  of  Paris,  who  was 
arrested,  shortly  after,  when  travelling  in  the  carriage  of  the  Prince 
de  Conde,  under  the  suspicion  that  lie,  then  a  child  of  ten  years, 
was  the  Dauphin.* 

At  the  very  sitting,  therefore,  of  the  Committee  of  General 
Safety,  to  which  Sevestre  affirms  that  the  death  of  the  Dauphin 
was  reported  by  Gomin,  who  did  not  arrive  until  the  hour  after 
the  session  was  closed — this  very  police  order  must  have  been  pre 
pared.  The  fact  is  acknowledged  by  the  historian  of  the  Duchess 
D'Angouleme.t 

But,  to  proceed  with  the  solemn  farce.  In  the  morning  of  the 
21st  Prairial  (9th  June),  two  members  of  the  Committee  came,  at 
eight  o'clock,  to  verify  the  decease  of  the  Prince.  But  they  made 
no  examination  of  the  body,  and  treated  the  matter  as  a  thing 
of  no  moment.  u  The  event,"  they  said,  "  is  a  matter  of  no 
importance.  The  Commissary  of  Police  in  the  section  will  come 
and  receive  the  declaration  of  the  decease — he  will  certify  it,  and 
proceed  to  the  inhumation  without  any  ceremony.  The  Committee 
will  give  the  necessary  orders." 

Four  surgeons  were  appointed  to  open  the  body,  and  visited 
the  Temple  for  this  purpose.  I  give  the  proces  verbal,  but 
it  is  worthy  of  remark,  as  indicating  the  nervous  haste  with 
which  the  affair  was  hurried  through,  that  the  year  is  omit 
ted  from  the  date  entirely,  and  that,  although,  at  the  conclusion, 
reference  is  made  to  a  day  and  year  on  which  the  instrument  was 
written,  there  are  none  given. 

"  PROCES  VERBAL  of  the  opening  of  the  body  of  the  son  of  the  deceased 
Louis  Capet,  drawn  up  at  the  Tower  of  the  Temple,  at  eleven  o'clock  in 
the  morning  of  the  21st  Prairial  : — 

"We,  the  undersigned,  Jean  Baptiste  Eugene  Dumangin,  Physician-in 
Chief  of  the  Hospital  of  the  Unity,  and  Philippe-Jean  Pelletan,  Surgeon- 
in-Chief  of  the  Grand  Hospital  of  Humanity,  accompanied  by  the  citizens 


110  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

Nicholas  Jeanroy,  Professor  in  the  Schools  of  Medicine  at  Paris,  and  Pierre 
Lassus,  Professor  of  Legal  Medicine  in  the  School  of  Health  at  Paris ; 
whom  we  have  joined  to  ourselves  in  virtue  of  a  decree  of  the  Committee 
of  General  Safety  of  the  National  Convention,  dated  yesterday,  and  signed 
Bergoing,  President,  Courtois,  Gauthier,  Pierre  Guyomard,  to  the  effect  that 
we  should  proceed  together  to  the  opening  of  the  body  of  the  son  of  the 
deceased  Louis  Capet,  to  declare  the  condition  in  which  we  have  found  it, 
have  proceeded  as  follows  : — 

"  '  All  four  of  us  having  arrived  at  eleven  o'clock  in  the  morning  at  the 
outer  gate  of  the  Temple,  we  were  received  by  the  Commissaries,  who 
introduced  us  into  the  Tower.  We  proceeded  to  the  second  story  into  an 
apartment,  in  the  .second  division  of  which  we  found  upon  a  bed  the  body 
of  a  child,  who  appeared  to  us  about  ten  years  of  age,  which  the  Commis 
saries  told  us  was  that  of  the  son  of  the  deceased  Louis  Capet,  and  which 
two  among  us  recognised  to  be  the  child  of  whom  they  had  taken  care  for 
some  days  past.  The  said  Commissaries  declared  to  us  that  the  child  died 
the  day  before,  about  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  upon  which  we  sought  to 
verify  the  signs  of  death,  which  we  found  characterized  by  an  universal 
paleness,  the  coldness  of  the  whole  habit  of  the  body,  the  stiffness  of  the 
limbs,  the  dullness  of  the  eyes,  the  violet  spots  common  to  the  skin  of  a 
corpse,  and,  above  all,  by  an  incipient  putrefaction  of  the  stomach,  the 
scrotum,  and  between  the  thighs. 

"  '  We  remarked  before  proceeding  to  the  opening  of  the  body,  a  general 
leanness,  which  was  that  of  marasmus.  The  stomach  was  extremely 
swollen  and  puffed  with  air.  On  the  inner  side  of  the  right  knee  we 
remarked  a  tumor  without  change  of  color  to  the  skin  ;  and  another 
tumor,  less  voluminous,  upon  the  os  radius  near  the  wrist  of  the  left  side. 
The  tumor  of  the  knee  contained  about  two  ounces  of  a  greyish  matter, 
pussy  and  lymphatic,  situated  between  the  periosteum  and  the  muscles ;  and 
that  of  the  wrist  contained  matter  of  the  same  kind,  but  thicker. 

"  'At  the  opening  of  the  stomach,  there  flowed  out  about  a  pint  of 
purulent  serum,  yellow  and  very  offensive ;  the  intestines  were  swollen, 
pale,  and  adhering  one  to  another,  and  also  to  the  sides  of  the  cavity  ; 
they  were  covered  with  a  great  quantity  of  tubercles  of  different  sizes,  and 
which  presented,  when  opened,  the  same  matter  that  was  contained  in  the 
exterior  deposits  of  the  knee  and  of  the  wrist. 


DISAPPEARANCE.  Ill 

"  f  The  intestines,  open  throughout  their  whole  extent,  were  very  healthy 
inwardly,  and  contained  but  a  small  quantity  of  bilious  matter.  The 
stomach  presented  to  us  the  same  condition — it  adhered  to  all  the  sur 
rounding  parts,  was  pale  outside,  covered  with  small  lymphatic  tubercles, 
like  those  on  the  surface  of  the  intestines  ;  its  inner  membrane  was  sound, 
also  the  pilorus  and  the  omentum;  the  liver  adhered  by  its  convexity  to  the 
diaphragm,  and  by  its  concavity  to  the  viscera  which  it  covered,  its  sub 
stance  was  healthy,  its  volume  ordinary,  the  vessel  of  the  gall  bladder  was 
moderately  filled  with  bile  of  a  yellowish  green  color.  The  spleen,  the 
pancreas,  the  reins,  and  the  bladder  were  sound,  the  epiploon  and  mesen 
tery  covered  with  fat,  were  filled  with  lymphatic  tubercles,  similar  to  those 
of  which  we  have  spoken.  Similar  tumors  were  scattered  over  the  thick 
ness  of  the  peritoneum,  covering  the  inward  face  of  the  diaphragm.  This 
muscle  was  sound. 

"  '  The  lungs  adhered  by  their  whole  surface  to  the  pleura,  to  the 
diaphragm,  and  to  the  pericardium  ;  their  substance  was  sound,  and  with 
out  tubercles ;  there  were  only  some  near  the  tracheal  artery  and  tho 
omentum.  The  pericardium  contained  the  ordinary  quantity  of  serosity — 
the  heart  was  pale,  but  in  its  natural  state.  The  brain  and  its  depen 
dencies  were  in  their  most  perfect  integrity. 

"  '  All  the  disorders  of  which  we  have  given  the  detail,  are  evidently  the 
effect  of  a  scrofulous  disease  of  a  long  standing,  and  to  which  the  death 
of  the  child  should  be  attributed. 

"  '  The  present  proces  verbal  has  been  made  and  signed  at  Paris,  at  the 
said  place,  by  the  undersigned,  at  four  hours  and  a  half,  in  the  morning  of 
the  day  and  year  below  written. 

"  '  J.  B.  E.  DUMANGIN. 
»"P.  J.  PELLETAN. 
"  '  PIERRE  LASSUS. 
"<N.  JEANROY.' 

"  This  proces  verbal  was  completed  in  1817,  by  M.  Pelletan,  who  made 
the  following  declaration  : — 

"  '  I,  the  undersigned,  Chevalier  of  the  Order  of  the  Legion  of  Honor, 
member  of  the  Royal  Academy  of  Science,  professor  of  the  Faculty  of 


112  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

Medicine,  certify  moreover,  that  after  having  cut  the  cranium  transversely, 
on  a  level  with  the  orbits,  to  make  the  anatomy  of  the  brain  in  the  open 
ing  of  the  body  of  the  son  of  Louis  XVI.,  which  had  been  assigned  to  me, 
I  replaced  the  skull-cap  of  the  cranium,  and  covered  it  with  four  strips  of 
skin  which  I  had  separated,  and  which  I  sewed  together  ;  and  that,  finally, 
I  covered  the  head  with  a  linen  handkerchief,  or  perhaps  with  a  cotton 
cap,  fastened  below  the  chin,  or  at  the  nape,  as  is  practised  in  similar 
cases.  This  dressing  will  be  found,  if  it  bs  true  that  corruption  has  not 
destroyed  it;  but  certainly  the  skull-cap  of  the  cranium  still  exists 
enveloped  in  the  remains  of  those  linens,  or  the  cotton  cap. 

'  "  Signed, 

"  '  PELLETAN. 
"  '  PARIS,  nth  Aiigust,  1817.' " 

M.  Pelletan  declared  still  later,  that  he  had  set  apart  the  heart 
of  the  Dauphin  in  the  operation  of  the  autopsy,  and  had  carried  it 
away,  so  as  to  be  able  to  offer  to  the  royal  family  this  sad  and 
mournful  relic  of  the  infant  king. 

Beside  the  proofs  verbal,  the  documentary  proofs  of  the  death  of 
Louis  XVII.,  are  the  official  declaration  of  Lasne  and  Gomin,  and 
Bigot,  a  royalist,  and  certificates  written  by  the  said  Lasne  and 
Gomin  for  M.  Beauchesne  in  1837  and  1840;  that  of  Lasne  being 
confided  to  the  scented  pages  of  our  author's  album.  Lasne  asserts 
"  on  his  honor,  and  before  God,  that  the  young  prince  died  in  his 
arms,"  at  the  time  and  place  officially  specified,  and  tells  us  that, 
having  all  his  life  told  the  truth,  he  will  not  lie  at  its  conclusion* 
Both  of  the  keepers  unite  in  affirming  the  scrupulous  exactness  of 
our  author.  That  these  authentic  testimonials  of  asserted  facts  may 
make  the  deepest  impression,  they  are  given  in  the  form  of  fac-simi- 
les,  after  which  M.  Beauchesne  states  that  Providence  preserved 
the  lives  of  the  two  old  men  to  give  light  to  his  researches,  and  pre 
sent,  hour  by  hour,  the  bulletins  of  the  dying  agony.  He  then  car 
ries  us  to  the  grave  in  the  cemetery  of  1'Eglise  Ste.  Marguerite, 
expresses  "  painful  perplexity  "  as  to  whether  the  body  was  interred 
by  itself  or  in  a  common  sepulchre,  indicates  on  a  map  the  exact 


DISAPPEARANCE.  113 

spot  of  interment,  relates  all  the  efforts  which  Louis  XVIII.  made 
to  obtain  certainty  as  to  the  place  of  burial,  and  of  a  certain  monu 
ment  which  he  intended  to  erect  to  the  memory  of  the  royal  mar 
tyr,  but  which  "  n'a  point  e"  te  execute,"  and  ends  with  the  Latin 
epitaph  which  was  to  have  been  inscribed  on  the  said  Mausoleum, 
uMemoria3  et  cineribus  Ludovici  XVII." 

I  would  here  call  attention  to  one  or  two  singular  and  suspicious 
facts,  which  in  a  subsequent  chapter  I  will  consider  at  greater 
length.  The  royal  ordinance,  issued  in  1816,  for  the  disinterment 
of  the  body  of  Louis  XVII.,  was  without  any  sufficient  reason, 
revoked,  as  if  it  were  a  matter  the  king  was  afraid  to  meddle  with. 
Again,  orders  were  issued  for  the  removal  of  the  heart,  asserted  to 
be  in  the  possession  of  Pelletan,  to  St.  Denis;  but,  according  to 
Beauchesne  (see  Appendix),  Lasne,  who  was  present  at  the  autopsy, 
declared  that  he  never  left  the  surgeons  for  a  minute,  and  that 
Pelletan  did  not  take  the  heart  out ;  consequently,  he  was  left  in 
possession  of  the  sacred  and  precious  relic,  which  the  royal  family 
did  not  deign  to  receive.  Now,  it  is  obvious  that  either  Pelletan 
or  Lasne  must  have  lied,  and  thus  either  the  proems  verbal  is  dis 
credited,  or  the  testimony  of  Lasne ;  and  the  whole  affair  is  left  in 
uncertainty.  For  myself,  I  believe  the  statement  of  Pelletan.  Aud 
here,  too,  the  reader  is  requested  to  mark  that  the  whole  testimony, 
as  to  identity,  resolves  itself  into  the  truth  or  falsehood  of  declarations 
made  l)y  Lasne  and  Gomin.  To  this,  we  have  only  to  add  that, 
according  to  Beauchesne,  the  testimony  as  to  the  place  of  interment 
is  equally  contradictory ;  and  that,  to  say  the  least,  it  is  singular, 
that  in  1817,  after  Louis  XVIII.  was  on  the  throne,  he  should  have 
thought  it  necessary  to  call  in  the  aid  of  Pelletan,  to  make  a  further 
statement,  had  it  not  been  felt  that  the  proces  verbal  was  transpar 
ently  defective. 

We  are  now  prepared  to  consider  the  authentic  demonstration 
of  M.  Beauchesne. 

lie  has  proved  undoubtedly,  that  a  child  died  in  the  Temple,  8th 
June,  1795,  and  was  buried  somewhere  in  the  cemetery  of  1'Egliso 


114  THE    LOST   PRINCE. 

Ste.  Marguerite,  on  the  10th  June,  and  we  will  not  dispute  the 
assertion  that  at  nine  o'clock  that  night,  "  the  air  was  pure,  and 
the  aureola  of  luminous  vapor  which  crowned  that  fine  evening 
seemed  to  retain  and  to  prolong  the  adieu  of  the  sun."  But  I 
give  the  following  reasons  for  denying  entirely  that  it  was  Louis 
XVII.  who  then  and  there  died,  and  was  buried. 

I.  The  surgeons  do  not  testify  that  it  was  the  body  of  the  Dau 
phin  which  they  opened. 

II.  Louis  XVII.  had  tumors  at  all  the  joints,  and  particularly  at 
the  knees.     This  is  a  fact,  so  positively  stated  by  the  French  officials, 
as  to  stand  beyond  reach  of  contradiction.     The  tumors  were  not 
scrofulous,  but  the  result  of  confinement,  and  were  in  the  shape  of 
knots. 

The  proces  verbal  speaks  of  only  two  tumors,  one  on  the  inner 
side  of  the  right  knee,  and  the  other  near  the  left  wrist. 

III.  M.  Desault,  on  6th  May,  testified  that  scrofula  had  scarcely 
imprinted  its  seal  on  the  constitution  of  the  Dauphin,  and  that  he 
had  merely  the  germ  of  a  scrofulous  affection. 

MM.  Dumangin,  Pelletan,  Lassus,  and  Jeanroy,  certify  that  the 
death  of  the  child,  whose  body  they  examined,  was  the  effect  of  a 
scrofulous  disease,  icMcfihad  existed  for  a  long  time,  and  the  internal 
condition  of  the  body,  so  minutely  specified  by  them,  shows  how 
deeply  seated  the  disease  was  in  the  constitution,  so  that  the  whole 
stomach  and  intestines  were  covered  with  a  great  quantity  of  tuber 
cles,  and  all  the  other  organs,  where  the  disease  could  manifest 
itself,  were  in  the  state  which  showed  the  ripeness  of  the  malady 
unto  death. 

IV.  All  testimony,  except  that  of  Lasne  and  Gomin,  nay,  that  of 
Gomin  also,  in  1795,  proves  that,  mentally,  the  Dauphin  was  in  a 
condition  of  imbecilit^y,  coincident  with  his  physical  prostration, 
lethargic,  timid,  mute,  difficult  of  access,  shy  of  strangers. 

The  boy  who  died,  if  the  whole  account  is  not  false,  was  exactly 
the  contrary,  forward,  talkative,  animated,  imaginative. 

V.  Again,  let  any  physician  say  whether  a  child  in  the  mental 


DISAPPEARANCE.  115 

condition  in  which  Desault  found  the  Dauphin,  could  have  had  not 
only  the  brain,  but  all  its  dependencies,  perfectly  healthy,  or  whether 
its  vessels  would  not  have  been  in  a  state  of  temporary  derange 
ment.  The  examining  physicians  say,  u  Le  cerveau  et  ses  depen- 
dances  etaient  dans  leur  plus  parfaite  int6grite. 

VI.  The  police  records  prove  the  fact  of  escape. 

Kow,  unless  M.  Beauchesne  can  demonstrate  that  a  body  having 
tumors  at  both  knees,  both  wrists,  and  both  elbows,  is  the  same 
with  a  body  having  only  two  tumors  in  all,  and  leaving  one  knee, 
two  elbows,  and  one  wrist,  without  them  ;  that  a  child  who,  on  the 
8th  of  May,  had  scarcely  a  taint  of  scrofula,  but  whose  diseases  were 
caused  by  confinement,  could,  on  the  8th  of  the  next  month,  die  of 
scrofulous  disease  of  long  standing ;  that  mental  characteristics  the 
most  opposite,  are  the  same,  and  all  the  dependencies  of  an 
enfeebled  brain  can  be  in  the  most  perfect  integrity,  his  certificates, 
and  his  witnesses,  and  his  sentimentality,  his  tears,  unbuilt  ceno 
taph,  and  Latin  epitaph,  and  even  "le  coeur  de  1'enfant,"  of  which 
M.  Pelletan  says,  "  je  1'enveloppais  en  linge,  et  je  le  mit  dans  ma 
poohe,"  and  which  he  afterwards  touched  and  examined,  "  avec 
attention,  plus  de  millo  fois,"  will  be  of  no  avail,  and  he  must  be 
forced  to  confess  that  a  fact  may  be  authentically  demonstrated, 
and  yet  physically  and  morally  disproved. 

The  certificates  of  our  author  may  be  correctly  copied — his 
reports  of  conversations,  as  Lasne  testifies,  of  the  most  "scrupuieuse 
exactitude" — but  certificates  are  pieces  of  paper  with  ink  upon 
them,  and  words  spoken  are  sounding  breath,  and  there  their 
worth  begins  and  ends,  in  times  and  cases  on  which  great  issues 
hang,  unless  consistent  with  confessed  facts,  and  we  have  moral 
confidence  in  those  who  spoke  and  wrote. 

But  some  possible  objections  may  be  made  to  this  conclusion. 
It  may  be  said  that  the  number  of  the  swellings  was  decreased  by 
the  frictions  and  applications  made  by  order  of  Desault,  and  that 
he  may  have  been  mistaken  in  his  opinion  as  to  the  nature  of  the 
Dauphin's  malady,  or  that  it  increased  with  an  unusual  rapidity 


116  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

during  the  last  month  of  his  life.  Such  objections  can  never  be 
made  by  medical  men,  but  it  is  necessary  to  guard  against  the  pos 
sible  difficulties  of  others.  If  the  disease  were  scrofulous,  all 
diminution  of  the  tumors  would  imply  diminution  of  the  disease, 
unless  it  manifested  itself  in  some  other  place,  of  which  there  is  no 
intimation,  and  thus  the  first  and  the  last  supposition  would  be  at 
entire  variance.  Again,  Desault  was  the  most  celebrated  surgeon 
of  the  time  in  France,  and  it  is  not  conceivable  that  he  could  have 
erred  in  opinion  in  a  case  of  such  importance  ;  and,  if  his  opinion 
were  correct,  that,  in  the  beginning  of  May,  scrofula  had  scarcely 
imprinted  its  seal  on  the  constitution  of  the  Dauphin,  then  it  is  a 
physical  impossibility  that  it  should  attain  its  most  advanced  stage 
in  a  month ;  for  scrofula,  as  I  am  professionally  advised,  is  a  disease 
most  slow  in  its  progress,  beginning  in  the  glands,  progressing  to  the 
skin  and  articulations,  and  gradually  taking  possession  of  the  intes 
tines  and  vital  organs,  nor  does  it  destroy  life  until  the  mastery 
over  the  last  is  complete.  It  would  require  years  to  bring  about 
the  state  of  things  described,  in  the  proces  verbal,  as  being  pre 
sented  at  the  autopsy  of  the  asserted  Dauphin,  and  the  declaration 
of  the  physicians  that  the  disease  was  of  long  standing  concedes 
this. 

Now,  against  evidence  of  this  character,  proving  by  undeniable 
physical  differences  the  non-identity  of  two  bodies,  no  official 
recognition  of  identity  based  on  mere  casual  observation,  however 
positively  declared,  and  however  formally  certified,  can  be  of  any 
avail.  Bodies  change  so  much  after  death,  in  many  cases,  that 
nothing  but  the  closest  examination,  with  the  desire  to  ascertain 
the  truth,  can  afford  grounds  for  certain,  or  even  a  probable 
opinion.  Four  members  of  the  Committee  of  General  Safety  came 
to  verify  the  death  of  the  Prince,  but  they  showed  the  greatest 
indifference.  The  officers  and  sub-officers  of  the  guard  of  the 
Temple  were,  we  are  told,  afterwards  admitted,  but  no  documen 
tary  evidence  is  afforded  of  the  fact.  Some  of  them,  it  is  said  by 
Beauchesne,  without  proof,  recognized  the  body  of  the  Prince. 


DISAPPEARANCE.  117 

How  they  could  have  done  so,  when  the  police  were  hunting  him 
all  over  France,  is  somewhat  difficult  to  understand. 

But  I  am  able  to  neutralize  such  testimony,  if  any  should  be 
inclined  to  attach  importance  to  it,  by  proof  at  least  of  equal 
weight.  Mr.  H.  B.  Muller,  of  Howard  street,  New  York,  an  emi 
nent  artist,  and  who  authorizes  me  to  refer  to  him,  assured  me,  in 
the  presence  of  Mr.  A.  Fleming,  that  he  was  well  acquainted  with 
a  person  named  Auvray,  formerly  an  officer  in  the  household  of 
Louis  XVI. — and  who,  though  afterwards  a  republican,  still  retained 
his  attachment  for  the  roj^al  family,  and  frequently  saw  the  Prince 
in  the  Temple,  both  in  a  civil  and  military  capacity,  having  pre 
viously  known  him  well  at  the  Tuileries ;  and  that  the  said  Auvray 
declared  to  the  said  Muller  that  he  was  present  when  the  body 
was  exhibited  to  the  officers  of  the  Garde  National,  and  that  it 
icas  not  the  tody  of  the  Dauphin. 

In  the  "New  Jersey  State  Gazette,"  of  February  llth,  1800, 
published  at  Trenton,  N.  J.  there  occurs  the  following  paragraph  : 
"  It  is  stated  in  political  circles  as  a  fact,  that  about  two  years  ago, 
a  Frenchman  who  had  left  his  country  on  account  of  his  principles, 
and  resided  at  Philadelphia,  affirmed  that  he  was  on  the  Commit 
tee  of  Surgeons  who  examined  the  body  of  the  child  said  to  be  tho 
Dauphin,  and  to  have  died  of  scrofula,  in  the  Temple,  but  having 
known  the  Prince  while  alive,  in  examining  the  face  of  the  corpse 
(contrary  to  positive  instructions}  he  perceived  no  resemblance,  and 
was  convinced  that  some  artifice  had  been  used  to  preserve  the  life 
of  the  young  Prince. 

"This  circumstance  is  related  by  gentlemen  of  credit,  who 
received  it  two  years  ago  from  the  surgeon  who  was  present  at  the 
dissection,  and  is  therefore  highly  confirmatory  of  the  recent 
rumor  that,  Louis  XVII.  was  really  saved  from  the  prisons  of  the 
National  Convention  by  an  artifice  of  Sieyes." 

There  are  several  discrepancies  in  this  statement,  though  it  is 
probably  substantially  true.  I  have  never  heard  that  either  of  tho 
four  physicians  officially  employed  at  the  autopsy  were  in  this 


118  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

country.  But  M.  Abeille,  the  pupil  of  Desault,  who  would  be 
likely,  as  well  as  his  master,  to  know  the  Dauphin,  was  in  America, 
and  declared  openly  his  belief  in  the  Dauphin's  existence,  and  in 
the  murder  of  Desault.  He  probably  may  have  been  admitted  to 
the  apartment  under  the  circumstances  described,  though  not  in  an 
official  capacity.* 

It  may,  however,  be  mentioned  in  this  place,  that  Charles 
Lafond  de  Savines— ex-Bishop  of  Yiviers,  a  man  of  learning, 
honesty,  and  ability,  though  he  had  embraced  French  revolutionary 
principles,  till  convinced,  by  the  events,  of  their  pernicious  conse 
quences,  and  who  became  the  chief  advocate  of  Hervagault,  the 
first  of  the  Pretenders,  was  mainly  influenced  by  what  he  heard 
from  the  four  physicians,  "He  was  more  convinced  that  the 
alleged  Dauphin  was  really  the  brother  of  the  Duchess  of 
Angouleme  from  the  fact  that  he,  the  bishop,  had  conversed  with 
the  surgeons  who  had  been  summoned  to  open  the  body  of  a 
child,  but  that  they  had  not  recognized  it,  nor  were  able  to 
pronounce  upon  it  as  that  of  the  Son  of  Louis  XYI."t 

I  therefore  meet  hearsay  with  hearsay,  neither  being  legal  evi 
dence,  and  one  just  as  good  as  the  other. 

The  evidence  adduced  renders  it,  I  think,  certain  that 
Louis  XVII.  was  removed  from  the  Temple  after  his  last  interview 
with  Desault — and  another  boy  of  about  the  same  age,  in  the  most 
advanced  stage  of  scrofula,  introduced  in  his  stead — while  Desault 
himself  was  murdered. 

Between  May  30th  and  June  1st,  there  were  only  four  persons 
who  are  said  to  have  had  any  intercourse  with  the  Prince,  Desault, 
Bellanger,  Lasne,  and  Gomin.  The  first,  who  knew  the  Dauphin 
intimately,  and,  as  a  noble  and  good  man,  could  never  have  been 
brought  to  testify  that  he  was  dead  when  he  knew  him  to  be 
alive,  died  suddenly,  as  all  Paris  suspected,  of  poison,  on  1st  June. 
Bellanger  was  alone  in  the  Prince's  room  for  hours  on  31st  May, 
under  circumstances  which  show  that  he  was  seeking  to  gain  the 
*  Percival,  p.  165.  t  Memoirs  of  the  Duchess  D'Angouleme,  p.  889. 


DISAPPEARANCE  119 

affections  of  the  child.  The  keepers  in  the  prison,  placed  there  by 
an  emissary  of  Louis  XVIII. ,  present  us  with  the  very  combination 
of  instruments  necessary  for  the  removal  of  the  child. 

The  precise  mode  by  which  the  death  of  Desault  was  accom 
plished,  or  the  agents,  may  never  be  known,  but  I  think  there  will 
be  few  to  deny  the  extreme  probability  that  he  was  poisoned.* 
Certainly,  death  never  occurred  more  opportunely.  He  knew  the 
Dauphin  well,  and  was  convinced  of  the  identity  of  the  patient  he 
was  attending  with  the  son  of  Louis  XVI. 

Had  he  visited  the  Temple  after  M.  Bellanger  had  removed  the 
Prince,  he  would  have  at  once  detected  and  exposed  the  imposition 
that  had  been  practised.  It  would  have  been  impossible  to  obtain 
from  him  a  proces  verbal,  stating  that  Louis  XVII.  was  dead  when 
he  knew  him  to  be  alive,  or  even  an  indefinite  document,  of  the 
character  furnished  by  Pelletan  and  his  colleagues,  which  would,  in 
fact,  from  him  have  been  worthless.  They  might  shelter  themselves 
under  the  plea  of  personal  ignorance.  He  could  not  do  so ;  and 
had  he  violated  the  principles  of  his  moral  nature,  and  disgraced 
himself  in  the  eyes  of  the  profession  and  the  world,  by  the  lame 
non-committalism  that  the  commissaries  assured  him,  that  the  dead 
body  was  that  of  the  Dauphin,  no  one  would  have  believed  him, 
and  the  deception  would  have  immediately  recoiled  on  the  heads  of 
its  contrivers.  Nor  would  it  have  answered  to  have  dismissed  him 
and  appointed  other  examining  physicians  in  his  place,  for  the 
world  would  immediately  have  asked,  Why  is  this  ?  Why  keep 
away  from  the  body  the  man  who  knows  the  Dauphin,  and  substi 
tute  others  who  do  not  know  him?  A  crisis  had  evidently 

*  De  Quincey,  who  has  pronounced  in  the  first  volume  of  his  autobiographical 
sketches,  a  favorable  opinion  of  the  evidence  adduced  in  my  articles,  in  "  Putnam's 
Magazine,"  expresses  some  hesitation  on  this  point.  I  am  inclined  to  think,  that 
further  reflection  will  induce  him  to  change  his  opinion.  It  is,  indeed,  an  act  abhor 
rent  to  the  thought — but  the  times  of  the  Revolution  were  not  ordinary  times,  and 
men  were  so  accustomed  to  bloodshed,  out  of  mere  caprice,  that  I  cannot  conceive 
they  would  find  any  difficulty  in  murdering  even  "  a  celebrated  physician,"  when  the 
crowa  and  destiniea  of  France  were  at  stake. —  Vide  Appendix  S. 


120  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

arrived  in  those  unscrupulous  and  bloody  days,  when  either 
Desault  must  die,  or  the  combined  treachery  of  two  hostile  fac 
tions  must  be  exposed,  and  all  their  plans  and  contrivances,  and 
hopes  for  the  future,  come  to  naught.  Can  we  think  the  moving 
agents  in  this  dark  drama  would  hesitate  a  moment  between  mur 
der  and  utter  discomfiture,  or  that  they  would  lack  the  instruments 
to  accomplish  their  resolves. 

As  to  Lasne  and  Gomin,  if  my  reasoning  on  the  evidence  be  sus 
tained,  no  other  sentence  can  be  passed  on  them  than  that  they  lied 
knowingly  to  the  end,  and  the  solemnity  of  their  falsehood  is  on  a 
par  with  the  credulity  of  M.  Beauchesne.  Perhaps  they  were 
taught  to  regard  it  as  a  religious  duty  thus  to  act,  and  superstition 
was  strengthened  by  habit,  worldly  interest,  and  the  too  natural 
desire  to  preserve  consistency  to  the  last.  It  is  not  improbable  also, 
that  while  they  found  silence  or  falsehood  lucrative,  they  knew  that 
truth  would  bo  attended  with  the  forfeiture  of  life.  (Appendix  C.) 

Let  me  say  a  few  words,  before  I  conclude  this  chapter,  as  to 
the  treaty  with  Oharette.  It  seems  evident  that,  in  the  contest  of 
chicanery,  the  republicans  were  outwitted  by  the  Eegent  and  his 
agents — as  the  Vend6eans  were  duped  by  both.  The  Convention 
never  designed  to  fulfil  their  stipulation,  but  merely  to  gain  time ; 
and  a  pretended  death  was  necessary  to  cloak  their  breach  of  faith. 
What  they  intended  to  do  with  the  Prince,  is  beyond  conjecture. 
Certainly  they  had  no  expectation  that  he  would  escape  their 
hands.  The  Yendeean  treaty  was  just  the  thing  to  afford  scope 
for  every  species  of  intrigue.  The  agents  of  the  Kegent  in  Paris 
were  corresponding  at  the  same  time  both  with  Charette  and  the 
government,  and  got  the  better  of  both — forwarding  the  ratifica 
tion  of  the  treaty  to  please  the  Vend6eans,  countermining  it  to 
gratify  the  Convention ;  and,  in  the  confusion  into  which  everything 
was  finally  thrown,  they  advanced  the  ambitious  designs  of  their 
master,  by  removing  the  lad  from  the  clutches  of  both  parties.  In 
days  when  life  was  so  rapidly  sacrificed,  and  many  of  the  royalist 
intriguers  perished  in  the  midst  of  successive  conspiracies,  it  may 


DISAPPEARANCE.  121 

have  easily  happened  that  most  of  the  prominent  actors  in  the 
removal  of  the  Prince  died  upon  the  scaffold. 

On  the  whole,  the  matter  stands  thus  : — 

1st.  There  is  no  shadow  of  pretence  that  Louis  XVII.  died  in 
the  Temple,  at  any  other  time  than  June  8,  1795,  or  that  any  other 
body  was  the  body  of  Louis  XVII.  than  that  opened  by  M.  Pelle- 
tan,  and  described  in  the  proces  verbal.  If  he  did  not  die  at  this 
time,  and  if  the  body  in  question  was  not  his,  then  it  is  conceded 
that  he  did  not  die  in  the  Temple. 

2d.  The  only  evidence  adduced  to  prove  his  death  is  that  of  Lasne 
and  Gomin.  If  that  fail,  there  is  utter  absence  of  proof.  But,  their 
testimony  is  not  reliable,  1st.  Because  they  were  interested  parties. 
2d.  Because  a  great  portion  of  their  statement  is  evidently  false — 
inasmuch  as  they  represent  a  person  to  have  talked  and  been  in  his 
senses,  who  is  known  to  have  been  devoid  of  reason,  and  from 
whom  one  of  them  acknowledged  it  was  impossible  to  extract  a 
word.*  Probability  is,  therefore,  against  their  credibility — and 
there  only  remains  a  naked  possibility,  that  they  spoke  the  truth  in 
this  instance.  Such  is  one  side  of  the  question. 

3d.  As  it  is  conceded,  in  the  premises,  that  the  body  described  in 
the  proces  verbal  is  that  of  the  boy  who  died  on  the  8th  June, 
1795,  it  is  physically  impossible — as  explained  in  this  chapter — that 
this  individual  could  have  been  Louis  XVII. ;  and,  therefore,  the 
possibility  in  favor  of  the  truthfulness  of  Lasne  and  Gomin  is  anni 
hilated,  and  it  is  evidently  demonstrated  that  Louis  XVII.  did  not 
die  in  the  Temple.  In  addition,  there  are  a  cloud  of  collateral  cir 
cumstances,  all  tending  to  establish  the  same  result,  the  half  of 
which  are  not  yet  exhibited. 

What  is  remarkable,  in  this  case,  is  that,  circumstantial  evidence 
breaks  down  and  brings  to  naught  seemingly  direct  testimony, 
and  shows  that  those  do  not  widely  err  who  attribute  to  circum 
stances,  undoubtedly  proved,  a  greater  power  in  the  development  of 

*  Ces  officiers  municipaux  (Laurent  and  Gomin)  repondcnt — ju'iZ  etait  impossible 
de  lui  arracher  une  parole.— Beauchesne,  vol.  ii.  p.  299. 

6 


122  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

truth,  than  to  verbal  testimony.  Facts  cannot  lie.  Interested  men 
may.  In  this  instance,  you  might  bring  a  thousand  witnesses  to  swear 
to  the  identity  of  the  dead  body  with  that  of  Louis  XVII. ,  without 
affecting  my  conclusion,  because,  while  their  testimony,  if  unim 
peachable  on  the  ground  of  veracity  and  sincerity,  might  bo 
resolved  into  mistake  arising  from  physiognomical  resemblance,  it 
could  with  irresistible  cogency  be  said  to  them — you  swear  that 
two  bodies  are  identical,  but  they  are  known  to  be  in  entirely  dif 
ferent  conditions ;  and,  therefore,  you  must  speak  false  or  be  in 
error,  unless  you  can  prove  that  different  things  can  yet  be  the 
same.  In  a  celebrated  criminal  case,  witnesses  swore  they  saw  a 
person  walking  in  the  street  who  was  at  that  moment  a  dismem 
bered  corpse.  It  is  easy  to  multiply  proofs  that  Louis  XVII.  did 
not  die  in  the  Temple ;  but,  I  need  nothing  more  than  a  compa 
rison  of  Desault's  opinion  with  the  proces  verbal,  to  satisfy  my  own 
mind.  Those  who  do  will  find  it  in  the  police  records  and  the 
acknowledgment  of  the  French  government. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

FUNERAL  SOLEMNITIES  AND  DKIED  HEART. 

THE  death  of  Louis  XVII.  was  officially  declared.  The  proces 
verbal  of  the  autopsy  was  published.  His  death  was  inscribed  on 
the  minutes  of  the  Convention,  and  on  the  register  of  the  section. 
The  room  in  which  he  had  been  confined  was  empty.  A  funeral, 
said  to  be  his,  had  taken  place.  Still  the  public  mind  was  not 
satisfied.  There  was  a  general  belief  that  the  Prince  was  not  dead. 
The  mystery  and  contradiction,  which  hung  over  everything  con 
nected  with  the  alleged  event,  created  an  impression  of  foul  play 
never  removed. 

One  thing  alone  was  certain.  He  was  not  to  be  found.  He  had 
disappeared.  He  had  been  got  rid  of.  The  desire  of  the  Conven 
tion  was  accomplished.  The  treaty  with  Charette  was  evaded. 


FUNERAL    SOLEMNITIES.  123 

The  long  ambitious  dream  of  the  Count  do  Provence  seemed  also 
nearly  realized.  He  was  now  Louis  XVIII.  Between  him  and  the 
throne  there  was  now  no  known  barrier  of  prior  hereditary  right. 
The  nominal  monarchy  was  vested  in  him,  and  the  times  appeared 
peculiarly  favorable  for  the  restoration  of  royalty.  The  excesses 
of  the  Kevolution  had  produced  disgust,  and  there  was  an  ardent 
desire  for  the  establishment  of  a  more  stable  government  than  the 
Eepublic  could  offer. 

On  his  accession,  Louis  XVIII.  issued  a  proclamation  to  the 
people  of  France.  It  is  a  curious  document,  and  well  deserves 
attention.  Its  length  prevents  my  giving  it  entire,  but  in  the 
present  historical  inquiry  it  cannot  be  passed  without  notice.  In  it 
the  long  repressed  impatience  of  an  ambitious  mind,  chafing  under 
a  sense  of  its  own  importance,  breaks  out  in  despite  of  all  politic 
considerations. 

"LOUIS,   BY  THE   GEACE   OF  GOD,   KING  OF  FEANCE   AND  NAVAEEE. 

"  To  all  our  subjects,  greeting: — 

"  In  depriving  you  of  a  king,  whose  whole  reign  was  passed  in  cap 
tivity,  but  whose  infancy,  even,  afforded  sufficient  grounds  for  believing 
that  he  would  prove  a  worthy  successor  to  the  best  of  kings,  the  impene 
trable  decrees  of  Providence,  at  the  same  time  that  they  have  transmitted 
his  crown  to  us,  have  imposed  on  us  the  necessity  of  tearing  it  from  the 
hands  of  revolt,  and  the  duty  of  saving  the  country,  reduced  by  a  dis 
astrous  revolution  to  the  brink  of  ruin. 

"  Long,  too  long,  have  we  had  to  deplore  those  fatal  circumstance*  which 
imperiously  prescribed  the  necessity  of  silence  ;  but  now  that  we  are  allowed 
to  exert  our  voice,  attend  to  it." 

This  is  a  strange  sentence.  What  fatal  circumstances  had  impe 
riously  prescribed  the  necessity  of  silence  ?  The  existence  of  Louis 
XVII.,  and  the  limited,  uncertain,  and  unacknowledged  powers  of 
the  Count  de  Provence.  He  could  only  speak  as  Regent.  In  that 
capacity  he  had  found  his  voice  was  but  little  heeded  by  those  who 


124  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

knew  Ms  ambition,  and  disliked  or  feared  him,  or  who  had  ambi 
tious  designs  of  their  o\vn.  He  could  not  address  France  from  the 
position  of  self-inherent  authority  which  belongs  to  'one  who 
stands  in  unquestioned  possession  of  hereditary  right,  wherever 
that  right  is  acknowledged  to  reside  in  any  one.  He  had  been  a 
self-appointed  regent,  not  nominated  by  the  late  king's  will,  not 
elected  by  the  royalist  party — and  the  adherents  of  the  monarchy 
could  all  take  their  own  stand,  and  make  their  own  terras,  inde 
pendently  of  him.  Conde  could  manage  his  forces  as  he  pleased, 
without  consulting  the  Regent.  The  Count  D'Artois,  at  the 
British  camp,  paid  him  but  a  nominal  submission,  followed  his 
own  plans,  and  intrigued  for  his  own  interests.  Charette  and  the 
Vendeans  did  not  acknowledge  him  as  Regent.  The  royalist 
leader  fought  in  the  name,  and  for  the  sake  of  the  legitimate  king, 
Louis  XVII.  And  could  he  have  obtained,  in  accordance  with  tho 
treaty,  possession  of  the  person  of  his  sovereign,  what  would  he 
have  cared  for  the  Regent  Provence  ?  He  would  have  struggled 
for  the  restoration  of  monarchy  on  his  own  terms,  and  in  his  own 
way.  The  head-quarters  of  the  royalists  would  have  been  trans 
ferred  from  Yerona,  or  wherever  the  Count  de  Provence  held  his 
court,  to  the  camp  at  La  Vendee  ;  and  the  Regent,  if  he  desired  to 
exercise  any  control,  must  have  appeared,  as  a  subordinate,  in  the 
midst  of  a  fierce  insurgent  army,  and  complied  with  the  wislies  of 
its  chief. 

All  this  was,  to  the  last  degree,  galling  to  the  proud  mind  of  Louis 
XVIII.  And  now  he  breaks  out  with  the  confession,  "Long,  too 
long,  have  we  had  to  deplore."  Deplore  what  ?  I  can  see  but  one 
answer.  The  continued  existence  of  Louis  XVIL,  who  obstinately 
persisted  in  dragging  out  an  imprisoned  life  in  the  Temple,  to  the 
detriment  and  impediment  of  his  successor.  "  But  now  that  we  are 
allowed  to  exert  our  voice,  attend  to  it."  Allowed,  by  what  ?  By 
the  death  of  that  infant  king,  whose  crown,  by  the  impenetrable 
decrees  of  Providence,  had  been  transferred  to  the  Regent. 

Had  the  proclamation  of  Louis  XVIII.  been  the  composition  of 


FUNERAL   SOLEMNITIES.  125 

a  friend,  or  a  minister,  no  sentence  of  this  kind  would  have  laid 
bare  his  heart.  It  was  profound  policy  in  Talleyrand  to  commit  to 
a  secretary  the  composition  of  his  despatches,  that  his  judgment 
might  not  he  swayed  by  the  natural  egotism  of  an  author.  But 
Louis  XVIIL,  vain  of  his  literary  acquirements,  prided  himself,  in 
every  crisis  of  his  fate,  in  penning  every  important  document  him 
self  ;  and,  on  this  occasion,  joy  at  deliverance  from  the  embarrass 
ments  of  a  regency  was  too  great  not  to  find  vent  in  words. 

In  a  subsequent  part  of  the  proclamation,  he  expresses  a  somewhat 
similar  feeling.  "  In  those  empires,"  he  says,  "  which  have  attained 
the  highest  pitch  of  glory  and  prosperity,  abuses  most  generally  pre 
vail  ;  because,  in  such  states,  they  are  the  least  likely  to  attract  the 
attention  of  those  who  govern.  Some  abuses  had,  therefore,  crept 
into  the  government  of  France,  which  were  not  only  felt  by  the 
lower  class  of  the  people,  but  by  every  order  of  the  State.  The 
deceased  monarch,  our  brother,  and  sovereign  lord  and  master,  had 
perceived  and  was  anxious  to  remove  them.  What  Louis  XYI. 
could  not  eifect,  we  will  accomplish." 

Here  again  he  involuntarily  gives  expression,  in  the  midst  of 
words  of  loyalty  and  affection  for  his  brother,  to  feelings  which 
had  long  engrossed  his  mind — and  justifies  all  that  history  says  of 
his  brother's  incompetency,  fostering  expectation  of  his  own  ele 
vation.  Had  he  tried,  he  could  scarcely  have  more  effectually 
disclosed,  than  in  this  proclamation,  his  sentiments  towards  the 
unfortunate  princes  whose  fatal  dignity  descended  on  him. 

This  document,  however,  as  a  whole,  though  labored  and  pomp 
ous,  like  everything  else  which  proceeded  from  his  pen,  was  not 
unsuited  to  the  occasion.  He  depicts  in  strong  colors  the  miseries 
of  revolutionary  France,  the  social  advantages  which  the  country 
would  derive  from  a  return  to  her  ancient  institutions,  admits  the 
necessity  of  reform,  to  adapt  the  institutions  of  the  country  to  the 
intelligence  and  wants  of  the  age,  promises  reward  to  the  royalists, 
mercy  to  the  republicans — denies,  in  strange  inconsistency  with  hia 
known  sentiments  and  previous  expressions,  all  feelings  of 


126  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

ambition,  and  ends  by  declaring  his  hopes  for  the  future,  and 
lavishing  praise  on  the  army  of  Cond6. 

One  of  the  closing  sentences  shows  the  strong  expectations  he 
cherished  of  effecting  a  restoration.  u  Misfortune  has  removed  the 
veil  which  was  placed  before  your  eyes,  the  harsh  lessons  of  expe 
rience  have  taught  yon  to  regret  the  advantages  you  have  lost. 
Already  do  the  sentiments  of  religion,  which  show  themselves, 
with  eclat,  in  all  the  provinces  of  the  kingdom,  present  to  our  sight 
the  image  of  the  glorious  ages  of  the  church ;  already  does  the 
impulse  of  your  hearts,  which  brings  you  back  to  your  king, 
declare  that  you  feel  the  want  of  being  governed  by  a  father" 
Louis  XVIII.  could  readily  apply  balms  to  any  feelings  of  remorse 
which  might  at  times  disturb  him,  and  believe  that  the  end  sancti 
fied  the  means — that  the  weakness  pertaining  to  a  contested 
regency,  in  troublous  times,  and  the  dissipation  of  authority,  con 
sequent  on  the  absence  of  one  acknowledged  head,  imperatively 
demanded  the  politic  usurpation  of  authority  by  one  competent  to 
govern.  The  French  nation  needed  a,  father.  Could  it  find  one  in 
the  embecile  captive  of  the  Temple  ? — and  though,  both  by  his  age 
and  inability,  the  practical  duties  of  sovereignty  must  devolve  on 
some  one  else,  a  regency  would  leave  the  door  open  for  perpetual 
resistance  to  authority  and  the  strivings  of  ambition.  The  shortest 
and  easiest  way  for  the  Regent  was  to  cut  the  Gordian  knot — and 
by  making  himself  the  sole  source  and  fountain  of  legitimacy  and 
right  in  the  kingdom,  to  consult  the  common  weal,  while  he 
advanced  his  own  individual  power. 

The  asserted  death  of  Louis  XVII.  led  necessarily  to  the  libera 
tion  of  Madame  Royale,  his  sister.  There  was  no  longer  any 
object  or  policy  in  retaining  her  as  a  captive.  The  press  took  up 
the  unfinished  work  of  Oharette.  Petitions  and  addresses  poured 
into  the  Convention  on  all  sides.  Deputations  from  distant  parts 
of  the  country  presented  themselves  in  Paris,  to  pray  for  the 
release  of  the  last  remnant  of  the  unfortunate  family  of  Louis  XVI 
Concession  to  public  opinion  cost  nothing,  and  was  an  escape  fron 


FUNERAL     SOLEMNITIES.  127 

embarrassment.  But  a  pecuniary  ransom  offered  by  Austria  was 
rejected,  and  the  more  popular  measure  adopted  of  exchanging  the 
Princess  for  certain  representatives  and  other  official  persons,  whom 
the  fortune  of  war  had  thrown  into  the  hands  of  that  power. 

Previous  to  her  release,  however,  care  was  taken  to  communi 
cate  the  intelligence  that  she  was  now  alone  on  earth,  and  Madame 
de  Chanteraine  was  commissioned  to  perform  the  task.  "  Madame," 
she  said,  "  has  no  parents."  "  And  niy  brother  ?"  was  the  imme 
diate  question.  "No  brother."  "And  my  aunt?"  "No  aunt." 
u All  is  finished!"  was  her  pathetic  exclamation.  Her  situation 
was  gradually  ameliorated.  Madame  de  Mackau  and  the  former 
governess  of  the  Dauphin,  Madame  de  Tourzel,  were  permitted  to 
visit  her,  with  Madame  de  Ohanteraine. 

Louis  XVIII.  employed  M.  Hue  to  communicate  his  wishes  to 
the  Princess.  "He  hired,"  says  Lamartine,  "one  of  the  windows 
which  overlooked  the  garden,  where  he  used  to  sing  like  Blondel, 
the  servant  of  another  royal  captive,  consolatory  lays  to  the 
daughter  of  his  sovereign.  By  means  of  signals,  he  succeeded  in 
putting  her  in  possession  of  a  letter  from  her  uncle,  to  which  the 
princess  sent  a  reply  by  the  connivance  of  the  commissioners  (i.  e. 
Lasne  and  Gomin),  who  shut  their  eyes  on  the  occasion.  Oharette 
also  transmitted  to  her,  through  this  medium,  the  wishes  and  devo 
tion  of  the  army." 

We  here  still  find  the  agents  of  Louis  XVIII.  holding  communi 
cation  with  the  inmates  of  the  Temple,  through  the  connivance  of 
the  soi-disant  republican  jailers,  and,  at  the  same  time,  maintain 
ing  intercourse  with  Charette.  Some  time  elapsed  before  the 
necessary  negotiations  for  the  exchange  with  Austria  were 
concluded,  and  it  was  not  until  the  night  of  December  18th,  that 
the  princess  left  the  Temple.  Gomin  accompanied  her-1— and  from 
him  she  derived  confirmation  of  her  brother's  death.  Surrounded 
by  such  influences  she  had  composed,  in  the  tower  of  the 
Temple,  previous  to  her  release,  the  account  of  the  captivity  of 
her  family  and  the  death  of  Louis  XVII.,  so  frequently  appealed  to 


128  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

as  direct  evidence,  whereas  her  testimony,  at  this  time,  simply 
resolves  itself  into  that  of  Louis  XVIII.,  Lasne,  and  Gomin. 

At  a  subsequent  period,  as  I  will  hereafter  show,  the  true  secret 
of  his  fate  was  communicated  to  her,  and  she  was  made  acquainted 
with  the  fact  that,  instead  of  having  expired  in  the  Temple,  her 
brother  was  living  in  America.  On  25th  December,  the  exchange 
was  consummated  at  Huningue,  and  on  9th  January,  1796,  she 
arrived  at  Vienna,  where  she  remained  for  some  time  in  the  enjoy 
ment  of  the  hospitalities  of  the  imperial  court.  Her  travelling 
companion  had  been  Madame  de  Soucy,  a  confidante  of  Louis 
XVIIL,  but,  who,  in  consequence  of  the  rivalry  which  arose 
between  the  house  of  Austria  and  the  exiled  Bourbons,  in  seeking 
her  hand,  was  compelled  to  leave  her.  The  emperor,  anxious  to 
unite  the  daughter  of  Marie  Antoinette  to  the  Archduke  Charles, 
viewed  with  suspicion  the  appointment  of  Madame  de  Soucy.  Her 
dismissal,  however,  was  attended  with  no  beneficial  result  to  his 
wishes,  and  Madame  Royale  evinced  her  preferences  for  the  Duke 
D'Angouleme,  to  whom  it  was  the  policy  of  Louis  XVIII.  that  she 
should  be  united.  "  I  am,  before  all  things,  French,"  she  said  to 
the  emperor,  "  and  consequently  in  entire  subjection  to  the  laws  of 
France,  which,  from  my  childhood  have  rendered  me  alternately 
the  suject  of  the  king,  my  father;  the  king,  my  brother;  and 
the  king,  my  uncle ;  and  I  will  yield  obedience  to  the  latter 
whatever  be  the  nature  of  his  command*"  "I  remained  inflexi 
ble,"  she  says,  "  constantly  making  reference  to  the  will  of  the 
king,  my  uncle."* 

Louis  XVIIL  was,  at  that  time,  sojourning  at  Mittau,  where  the 
Czar  Paul  had  afforded  him  a  refuge.  Through  the  intercession  of 
the  latter  with  the  court  of  Vienna,  the  princess  was  released,  and 
arrived  at  Mittau,  on  4th  June,  1799.  On  the  10th  of  the  same 
month  she  was  married  to  the  Duke  D'Angouleme.  "The 
affianced  pair,"  says  the  historian  of  the  daughter  of  Louis  XVL, 
"  were  calmly  happy,  and  yet  there  had  been  no  wooing.  The 

*  Memoirs  of  the  Duchess  D'Angonlfime,  p  263. 


FUNERAL    SOLEMNITIES.  129 

ceremony  was  tho  result  of  a  political  combination.1'*  In  all  Ins 
wanderings,  the  king  kept  by  him  the  prospective  successors  to  his 
throne,  whose  affections,  feelings,  interests,  and  views  became 
naturally  identified  with  his  own.  Over  the  duchess  he  exercised 
an  almost  despotic  control. 

The  industry  and  zeal  of  the  agents  and  intriguers  of  Louis 
XVIII.,  who  assumed  also  the  title  of  the  Count  de  Lisle,  were 
only  increased  by  his  nominal  accession  to  the  crown.  The  whole 
of  their  plots,  conspiracies,  and  correspondence  is  wrapt  in  such 
mystery,  that  it  seems  impossible  to  distinguish  clearly  the  true 
from  the  false — what  they  did,  from  what  they  only  pretended  to 
do.  But  from  first  to  last,  they  were  thoroughly  unprincipled. 

In  La  Vendee,  the  contest  for  the  Restoration  was  the  result  of 
an  heroic  passion.  A  species  of  religion  pervaded  all  ranks, 
prompting  a  willing  surrender  of  property  and  life  for  the  sake  of 
a  beloved  cause.  But  the  partizans  of  Louis  XVIIL,  with  few 
exceptions,  were  actuated  by  purely  mercenary  motives,  and  con 
tinued  their  conspiracies  against  the  internal  peace  of  France,  that 
they  might  draw  their  accustomed  stipend. 

The  year  1796  witnessed  the  death  of  Charette,  who  was  taken 
prisoner  and  shot — manifesting  to  the  last  a  heroism  worthy  of  his 
name  and  cause. 

From  the  suppression  of  the  war  in  La  Vendee,  all  interest  in 
counter-revolution  ceases.  It  is  impossible  to  respect  those  whose 
object  is  money — whose  weapons  are  intrigue — and  who  work  in  the 
dark.  It  is  equally  foreign  to  my  purpose  to  chronicle  the  suc 
cessive  efforts  and  systematic  chicanery,  through  a  series  of  years, 
by  which  they  sought  to  impose  upon  France  a  government  daily 
becoming  more  distasteful  to  the  people,  as  the  military  triumphs 
of  Bonaparte  gave  a  new  object  to  the  popular  enthusiasm. 

France  was  now  under  the  power  of  the  Directory,  which  was 
a  gradual  preparation  for  still  more  concentrated  authority ;  and 
the  certainty  that  the  government  of  five  was  only  an  introduction, 

*  Memoirs  of  the  Duchess  D'Angouleme,  p.  273. 
4* 


130  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

in  some  shape,  for  the  government  of  one,  gave  an  impetus  to  the 
intrigues  of  the  royalists,  which  sometimes  were  on  the  brink  of  suc 
cess.  Under  the  protecting  shadow  of  the  Directory,  the  Empire 
grew  gradually  up,  in  the  person  of  the  victorious  chief,  who  gave 
the  principal  eclat  to  the  Kepublic  in  its  final  forms.  With  super 
stitious  confidence  in  his  destiny,  he  steadily  and  sternly  resisted 
all  overtures  to  cast  his  sword  into  the  scale  of  royalty — while 
Pichegru,  and,  perhaps,  Moreau,  listened  to  offers  tempting  to  all 
ambitions  but  the  highest. 

The  18th  Fructidor  (September  4,  1797)  witnessed,  however, 
the  death-blow  to  the  present  hopes  of  the  royalists ;  when  the 
Directory,  by  a  bold  coup  d'etat,  excluded  from  the  legislature  the 
deputies  of  forty-eight  departments — banished  forty-three  members 
of  the  Council  of  Five  Hundred,  and  eleven  of  the  Council  of  Ancients. 
Deprived  of  all  influence  in  the  government  of  the  Kepublic,  the 
royalists  sank  into  an  insignificant  faction.  By  petty  conspiracies 
they  might  give  work  to  the  police — or,  by  pretended  or  exagge 
rated  intrigues,  draw  subsidies  from  England — but  were  utterly 
powerless  to  disturb  the  country,  in  the  presence  of  the  gigantic 
influence  and  reputation  of  Bonaparte.  His  course  of  empire  must 
be  run  before  a  sane  word  could  be  lisped  for  the  dethroned  Bour 
bons.  Rising  first  into  power  soon  after  the  disappearance  of  the 
child,  he  seems,  like  a  gigantic  storm  cloud,  thrust  between  Louis 
and  the  crown. 

The  Count  D'Artois  retired  to  Great  Britain,  and  divided  his 
time  between  the  Palace  at  Holyrood,  and  his  residence  in  London 
— except  when  absent,  on  brief  intriguing  excursions,  to  the  conti 
nent.  He  had  become  for  less  obsequious  to  Louis  XVIII.,  and 
his  plots  and  manoeuvres  had  an  individual  bearing.  He  designed, 
if  an  opportunity  offered,  favorable  to  the  restoration  of  royalty,  to 
throw  himself  into  France  and  forestall  his  brother  in  the  race  of 
popular  favor. 

In  the  meantime,  the  king,  driven  from  one  place  to  another,  by 
the  current  of  events,  still  preserved,  under  every  mutation  of  for- 


FUNERAL     SOLEMNITIES.  131 

tune,  the  mock  majesty  of  external  state,  which,  but  for  his  ultimate 
elevation  to  the  throne,  would  have  shown  him  to  posterity  in  the 
light  of  a  monomaniac.*  His  court  was  transferred  successively 


*  "  Surrounded  by  his  two  young  nephews,  the  Dukes  D'Angouleme  and  Berry,  his 
niece,  his  ministers,  his  great  officers,  his  courtiers,  his  friends,  his  captain  of  the  guards, 
the  Dukes  de  Villeguier  and  Fleury,  Count  D'Avary,  Count  de  Cosse,  Commandant  of 
his  Swiss  Guard,  the  Marquis  de  Jancourt,  the  Duke  de  Vanguyon,  Marshal  de  Cas- 
tres,  by  his  gentlemen,  his  almoners,  and  by  all  the  appendages  of  the  Church  and 
the  Court  which  he  included  in  his  suite,  he  still  represented  in  miniature  the  showy 
royalty  of  Versailles.  Differing  from  Dionysius  of  Syracuse,  who  taught  children  at 
Corinth,  he  only  knew  the  business  of  a  king,  which  he  exercised  even  among  the  peasants 
of  Brunswick.  It  might  be  said  that  this  long  exile  was  only  the  rehearsal  of  a  reign. 
The  same  solemnity  presided  at  every  act  and  every  step  he  made.  The  ceremonies 
of  worship,  the  levees,  the  councils,  the  public  dinners,  the  assemblies,  the  play,  were 
all  assigned  to  their  respective  hours,  with  the  uniform  etiquette  of  the  palace.  From 
thence  he  conferred  powers  on  his  commissioners  in  the  provinces,  and  withdrew 
them,  as  he  thought  fit,  reigning,  in  idea,  over  the  map  of  his  dominions,  which 
always  lay  open  before  him.  He  encouraged  the  armies  at  a  distance  by  proclama 
tions,  and  the  chiefs  by  a  smart  saying.  He  wrote  to  Marshal  Broglie  in  a  style  full 
of  epic  allusions  about  his  son,  who  had  distinguished  himself  on  the  Rhine :—' Ancient 
chroniclers  inform  us  that  the  Cid  was  the  last  of  the  sons  of  Don  Diego  de  Bivar, 
and  that  he  surpassed  him,  in  the  opinion  of  all  Spain.  Adieu,  my  marshal.'  His 
costume  was  that  of  the  old  regime,  absurdly  modified  by  the  alterations  which  time 
had  introduced  in  the  habits  of  men.  He  wore  velvet  boots,  reaching  up  above  the 
knees,  that  the  rubbing  of  the  leather  should  not  hurt  his  legs,  and  to  preserve,  at 
the  same  time,  the  military  costume  of  kings  on  horseback.  His  sword  never  left  his 
side,  even  when  sitting  in  his  easy  chair— a  sign  of  the  nobility  and  superiority  of 
arms,  which  he  wished  always  to  present  to  the  notice  of  the  gentlemen  of  his  king 
dom.  His  orders  of  chivalry  covered  his  breast,  and  were  suspended  with  broad  blue 
ribbons  over  his  white  waistcoat.  His  coat,  of  blue  cloth,  participated  by  its  cut  in 
the  two  epochs  whose  costumes  were  united  in  him.  Two  little  gold  epaulettes  shone 
upon. his  shoulders,  to  recall  the  general,  by  birth,  in  the  king.  His  hair,  artistically 
turned  up,  and  curled  by  the  hairdresser  on  his  temples,  was  tied  behind  with  a  black 
silk  ribbon,  floating  on  his  collar.  It  was  powdered,  in  the  old  fashion,  and  thus  con 
cealed  the  whiteness  of  age  under  the  artificial  show  of  the  toilet.  A  three-cornerea 
hat,  decorated  with  a  cockade  and  a  white  plume,  reposed  on  his  knees  or  in  hia 
hand.  He  seemed  desirous  that  ceremonial  should  command  respect  through  aston 
ishment.  He  generally  continued  in  a  sitting  posture,  supported  on  the  arm  of  a 
courtier  or  a  servant."— Lamwrtvne. 


132  THE    LOST   PRINCE. 

from  Verona  to  Blankenbourg,  Mittau,  Warsaw,  and,  a  second  time, 
to  Mittau.     Finally,  in  1807,  he  took  refuge  in  England. 

For  a  long  time  lie  retained  the  chimerical  hope  of  reducing 
Napoleon  to  be  the  architect  of  his  throne.  But  the  great  captain 
— though  he  justly  despised  him — to  rid  himself  of  the  continual 
conspiracies  of  the  royalists,  made  overtures  to  the  king  for  the 
renunciation  of  his  title  to  the  crown — a  proposition  which,  with 
verbal  dignity  that  never  failed  him,  he  declined.  The  theatrical 
pomp  and  circumstance  of  his  life  were  somewhat  modified  by  the 
bracing  republican  air  of  England,  and  he  gradually  abated  the 
mimicry  of  inexistent  power,  in  which  his  puerile  mind  delighted. 
With  the  ken  of  a  political  prophet,  and  the  patient,  egotistic  arro 
gance  of  a  fatalist,  he  looked  forward,  even  under  the  empire, 
against  which  he,  as  usual,  protested,  for  the  restoration  of  the 
kingdom. 

The  climax  of  Napoleon's  power  came  at  length — and  then  its 
descent  and  obscuration.  Disaster  followed  disaster.  The  image 
which  had  filled  the  world,  stricken  on  its  feet  of  clay,  at  length 
grovelled  in  the  dust.  Napoleon  was  no  founder  of  a  dynasty.* 
Had  he  died  in  the  Tuileries,  and  been  succeeded  by  his  son, 
loyalty — like  a  plant  growing  on  the  grave  of .  the  Bourbons, 
and  bearing  old  heroic  fruit — would  have  twined  around  the 
column  of  the  empire,  and  rendered  glorious,  and  venerable,  and 
stable,  the  stately,  but  newly  erected  structure.  But  it  was  other 
wise  ordained.  As  the  long  anticipated  moment  for  the  Bourbons 
came  more  distinctly  in  view,  the  rivalry  of  the  brothers  increased 
in  a  manner  which  shows  that  D'Artois  felt  he  had  as  much  right 
to  the  throne  as  Louis  XVIII.  "  My  brother,"  said  the  latter, 
"  contests  and  almost  devours  me  for  the  attainment  of  this  reign 
before  it  is  assured  to  either." 

Let  us  now  pass  rapidly  over  the  interval.  In  the  early  part  of 
the  year  1814  the  Count  D'Artois  entered  France,  and  assuming  the 

*  Inaugural  Address  of  Napoleon  III. 


FUNERAL    SOLEMNITIES.  133 

title  of  Lieutenant-General  of  the  kingdom,  took  measures  for  the 
restoration  of  the  Bourbons  on  the  downfall  of  Napoleon,  which 
appeared  certain.  He  was  strongly  inclined  to  negotiate  for  himself. 
Great  mistrust  existed  between  him  and  Louis  XVIII.,  not  compatible 
with  an  assured  hereditary  title  in  the  king ;  and  I  shall  hereafter 
show  that  the  Count  D'Artois  was  well  acquainted  with  the  exist 
ence  of  his  nephew.  Feeling,  therefore,  that,  in  point  of  fact,  the 
legitimate  claim  to  the  throne  was  vested  in  neither,  he  would 
be  naturally  inclined  to  dispute  a  possession  which,  if  hereditary, 
could  only  be  achieved  by  his  brother  as  an  act  of  usurpation. 
The  force  of  events,  the  influence  of  family,  prudence,  and  a  thou 
sand  motives — personal  and  political — may  have  contributed  to 
quell  the  temptation. 

The  treaty  of  Fontainbleau,  between  Napoleon  and  the  allied  sove 
reigns,  was  signed  on  the  llth  April.  But,  on  the  6th,  the  Senate 
had  already  acknowledged  Louis  XVIII.  as  king.  He  left  Hartwell 
on  the  18th  April — entered  London  in  state  on  the  23d,  and,  tho 
next  day,  sailed  from  Dover  for  his  long  anticipated  dominion. 

"With  all  the  intricate  combinations  of  political  events  to  wrhich 
the  Restoration  gave  rise,  we  have  nothing  to  do.  But  much  that 
transpired  of  a  more  private  nature  in  Paris,  is  so  intimately  con 
nected  with  the  historic  problem  before  us,  that  I  must  consider  it 
in  detail. 

Soon  after  the  re- establishment  of  the  royal  family  in  the  capi 
tal,  arrangements,  of  various  kinds,  were  made  to  pay  due  honors 
to  the  memory  of  all  the  Bourbons  who  had  perished  since  the 
beginning  of  the  Revolution.  Here  we  evidently  tread  on  ground 
which  must  present  some  strong  indications  of  the  truth  in  respect 
to  the  death  or  preservation  of  Louis  XVII.  Were  he  dead, 
nothing  was  more  easy  and  simple  than  the  course  to  be  pursued. 
If  alive,  and  the  fact  known  to  all  the  members  of  the  Bourbon 
family,  nothing  could  be  more  perplexing,  or  more  likely  to  lead  to 
those  inconsistencies  of  conduct  and  contradictions  in  policy,  which 
mark  the  era,  and  which  constitute  a  labyrinth  inexplicable  on  any 


134  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

other  ground.  But,  let  the  reader  judge  when  he  has  the  whole 
before  him. 

The  first  act  in  the  funereal  drama,  was  the  exhumation  of  the 
remains  of  the  unfortunate  Due  D'Enghein  from  the  moat  in  the 
Chateau  of  Yincennes,  where  they  had  been  deposited  after  the 
inhuman  murder,  perpetrated  by  order  of  Napoleon,  the  most 
damning  deed  in  his  career  of  blood. 

The  Duchess  D'Angouleme  played  the  most  prominent  part  in 
the  funeral  pageant.  She  caused  a  chapel  to  be  fitted  up  in  the 
chateau,  draped  in  black,  rendered  entirely  dark,  and  lighted  only 
by  feeble  tapers.  Here  the  corpse  of  her  murdered  cousin  was 
placed,  and  hither  she  repaired,  once  a  week,  to  pray  for  the 
repose  of  his  soul.*  At  the  same  time  efforts  were  made  to 
discover  the  remains  of  Louis  XVI.,  Marie  Antoinette,  and  the 
Princess  Elizabeth.  There  was  the  greatest  improbability  that  any 
vestige  of  their  bodies  remained — and  certainly  no  means  of  iden 
tification.  They  had  been  buried  in  tha  churchyard  of  the  cemetery 
of  the  Madeleine,  and  every  care  taken  to  destroy  them,  and  prevent 
their  being  afterwards  disinterred,  as  relics,  to  the  prejudice  of  the 
Eepublic.t  The  bodies  had  been  deposited  in  beds  of  quick  lime, 
cartloads  of  which  had  been  afterwards  heaped  on  them,  and,  to 
aid  in  their  rapid  and  effectual  decomposition,  immense  quantities 
of  water  had  been  poured  upon  the  whole.  Hundreds,  or  rather 
thousands  of  bodies,  aristocratic  and  plebeian,  royalist  and  revolu 
tionary,  had  been  heaped  pell-mell  in  the  narrow  ground — the 
royal  dust  lay  in  the  very  midst  of  the  five  hundred  Swiss  ;J  inter 
ments,  of  all  kinds,  had  been  purposely  and  recklessly  made 
to  defeat  identification,  and  no  wonder  then  that  "  the  thermo 
meter  of  sentiment  descended  below  freezing  point  as  soon  as  the 
royal  conclusion  was  published,  that  the  ashes  of  the  illustrious 
dead  should  be  publicly  and  solemnly  transferred  to  St.  Denis. "§ 

*  Ireland,  p.  23. 

t  Alison,  vol.  i.  p.  155.    Memoirs  of  the  Duchess  D'Angoul6me,  p.  826.    Ireland,  p.  26, 

t  Memoirs  of  the  Duchess  D'Angouleme,  p.  321.  §  Ibid,  p.  825 


FUNERAL     SOLEMNITIES.  135 

Paris  stood  laughing  by  as  the  mock  pageant  swept  along,  in  fune 
real  pomp  and  heraldic  blazonry,  bearing  to  the  royal  mausoleum 
u  the  bodies  of  the  most  high,  most  powerful,  and  most  excellent 
Prince,  Louis  XVI.  by  name,  and  by  the  grace  of  God,  King 
of  France  and  Navarre ;  and  of  the  very  high,  very  powerful,  and 
very  excellent  Princess,  Marie  Antoinette  Joseph  Jeane,  of  Loraine, 
Archduchess  of  Austria,  wife  of  the  very  high,  very  powerful,  and 
very  excellent  Prince  Louis,  XVI.  of  the  name,  King  of  France  and 
Navarre.*  But,  while  the  transaction  was  ridiculed,  attention 
tion  was  drawn  to  the  significant  fact,  that  there  were  no  funera. 
solemnities  for  Louis  XVII.  Attempts,  I  know,  are  sometimes  made 
to  explain  this,  by  saying  that,  the  Eoman  Church  offers  no  prayers 
for  the  souls  of  children,  who  are  not  supposed  to  need  them.t 
But  this  is  an  evasion,  and  by  no  means  meets  the  difficulty.  The 
Roman  Church  buries  children,  and  relatives,  in  Romish  countries, 
respect  the  remains  of  those  members  of  their  family  who  die  in 
youth.  Louis  XVII.,  if  dead,  was  buried  in  a  spot,  well-known — 
no  quick  lime  had  been  cast,  as  in  the  other  cases,  on  the  corpse— 
an  indication,  by  the  by,  that  it  was  not  deemed  worth  while 
to  destroy  inexistent  relics.  The  Duchess  D'Angouleme,  who 
showed  such  marked  respect  and  affection  for  the  dust  of  the  Due 
D'Enghien,  a  distant  relative,  would  be  likely  to  pay  equal  regard 
for  the  memory  and  remains  of  a  brother,  who  shared  her  captivity, 
and  with  whom  the  most  mournful  memories  of  her  life  were  con 
nected.  If  she  did  not  pray  for  his  soul — for  that  is  not  the  point- 
she  would  assuredly  gather  his  remains,  to  be  deposited  beside  those 
of  his  august  parents,  or  would  at  least  take  care  that  a  monument 
was  erected  to  perpetuate  his  name,  his  virtues,  and  his  suffer 
ings. 

The  omission,  therefore,  of  all  respect  to  Louis  XVII.,  at  such  a 
moment,  occasioned,  in  every  place  where  the  circumstances  were 
known,  surprise  and  suspicion,  which  revived  all  the  doubts  con« 

*  Memoirs  of  the  Duchess  D'AngoulSme,  p.  825. 
t  Lc  Phare  tie  New  York,  February,  1853. 


136  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

cerning  the  death  of  the  Prince  which  had  so  long  slept  in  tho 
ohlivion  of  the  Bourbons  and  the  martial  splendors  of  the  em 
pire. 

But  all  speculation  on  the  subject  was  cut  short  by  the  spectral 
revivification  of  the  power  of  Napoleon,  in  1815.  Again  were  the 
Bourbons  scattered  to  the  four  winds,  flying, -fighting,  or  intriguing 
— and  the  valor  and  determination  of  the  Duchess  D'Angouleme 
drew  from  Napoleon  the  celebrated  remark,  that  she  was  the  only 
man  of  her  family.  But  the  bloody  drama  of  the  Hundred  Days 
soon  came  to  an  end,  and  Louis  XVIII.,  a  second  time,  entered  the 
Tuileries  in  triumph,  at  the  very  moment  when  Napoleon  quitted 
France  for  ever. 

The  perplexities  attending  the  second  restoration,  for  some 
months,  so  exclusively  occupied  the  national  mind,  that  the 
question  of  tho  death  of  Louis  XVII.  was  not  again  revived,  until 
affairs  assumed  a  sufficiently  settled  state,  to  allow  the  public  to  see 
that  if  the  predecessor  of  the  reigning  sovereign  was  indeed  no 
more,  common  decency  required  that  some  respect  should  be 
paid  to  his  memory.  Public  opinion  imperatively  demanded 
action  of  some  sort,  and  Louis  XVIII.  felt  compelled  to  humor  it 
to  a  certain  extent — or  rather  to  play  with  and  lull  it  to  sleep  by 
promises  never  fulfilled. 

In  January,  1816,  a  law  was  passed,  by  the  two  Chambers,  com 
manding  a  monument  to  be  erected  at  the  expense  and  in  the  name  of 
the  French  nation,  to  the  memory  of  Louis  XVII.  The  king,  as  if 
designing  to  put  this  law  in  immediate  execution,  issued  a  royal 
ordinance  for  the  erection  of  the  monument  in  the  church  of  the 
Madeleine,  and  gave  directions  to  Lemot,  a  Parisian  sculptor,  to 
execute  it.  M.  Belloc  was  also  employed  to  write  an  epitaph  to  be 
inscribed  on  the  mausoleum  of  the  infant  king. 

All  this  looks  well.  But  after  all  this  show  of  regard,  the  law 
remained  a  dead  letter.  The  ordinance  was  never  carried  into 
effect — the  monument  was  never  erected,  and  the  epitaph  has  no 
place  but  among  the  curiosities  of  literature,  the  Limbo  of  all  lost 


FUNERAL    SOLEMNITIES.  137 

and  all  abortive  things.    I  give  the  proposed  epitaph  and  a  transla 
tion  below.*     Facts  are  more  satiric  than  Juvenal. 

The  next  official  action  taken  in  the  matter  was  on  1st  March, 
1816,  when  the  Count-  Decazes,  Minister  of  Police,  addressed  tho 
following  letter  to  the  Count  Angles,  Prefect  of  Police : — 

"PARIS,  March  1st,  1816, 

u  Monsieur  le  Comte : 

"  His  majesty  has  determined  by  his  ordinance  of  14th  February, 
the  place  to  be  occupied  by  the  religious  monument,  to  be  erected  to  the 
memory  of  Louis  XVII.  It  is  really  necessary,  and  I  have  already  called 
your  attention  to  this  subject,  to  discover  the  precious  remains  of  this  illus 
trious  victim  of  the  Revolution.  It  is  known  that  the  young  king  was 
interred  in  the  Cemetery  of  St.  Marguerite,  in  tho  Faubourg  St.  Antoine, 
in  the  presence  of  two  civil  commissioners,  and  of  the  commissary  of 
police,  of  the  section  of  the  Temple,  8th  June,  1795. 

"  The  young  king  should  be  placed  in  St.  Denis. 

"  I  request  you  to  render  me  an  account  of  the  precise  measures  which 
you  have  prescribed  to  attain  this  end,  and  of  their  probable  result.  It 

*  Memorise  et  cineribus  To  the  memory  and  ashes 

Ludovici  XVII.,  of  Louis  XVIL, 

quern  whom, 

parentibus  sanctissimis  from  his  sacred  parents 

infando  funere  orbatum  separated  by  a  mournful  fate, 

nullas  non  serumnas  perpessum  and  stricken  with  every  sorrow, 

in  ipso  fere  vitse  limine  mors  sustulit  on  the  very  threshold  of  life,  death  removed 

die  VIII.  junii  an.  MDCCXCV.  on  the  8th  day  of  June,  1795. 

Vixit  Annis  X.  Mensibus  II.  diebus  XII.         He  lived  10  years,  2  months,  12  days. 

Ludovicus  XVIII.  Louis  XVHI. 

fecit  hath  erected  this 

fratris  filio  dulcissimo  to  his  nephew  most  lovely, 

ac  supra  aetatis  modum,  pietissimo  and,  beyond  the  measure  of  his  age,  religious. 

salve  anima  innocens  Hail  innocent  soul, 

quse  ceu  aureurn  Gallife  sidus  who,  like  a  glittering  star  of  France, 

beato  spatiaris  polo  walkest  in  the  blessed  skies; 
volens  hanc  patriam  domum  que  Borboni-      auspiciously,  this  country  and  the  House 

dum  placido  lumine  intuetor.  of  Bourbon,  with  placid  eye,  behold. 


138  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

will  be  essential,  if  this  precaution  has  not  been  taken,  to  call  the  com 
missaries,  and  other  persons  who  assisted  at  the  inhumation. 
"  The  Minister  of  General  Police, 

"  COMTE  DECAZES." 

To  this  letter  M.  Angles  returned  the  following  answer : — 

u  PARIS,  1st  June,  1816. 

"  TILonsieiir  le  Comte  : 

"  On  the  reception  of  your  excellency's  letter,  I  appointed  two  com 
missaries  of  police  to  obtain  from  the  Sieur  Dusser — formerly  commissary 
of  police  of  the  section  of  the  Temple,  who  in  this  quality  must  have 
assisted  at  the  interment  of  the  young  monarch — all  the  information 
which  he  could  furnish  on  this  subject.  It  results  from  the  information 
that  the  commissaries  obtained,  that  the  Sieur  Voisin,  aged,  at  present, 
sixty-five  years,  and  retired  to  the  hospital  of  Bicetre — was,  at  the  period 
of  the  death  of  Louis  XVII. ,  conductor  of  funeral  processions,  in  the 
parish  of  St.  Marguerite,  in  the  cemetery  of  which  the  Prince  was 
interred,  and  that  they  could,  in  consequence,  obtain  all  the  information 
on  the  very  spot  of  the  inhumation. 

"  The  Sieurs  Simon  and  Petit  have  obtained  from  him  many  details 
which  have  put  them  in  the  \vay  of  establishing  a  system  of  positive 
information.  He  has  assured  them  that  he  dug,  in  the  morning  of  the  day 
of  this  sad  ceremony,  a  particular  grave,  in  which  the  body  of  the  king 
was  placed,  and  going  to  the  cemetery  with  the  commissaries,  Simon  and 
Petit,  he  traced  for  them  an  extent  of  ground,  within  the  limits  of  which 
should  be  found,  according  to  him.  at  the  depth  of  six  feet,  the  coffin  of 
the  king,  made  of  white  wood,  and  having  at  the  head  and  at  the  feet,  a 
D,  written  by  himself  with  charcoal. 

"  The  commissaries  have  also  seen  the  Sieur  Bureau,  keeper  of  the  ceme 
tery  for  twenty  years,  who  affirms  that  Voisin  asked  of  him,  on  the  morn 
ing  of  12th  June,  1795,  a  coffin  for  a  little  girl,  and  that  he  understood, 
during  the  day,  that  it  was  for  the  Prince  whom  they  then  called  the 
Dauphin.  He  pretends  that  Voisin  did  not  dig  a  particular  grave,  and 
that  the  proces  verbal  of  the  inhumation  in  the  common  grave  was  drawn 
up  in  the  parsonage  house.  Following  their  inquiry,  the  commissaries 
have  learned  from  the  present  cure  of  St.  Marguerite,  that  a  grave-digger 


FUNERAL    SOLEMNITIES.  139 

named  Betrancourt,  called  Valentine,  whose  wife  still  lived,  had  taken 
away  the  body  of  the  young  Prince  from  the  common  grave,  and  had 
interred  it  in  a  separate  place.  On  inquiring  erf  the  widow  of  this  man,  if 
she  could  give  any  information  as  to  the  precise  place  of  burial,  she  indi 
cated  a  friend  of  her  deceased  husband,  named  Decouflet,  Beadle  of  the 
Parish  des  Quinze  Vingts,  who  informed  them  that  Betrancourt,  called  Valen 
tine,  in  digging  a  grave  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Maguerite,  in  1802,  pointed 
out  a  place  near  a  pilaster,  on  the  left  of  the  church,  from  whence  he  raised 
about  two  feet  of  earth,  and  disclosed  a  stone  of  the  foundation  of  the 
church,  upon  which  was  a  cross.  Betrancourt  added,  that  they  would  ono 
day  make  a  monument  there  ;  for  beneath  that,  he  added,  is  the  coffin  of 
the  Dauphin. 

;'  From  all  the  information  obtained  from  these  different  persons,  follows, 
that  on  12th  June,  1795,  the  mortal  remains  of  his  Majesty,  Louis  XVII., 
enclosed  in  a  coffin  of  white  wood,  four  feet  and  a  half  in  length,  was  car 
ried  from  the  Temple  to  the  cemetery  of  St.  Marguerite,  about  nine  o'clock 
in  the  evening ;  that  the  proces  verbal  of  this  ceremony  was  drawn  up  in 
the  parsonage  house,  by  the  Sieur  Gille,  then  commissary  of  police :  that 
it  appears  probable  that  the  body  was  taken  from  the  common  grave  ; 
that  this  operation  was  executed  in  secret,  and  during  the  same  or  the 
following  night,  by  Voisin  or  Valentine  ;  that,  if  it  was  by  the  last,  the 
place  where  the  ashes  of  the  young  king  repose,  is  near  the  pilaster,  on 
the  left  side  of  the  gate  of  the  church,  on  entering  the  cemetery ;  that,  if 
it  was  by  the  former,  the  particular  grave  can  be  found,  within  the  spaoe 
which  Voisin  has  designated,  to  the  left  of  the  cross  raised  in  the  middle 
of  the  cemetery,  in  going  round  the  back  of  the  church,  &c. 
"  I  pray  your  Excellency,  &c., 

"  C.  ANGLES." 

Here,  certainly,  was  information,  which,  though  differing  in 
details,  was  sufficiently  precise  to  found  an  investigation  upon. 
Two  places  were  indicated — in  one  of  which  there  was  every  rea 
son  to  suppose  the  body  would  be  found.  And,  to  avoid  all  possi 
bility  of  being  deceived  as  to  the  remains,  M.  Pelletan  certified  to 
the  condition  in  which  the  body  buried  as  the  Dauphin  would  be 
found;  viz.  that  the  skull  was  divided  in  a  particular  manner, 


140  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

which  he  minutely  described,  together  with  the  dressing  in  which 
it  was  enveloped,  portions  of  which  he  said  "  certainly  existed,"  as 
means  of  identification.  But  there  the  matter  ended.  No  attempt 
was  made  to  discover  the  asserted  remains  of  the  Prince.  The  skele 
tons  of  Louis  XVI.  and  his  queen,  buried  in  quick  lime  for  twenty 
years,  and  mixed  up  indistinguishably  in  a  common  revolutionary 
sepulchre,  were  infallibly  discovered,  by  an  instinct  peculiar  to  some 
classes  of  men.  But,  notwithstanding  the  passage  of  laws  and 
ordinances,  the  employment  of  sculptors  and  epitaph  writers,  the 
very  first  effort  was  not  made  to  recover  a  body,  whose  place 
of  interment  was  indicated,  and  which  could  be  submitted  to  a 
certain  and  definite  process  of  identification.  Beauchesne,  him 
self,  has  to  acknowledge  that  he  cannot  account  for  the  annulling 
of  the  royal  ordinance,  and  declares  that  the  place  where  the  body 
was  buried  is  demonstrably  certain.  "As  I  have  proved,"  he 
eays,  "  that  the  royal  infant  died  in  the  Temple,  it  is  to  me  equally 
demonstrated  that  his  corpse,  wrapped  in  a  winding-sheet,  was 
placed  in  a  coffin,  which  has  neither  been  opened  nor  changed ; 
that  it  was,  with  the  remains  which  it  contained,  buried  in  the 
cemetery  of  St.  Marguerite,  and  in  the  place  indicated."  Now,  if 
M.  Beauchesne's  enthusiasm  be  not  all  assumed,  and,  if  he,  indeed, 
feels  the  affection  and  reverence  for  the  memory  of  Louis  XVII. 
which  he  asserts,  I  cannot  doubt  that  he  would  most  gladly,  were 
he  permitted,  even  at  this  late  day,  undertake  the  search  for  the 
royal  remains,  which  he  believes  to  exist.  How  then,  on  any 
principle  of  natural  affection  or  probability,  can  it  be  imagined 
that  the  sister  of  the  Prince,  subjected  to  the  same  imprisonment 
with  him,  and  the  uncle  who  sat  on  his  throne,  would  neglect  such 
plain  and  simple  means  to  gather,  from  their  neglected  and  dis 
honored  grave,  the  bones  of  the  young  martyr  king  ? 

But  this  is  not  all.  We  come  now  to  the  controversy  concern 
ing  the  heart  of  the  captive  Prince,  which,  affords  moral  evidence, 
of  precisely  the  same  nature,  that  the  royal  family  did  not  believe 
in  the  death  of  their  relative  in  the  Temple.  At  least,  if  they  did, 


FUNERAL     SOLEMNITIES.  141 

their  condnct  is  the  strangest  and  most  unaccountable  that  the 
world  has  ever  seen. 

What,  then,  are  the  facts  in  the  premises  ?  M.  Pelletan,  one  of 
the  surgeons  charged  with  opening  the  asserted  body  of  Louis 
XVII. — a  man  of  high  character,  socially  and  professionally,  whose 
testimony  we  are  bound  to  receive,  unless  we  cast  aside  all  reliance 
on  direct  evidence— communicated  to  Louis  XVIIL,  through  the 
Minister  of  the  Interior,  the  startling  information  that  he  was  in 
possession  of  the  heart  of  his  predecessor,  and  gave  a  minute  his 
tory  of  the  interesting  relic. 

Now,  the  existence  of  the  heart  of  Louis  XVII.,  if  true,  was  a 
fact  doubly  important,  in  case  of  there  being  some  insuperable  bar 
to  the  discovery  of  his  grave,  or  the  identification  of  his  remains ; 
and  it  would  be  natural  to  expect  that  the  royal  family  would 
manifest  a  deep  interest  in  the  subject,  and  not  lightly  reject  the 
respectable  evidence  adduced  to  identify  the  relic. 

Pelletan  stated,  that  being  specially  charged  with  conducting  the 
post-mortem,  and  finding  himself,  for  a  few  minutes,  left  alone  by 
his  associates,  who  had  retired  into  the  embrasure  of  the  window, 
to  converse,  the  idea  occurred  to  him  of  possessing  the  heart  of 
his  patient.  Watching  a  moment  when  entirely  unobserved,  and 
entertaining  no  fear  of  being  searched,  he  covered  it  with  bran, 
wrapt  it  in  linen,  and  put  it  in  his  pocket.  On  his  return  home, 
he  deposited  the  relic  in  spirits  of  wine,  and  concealed  it  on  a 
lofty  beam  in  his  library.  During  ten  years,  he  replenished  tho 
spirits  of  wine  many  times — but,  at  last,  it  entirely  evaporated, 
leaving  the  heart  dried  and  shrivelled.  There  was  now  no  neces 
sity  for  further  precaution,  and  he  placed  it  in  a  drawer  of  his 
secretary,  where  he  saw  and  examined  it  a  thousand  times. 

It.  however,  happened  that  he  communicated  the  fact  to  a 
pupil,  who,  when  the  period  of  his  professional  study  was  over, 
surreptitiously  took  it  away,  and  it  was  some  time  before  he  dis 
covered  the  theft.  Being  on  intimate  terms  with  him,  he  hesitated 
to  charge  him  with  dishonesty.  But  when,  on  his  death-bed,  his 


142  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

friend  confessed  the  larceny  to  his  family,  and  commissioned  his 
wife  to  return  him  the  relic  ;  he  received  it  from  her  hand — and,  as 
she  and  other  members  of  the  family  were  witnesses  to  the  confes 
sion,  we  have  proof  not  only  of  the  identity  of  the  heart  recovered, 
but  of  Pelletan's  truthfulness.  But,  in  addition,  M.  Dumangin, 
his  colleague,  testified  that,  at  the  close  of  the  operation,  he  saw 
him  wrap  something  up  carefully,  and  put  it  in  his  pocket. 
Although  he  did  not  at  the  time  know  that  it  was  the  heart,  he 
declared  that,  "  in  his  soul  and  in  his  conscience  he  was  morally 
convinced  of  the  fact "  stated  by  M.  Pelletan.  On  the  communi 
cation  of  this  important  information,  the  following  royal  order 
was  issued,  after  full  examination  of  testimony  : — 

"PARIS,  3d  September,  1817. 

"  MINISTRY    OF    THE    INTERIOR. 

"  To  the  Keeper  of  the  Seals,  Minister  of  Justice  : 

"  MY  LORD  :— 

"I  have  received  the  pieces  which  your  highness  has  done  me  the  honor 
to  communicate,  both  relative  to  the  preservation  of  the  heart  of  his 
Majesty  Louis  XVII.,  and  as  to  the  place  where  his  body  was  buried. 
The  intention  of  the  king  being  that  the  heart  of  this  Prince,  and  that  of 
S.  A.  E/.  le  Dauphin,  elder  son  of  his  Majesty  Louis  XVI.,  which  is  in 
possession  of  the  mayor  of  the  12th  arrondisement,  be  transferred  to  St. 
Denis,  without  pomp,  but,  nevertheless,  with  proper  ceremonies.  I  trans 
mit,  conformably  to  the  order  of  his  majesty,  all  the  documents  to  the 
grand  master  of  the  ceremonies. 

"  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE  TO  THE 

"DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  INTERIOR." 

Here  was  the  termination  of  the  matter.  The  order  was  never 
carried  into  effect,  as  far  as  the  heart  of  the  prisoner  of  the  Temple 
was  concerned.  The  only  plea  for  not  depositing  the  heart  in  St. 
Denis,  was  the  negative  testimony  of  an  underling,  Lasne,  that  he 
had  not  seen  the  surgeon  put  it  in  his  .pocket,  and  although  this 
was  in  fact  confirmatory  of  Pelletan's  statement,  yet  with  an  apa 
thy,  entirely  unaccountable,  it  was  permitted  to  outweigh  the 


FUNERAL     SOLEMNITIES.  143 

positive  and  respectable  testimony  of  a  man  of  station  and  charac 
ter  like  Pelletan,  confirmed  in  so  many  ways.  The  heart,  enclosed 
in  a  vase  of  crystal,  remains  to  this  day  in  the  family  of  the  great 
physician. 

In  view  of  all  these  facts,  relative  to  the  funeral  solemnities  for 
the  departed  Bourbons,  and  the  remains  of  the  asserted  Dauphin,  I 
do  not  think  there  can  be  any  other  reasonable  conclusion  than 
that  the  royal  family  of  France  knew  that  the  Prince  was  not  dead, 
and  therefore  dared  not  risk  the  mockery  of  searching  for  a  corpse 
that  had  never  been  buried — of  building  a  mausoleum  for  one  still 
alive — of  consecrating  a  relic  which  they  knew,  though  honestly 
preserved,  had  throbbed  in  no  bosom  of  their  race. 

I  can  readily  conceive,  that  state  reasons  might  induce  the  sister 
of  the  Prince  to  consent  that  one  untrained  for  political  life  should 
continue  in  obscurity,  and  not  endanger  the  happiness  of  France 
and  the  peace  of  Europe  by  being  thrust  into  a  position  he  was 
incompetent  to  fill :  but  that,  while  she  so  far  yielded  to  the  sophis 
try  of  her  uncle  and  the  various  influences  that  surrounded  her,  she 
would  steadily  resist  the  mockery  of  rearing  a  sepulchre  to  the  living. 
Throughout  this  whole  transaction  the  king  seems  willing  to  per 
petrate  the  required  deceptions,  but  withheld  by  some  concealed 
influence. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  pursue  further  the  history  of  the  Bourbons. 
Hereafter  I  may  have  occasion  briefly  to  refer  to  some  of  the  sub 
sequent  changes  in  the  French  government.  It  is  sufficient  for  the 
present  that  I  have  shown  conclusively  not  only  that  Louis  XVII. 
did  not  die  in  the  Temple,  but  that  all  the  probabilities  of  history 
apart  from  the  central  chain  of  evidence,  lead  to  the  same  conclu 
sion.  The  review  of  the  French  Revolution,  and  of  the  history  of 
France  up  to  the  period  of  the  second  Bourbon  Restoration,  has 
opened  the  various  influences,  political  and  domestic,  which,  from 
his  cradle  surrounded  the  unfortunate  Prince.  We  have  seen  an 
ambitious  and  unprincipled  relative  scheming  to  obtain  the  throne 
which  he  inherited,  and  aiding  to  produce  the  convulsion  that  de- 


144  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

luged  Europe  with  blood.  We  have  seen  the  Prince  in  person  sur 
rounded  by  the  creatures  of  his  uncle,  under  circumstances  which 
afford  the  highest  probability  of  their  design  to  remove  him.  It  has 
been  demonstrated  on  admitted  facts  that  he  did  not  die  in  the  Tem 
ple.  The  data  furnished  by  those  who  labor  to  prove  his  death,  esta 
blish  the  contrary.  If  people  cannot  be  satisfied  with  abstract 
physical  impossibility,  there  is  no  use  in  reasoning,  for,  beyond  this, 
argument  and  evidence  cannot  go.  Finally,  although  Louis  XVII.  is, 
in  history,  usually  numbered  among  the  dead,  there  is  up  to  this 
moment  no  funereal,  no  monumental  recognition  of  his  death,  but  a 
mystery,  and  an  inconsistency  attending  every  official  effort  to  pay 
him  the  respect  which  his  misfortunes  deserve  at  the  hands  of  the 
great  French  nation,  and  an  apathy  on  the  part  of  his  nearest  rela 
tives,  bound  by  every  principle  of  religion,  morality,  and  social 
feeling,  as  well  as  by  every  prescriptive  law  of  custom  and  decency, 
to  pay  some  honor  to  his  memory,  which  carry  the  historic  argu 
ment  to  its  climax.  ^ 

And  yet,  perhaps,  there  are  those  who  will  tell  me,  the  death  of 
Louis  XVII.  is  an  historical  fact — the  evidence  for  it  direct  and 
positive ;  and,  pointing  to  some  inconsiderate  sentence  in  Scott,  or 
Alison,  or  Thiers,  will  sagely  assure  me  that  if  I  deny  his  death  in 
the  Temple,  I  must  also  deny  that  of  Napoleon,  or  of  his  father  and 
mother,  since  the  testimony  for  the  former  was  as  strong  and  con 
clusive  as  for  the  latter.*  On  such  persons  I  do  not  care  to  waste 
a  thought  or  a  word.  They  seem  to  think  that  because  some  man, 
calling  himself  a  historian,  makes  a  statement,  we  have  no  right  to 
question  it.  Magister  dixit.  Thank  Heaven,  the  age  for  such  men 
tal  slavery  has  passed. 

In  truth,  much  that  we  call  history  is  very  loosely  written,  and 
the  conclusion  of  most  sensible  minds  will,  I  think,  be,  that  the  his 
toric  guides,  on  whom,  in  a  general  way,  we  are  forced  to  depend, 
lead  us  astray  as  often  as  they  conduct  us  right ;  that  usually  only 

*  The  United  States  Review.    June,  1853,  vol.  i.,  No.  6. 
Dt.  Stephen  Williams's  Appendix  and  Notes  to  the  Redeemed  Captive,  p.  199. 


NAUFDORFF    AND    RICHEMONT.  145 

the  most  superficial  aspect  of  events  is  presented  by  the  chronicler, 
and  that  he  who  would  gain  light  on  material  points  must  search 
for  it  himself. 


CHAPTER    IX. 

NAUNDORFF   AND   RICHEMONT. 

WE  now  approach  a  portion  of  our  subject,  invested  with  a  mys 
tery  which  may  never  fully  be  removed.  Many  of  the  attempts  to 
personate  Louis  XVII.,  were  simply  the  result  of  the  popular 
belief  in  his  existence ;  and,  standing  entirely  apart  from  the  main 
current  of  events,  do  not  deserve  even  a  passing  attention,  except 
as  evidences  of  that  impression  in  the  public  mind,  out  of  which 
they  originated,  and  from  which  they  derived  their  power  of  decep 
tion.  There  are  others,  however,  which  though  equally  false  in 
themselves,  yet  bring  us  into  contact  with  facts  that  bear  directly 
on  the  subject  of  our  investigation.  Such,  especially,  is  the  claim 
put  forth  by  Herr  Naundorff. 

The  imposture  of  Hervagault,  1798,  is  of  no  historic  importance, 
except  as  eliciting,  through  his  zealous  partizan,  the  bishop  of 
Viviers,  the  fact,  that  the  physicians  who  opened  the  body  in  the 
Temple,  expressed,  in  conversation,  the  same  uncertainty  apparent 
in  the  proces  verbal,  and  acknowledged  their  inability  to  testify  to 
the  death  of  Louis  XVII.* 

Marturin  Bruneau,  the  second  pretender,  after  personating  the 
son  of  a  French  nobleman,  went  to  America,  and  on  his  return  to 
France,  in  1815,  set  up  in  the  new  character  of  the  Dauphin.  His 
fictions,  concerning  his  personal  history,  were  so  gross  and  palpable 
that  I  need  not  allude  to  them.  It  seems,  probable,  however,  that 
the  idea  of  his  imposture  was  derived  from  a  report  then  circula 
ting  in  France,  that  Louis  XVII.  was  in  the  United  States.  As  he 

*  Memoirs  of  the  Duchess  D'Angouleme,  p.  889. 
D 


146  THE    LOST    I'KINCE. 

had  been  in  this  country,  this  was  a  sufficient  basis  for  his  preten 
sions.  In  a  letter,  addressed  by  him,  from  Rou.en,  in  March,  1816, 
to  the  Duchess  D'Angouleme,  he  says,  "  I  dispersed  the  last 
calumny  which  perversity  had  aimed  at  me,  when  it  declared  that, 
your  brother  was  still  in  the  United  States.  No,  I  had  left  it  long 
ago."*  However  slight  be  the  indication  here  presented,  it  is 
worthy  of  preservation,  as  it  tallies  with  the  alleged  fact  that, 
about  this  time,  a  certificate  of  the  death  of  the  Prince,  in  a 
foreign  land,t  was  forged  by  the  adherents  of  Louis  XVIII. 

NAUNDOKFF. 

It  was  no  ordinary  imposture  which  could  deceive  the  class 
of  minds  whom  Naundorff  enlisted  in  his  service,  and  we  can 
not  dismiss  his  pretensions  without  examination,  because  while 
"they  prove  their  own  falsehood,  they  also  establish  important 
historic  facts.  In  1838,  the  Hon.  and  Rev.  G.  0.  Percival 
published,  with  notes,  an  English  translation  of  the  evidence 
adduced  by  his  advocates,  M.  M.  Gruan  and  Bruquet.  In  an  intro 
duction  to  the  work,  he  states  the  grounds  of  his  own  belief,  which 
are  simply  these — that  ITaundorff  had  endeavored  to  procure  a 
legal  inquiry  into  the  validity  of  his  claims;  that  the  French 
government,  which  had  brought  other  pretenders  to  trial,  had 
declined  to  grant  him  a  hearing;  and  that  persons  of  respecta 
bility  and  credibility  imagined  that  they  recognised  him.J  Mr. 
Percival  frankly  admits  that  there  are  many  difficulties  attending 
the  pretensions  of  Xaundorff,  and  that  much  of  his  evidence, 
especially  the  supernatural  portion,  is  of  a  questionable  character ; 
but  perceiving  clearly  that  there  was  some  unexplained  connection 
between  the  Pretender  and  the  truth,  and  having  no  clue,  but  the 
statements  of  iSTaundorff,  to  the  mystery,  appears  to  have  yielded  a 
forced  acquiescence.  The  work  of  Naundorff's  advocates  is  most 

*  Memoirs  of  the  Duchess  D'Angouleme,  p.  417. 

t  Percival,  p.  185.  $  Percival,  Preface,  p.  xvil. 


NAUNDORFF    AND    RICHEMOJTT.  147 

perplexed  in  its  arrangement,  or  rather  want  of  arrangement, 
but  I  will  endeavor  to  extract  from  it  the  evidence  which 
it  contains.  Falsehood  attends  truth  like  its  shadow,  and  unde- 
signedly  gives  testimony  against  itself,  and  in  favor  of  that  which 
it  darkly  mimics. 

In  1833,  a  stranger  arrived  in  Paris,  who  represented  himself  to 
be  the  son  of  Louis  XVI.  He  assumed  the  name  of  Louis  Charles, 
Duke  of  Normandy — introduced  himself  into  legitimist  circles,  and 
very  soon  obtained  ardent  and  highly  respectable  adherents. 
Among  them  were  Madame  de  Rambaud,  who  had  been  nurse  to 
the  Dauphin  from  his  birth  until  his  confinement  in  the  Temple. 
M.  Marco  de  St.  Hilaire,  formerly  gentleman  usher  to  Louis  XVI., 
and  M.  Morel  de  St.  Didier.  Of  the  perfect  sincerity  and  honorable 
convictions  of  these  persons  there  can  be  no  question. 

The  most  diligent  inquiries  respecting  ISTaundorfPs  past  history 
could  only  elicit  a  few  leading  facts  apart  from  his  own  account. 
He  arrived  in  Prussia  in  1810,  was  known  by  the  name  of  Charles 
William  JSTaundorff,  and  followed  the  trade  of  a  watchmaker.  He 
lived  as  a  citizen  of  Spandau  from  1812  to  1821,  having  married  in 
1818,  without  producing  the  certificate  of  his  birth.  In  1820  he 
was  arrested  on  a  charge  of  having  circulated  false  coin,  and, 
being  found  guilty,  was  sent  to  the  house  of  correction.  In 
the  course  of  the  trial  he  avowed  himself  to  be  a  prince,  but  with 
out  stating  any  name.  He  was  at  the  same  time  accused  of  setting 
fire  to  the  theatre  at  Brandenburg,  but  his  accusers  were  found 
guilty  of  perjury,  and,  on  the  other  charge,  the  evidence  against 
him  was  far  from  satisfactory.  He  continued  in  prison  until  1828, 
when  he  received  pardon,  and  was  sent  into  Silesia.  In  1832,  he 
obtained  a  passport  to  France,  and,  passing  through  Bavaria  and 
Switzerland,  arrived  in  Paris,  declared  himself  to  be  Duke  of  Nor 
mandy,  affirmed  that  the  proofs  of  his  identity  were  in  the  hands 
of  the  Prussian  cabinet,  and  referred  to  the  inhabitants  of  Spandau 
for  a  vindication  of  his  character. 

In  support  of   his  pretensions,  Naundorff  gave  the  following 


148  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

account  of  his  early  years.  His  memory,  he  pretended,  extended 
back,  without  a  break  or  flaw,  until  some  time  prior  to  the  journey 
from  Versailles  to  Paris,  when  he  was  four  yease  of  age.  From 
that  time  he  professed  the  most  minute  knowledge  of  places,  per 
sons,  names,  dresses,  the  situation  of  furniture,  the  succession  of 
events,  and  everything,  public  and  private,  which  happened  to  the 
Dauphin.  He  was  acquainted  with  all  the  details  of  the  Temple, 
the  manner  in  which  the  rooms  were  furnished,  and  the  familial- 
manners  and  actions  of  all  the  members  of  the  royal  family,  which 
he  described  in  the  style  of  exact  and  well-written  memoirs,  com 
posed  when  objects  and  events  were  fresh  before  the  eye  and  mind. 
He,  however,  evidently  overdid  the  matter,  and  while  he  sometimes 
fell  into  egregious  misstatemeuts,*  pretended  to  be  familiar  with 
minute  details  of  transactions  occurring  in  his  early  childhood, 
such  as  no  ordinary  human  memory  could  have  retained,  and  which 
were  peculiarly  inconsistent  with  the  mental  condition  to  which 
the  Prince  had  been  reduced. 

In  respect  to  his  asserted  escape,  he  said  that,  some  months  pre 
vious,  he  was  conveyed  from  his  apartment  into  the  large,  open 
room  at  the  top  of  the  Tower,  and  concealed  behind  furniture. 
Prior,  however,  to  his  removal,  he  had  witnessed  the  substitution  of 
a  large  wooden  doll  for  him,  which  was  carved  and  painted  to 
resemble  him,  and  placed  in  his  bed.  This  story  outraged  all  pro 
bability,  and  he  subsequently  modified  it.  The  doll  was  exchanged 
for  a  dumb  boy,  the  person  visited  and  reported  upon,  by  Har- 
mand ;  Desault  was  taken  out  of  the  way  for  not  recognising 
in  this  dumb  child  the  Dauphin — and  the  dumb  child  had  in  turn 
a  rickety  child  substituted  for  him,  because,  though  poisoned,  he 
would  not  die — and  then  the  rickety  child  was  poisoned  outright, 
and  the  dumb  child  carried  as  the  Dauphin  to  Madame  Beau- 
harnais.  The  body  of  the  rickety  child  was  buried  in  the  Temple 
privately,  and  he  was  then  brought  from  the  garret  and  placed  in 

*  "  The  particulars  given  respecting  the  return  of  the  royal  family  after  the  ill-fated 
journey  to  Varennes,  are  not  in  accordance  with  those  mentioned  by  Madame  Cam- 
pan  and  others."— Percival,  p.  08. 


NAUNDORFF    AND    RICHEMONT.  149 

the  coffin;  but  a  further  change  was  effected  in  the  carriage 
between  him  and  some  stones,  which  were  buried  as  the  Dauphin.* 
"  My  friends,"  says  Naundorff,  "  fearing  I  might  be  discovered,  dis 
guised  me,  and  sent  me  in  a  carriage  out  of  Paris,  thinking  it  expe 
dient  to  remove  me  from  the  capital.  At  the  same  time  to  put  my 
enemies  upon  a  wrong  scent,  they  sent  off  a  child,  a  native  of  Ver 
sailles,  with  his  parents,  intending  to  pass  him  for  me.  It  was 
intended  to  convey  me  to  the  Vendeean  army."  During  this  jour- 
dey,  he  says  he  was  taken  sick,  and  remained  at  a  chateau  in  the 
country  under  the  care  of  a  lady,  when  "  one  day  there  came  three 
persons  dressed  in  uniform  with  which  I  was  unacquainted.  I 
was  told  they  were  General  Charette  and  two  of  his  friends.1' 
"  While  at  the  chateau,  I  knew  that  a  Mr.  B.  was  in  communica 
tion  with  Madame  *  *  * ;  he  had  also  another  friend,  formerly 
dame  du  palais  to  my  excellent  mother.  It  was  they  who  then 
furnished  me  with  all  that  was  necessary.  I  have  seen  Mr.  B.  at  a 
distance,  always  disguised  as  an  old  peasant.  I  was  delivered  into 
the  hands  of  Mr.  B.,  with  whom  I  found  a  young  girl  named 
Marie,  and  his  huntsman  Jean,  whose  real  name  was  Mont  Morin. 

"  These  two  friends,  henceforth,  managed  my  affairs.  They  sent 
for  a  man  and  his  son,  who  was  about  my  age.  This  man  received 
a  sum  of  money  sufficient  to  enable  Mm  to  embarlc  for  America, 
and  when  these  measures  were  taken,  we  set  out  ourselves  for 
Venice."  Here,  he  asserts,  he  had  a  secret  interview  with  the 
Pope,  that  he  was  rejoined  by  the  old  man  and  his  son,  who  again 

embarked,  that  he  took  flight  for  England  ;t  that  Mr.  B and 

the  young  Marie  were  assassinated,  and  he  himself  taken  prisoner 
and  carried  into  France,  where  he  remained  in  confinement  until 
1803,  when  he  was  liberated  by  Josephine  and  Fouche.  In  1804, 

*  This  story  is  very  different  from  one  which  he  told  in  an  earlier  period  of  his 
career,  when  he  stated  that  he  was  removed  from  the  Temple,  in  a  basket,  in  a  state 
of  unconsciousness. — Vide  Filia  Doloroso,  p.  475. 

t  In  his  earlier  narratives,  he  went  himself  to  America,  at  this  time  and  "  was 
inclined  to  think  he  learned  watchmaking  there,  but  could  not  exactly  tell  whether 
he  acquired  this  art  in  the  United  States  or  in  Italy."— Filia  Dolorosa,  p.  476. 


150  THE    LOST   PRINCE. 

he  was  carried  by  his  friends  to  Strasburg,  where  he  was 
arrested  and  confined  in  the  fortress.  The  description  of  his  suf 
ferings  in  this  prison  is  so  graphic,  that  it  would  almost  induce 
me  to  regard  them  as  real.  It  strongly  contrasts,  in  its  vivid  sim 
plicity,  with  the  forced  and  mystified  style  of  the  earlier  portions  of 
his  narrative,  where  everything  is  enveloped  in  clouds  of  incongru 
ity.  "  The  light  of  sun  or  moon  never  reached  me.  All  idea  of  day 
was  effaced  from  my  mind  as  well  as  of  division  of  time.  I  knew 
every  step  of  my  dungeon.  With  the  exception  of  that  of  my 
jailer's  feet,  I  heard  no  sound  but  that  of  the  heavy  drums,  which 
appeared  to  me  like  the  rolling  of  distant  thunder.  The  space  in 
the  roof  through  which  the  light  might  have  penetrated  more 
freely,  gave  me  the  idea  of  being  at  the  extremity  of  a  long  tube, 
which  appeared  to  terminate  in  dirty  water,  through  which  the 
eun  might  shine,  or  which  was  covered  with  cobwebs.  The  space 
between  the  walls  formed  a  square  of  about  twelve  feet.  My  hair 
became  long  and  curly,  my  beard  had  grown,  and  when  I  touched 
my  face  I  could  have  fancied  myself  a  wild  beast.  My  nails  were 
so  long  that  they  broke  in  bits,  and  I  could  only  avoid  the  pain, 
which  was  the  consequence,  by  biting  them  with  my  teeth.  I 
despaired  of  again  beholding  the  surface  of  the  earth."  In  the 
spring  of  1809,  he  was  delivered  from  this  dungeon  by  his  friend, 
Mont  Morin,  and  the  secret  aid  of  Josephine.  He  was  taken  to 
Frankfort.  Mont  Morin,  at  this  time,  he  pretends,  sewed  in  the 
collar  of  his  great-coat,  certain  papers,  written  T)y  Marie  Antoinette, 
earnestly  recommending  him  never  to  part  with  them,  as  they 
would  prove  undeniable  proofs  of  his  identity  to  all  the  sovereigns 
of  Europe.  So  that,  according  to  his  own  statement,  the  papers 
which  were  to  establish  his  claims,  did  not  come  into  his  posses 
sion  until  fourteen  years  after  the  escape  of  the  Prince,  and  would 
be  worthless  as  evidence,  could  they  be  shown,  because  they  would 
'prove  just  as  much  in  favor  of  any  person  who  might  chance  to  hold 
them. 
Again  ho  led  a  life  of  wandering  and  romantio  adventure,  the  ao- 


NAUNDORFF    AND    RICHEMONT.  151 

count  of  which  seems,  from  its  raciness  and  simplicity,  to  be  for  the 
most  part,  genuine.  In  January,  they  obtained  from  the  Duke  of 
Brunswick,  letters  of  recommendation  for  Prussia,  by  means  of 
which  they  were  kindly  received  at  Semnicht,  by  Major  de  Schill, 
an  officer  of  the  duke's  army.  In  a  skirmish  Mont  Moriu  was 
killed,  and  lie  himself  struck  from  his  horse  by  a  blow  from  the 
butt-end  of  a  musket.  lie  was  taken  prisoner  and  put  in  an 
hospital.  While  still  suffering  from  the  effects  of  his  wound,  he 
was  carried  to  the  fortress  of  Wesel,  on  the  frontier  of  France,  and, 
mixed  up  with  other  prisoners,  was  transferred  from  one  prison  to 
another.  Left  behind  in  consequence  of  sickness,  he  regained  his 
liberty,  and  lived  a  wretched  vagabond  life  until  1810,  when  he 
emerged  from  the  dreamy  obscurity  which  attends  him  while  he 
lias  only  himself  for  a  historian,  to  the  daylight  of  a  watchmaker's 
shop,  Schutz  en  Strasse,  52,  Berlin.  Here,  he  pretends,  he  lost  his 
papers,  by  giving  them  for  the  purpose  of  his  identification  to  Mr. 
Lecoquo,  who  handed  them  to  the  Prince  Hartenburg.  He  now 
assumed,  by  compulsion,  he  asserts,  the  name  of  Charles  "VV.  Naun- 
dorff.  From  1812  to  1832,  when  he  appeared  in  Paris,  he  was  in 
the  habit,  at  intervals,  of  writing  letters  to  the  Duchess 
P'Angouleme,  the  Prince  Hartenburg,  Louis  XVIII.,  and  other 
eminent  persons,  but  without  obtaining  any  response. 

Such  was  the  story  which  in  1832,  '3,  Naundorff  told  to  his  circle 
of  intimate  friends,  in  Paris;  although  it  was  not  published  in 
detail  until  several  years  after,  when  he  had  exhausted,  without 
success,  every  means  of  obtaining  an  interview  with  the  Duchess 
D'Angouleme,  or  a  hearing  of  his  cause  before  the  French  tri 
bunals.  His  adherents  imagined  that  they  recognised  in  him  the 
Dauphin  by  his  Bourbon  physiognomy,  by  marks  upon  his  person, 
and  by  his  memory  of  historic  events.  But  not  content  with  natu 
ral  means  of  identification,  he  resorted  to  supernatural.  There 
was,  at  that  time,  in  France,  a  peasant  named  Martin,  who  had  the 
reputation  of  being  inspired.  It  seems  to  be  historic,  that  in  1818, 
he  obtained  an  interview  with  Louis  XVIII.,  under  the  plea  of 


152  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

having  some  divine  revelation  to  communicate ;  and  popular  rumor 
declared  that  it  related  to  the  king's  nephew,  as  it  undoubtedly  exer 
cised  a  great  influence  on  his  rnind.  In  1825,  Martin  announced  in 
public,  with  oracular  brevity,  the  burden  of  his  interview  with 
Louis  XVIII.  "Louis  XVII.  exists."  tfaundorff,  who  before  his 
coming  to  Paris,  had  disbelieved  and  hated  Christianity,  was  sud 
denly  converted  to  the  Romish  faith,  and  shortly  alter  had  an  inter 
view  with  Martin,  when  it  appeared  they  were  old  acquaintances, 
and  had  long  seen  each  other  in  visions,  except  that  Martin's 
ghostly  counterpart  had  white  hair;  but  I  may  state,  on  the 
authority  of  the  curate  of  St.  Arnoult,  who  relates  the  story,  that 
the  peasant's  hair,  soon  after,  miraculously  changed  from  a  raven 
black  to  a  snowy  whiteness.  After  this,  apparitions  crowded  thick 
upon  each  other,  and  the  Prince  was  consoled  in  his  troubles,  by 
spiritual  converse  with  the  protecting  angel  of  France,  and  as  Mar 
tin  was  also  in  habits  of  intimacy  with  the  spirits,  they  received 
telegraphic  information  from  the  other  world  of  all  that  was  to 
occur  in  this.  One  day,  Martin  brought  the  news  of  his  own 
death,  and  the  Prince  became  the  sole  receptacle  of  ghostly  infor 
mation,  and,  in  a  truly  Christian  spirit,  was  accustomed  to 
forewarn  his  enemies,  and  among  them,  Louis  Phillipe.  of  the  ills 
that  awaited  them. 

Things  stood  in  this  position  in  the  beginning  of  1834,  when  it 
was  determined  that  M.  Morel  de  St.  Didier  should  visit  the 
Duchess  D'Angouleme,  then  resident  at  Prague,  and  by  the  presen 
tation  of  evidence,  induce  her  to  grant  an  interview  with  Naundoff. 
He  carried  with  him  a  letter  from  Madame  de  Rambaud,  in  which 
that  lady  assured  the  duchess  of  her  full  and  entire  conviction  that 
Naundorff  was  her  brother,  that  his  personal  appearance,  their 
interchange  of  recollections  and  especially  an  inoculation  mark  in 
the  form  of  a  crescent  were  indisputable  proofs  to  her  that  he  was 
what  he  asserted  himself  to  be—  "  the  Prince,  the  Orphan  of  the 
Temple." 

Marco  de  St.  Hilaire  also  stated  that,  on  similar  grounds,  his 


NAUNDORFF    AND    RICHEMONT.  153 

conviction  was  so  strong  that  it  was  impossible  to  overthrow  it. 
St.  Didier  had  two  interviews  with  the  Duchess,  one  in  February, 
and  the  other  in  September,  1834,  in  which  her  words  on  some 
occasions  were  so  enigmatical,  her  conduct  so  much  at  variance 
with  her  expressions,  her  anxiety  so  evident,  and  her  final  treatment 
of  St.  Didier  and  Madame  de  Rarnbaud  so  disingenuous,  if  not 
insulting,  that  it  seems  impossible  to  explain  the  affair,  except  on 
the  score  of  her  knowledge  of  some  secret  which  entirely  under 
cut  the  claims  of  Naundorff,  but  was  of  a  nature  which  would  not 
permit  her  to  state* her  grounds  of  action.  On  seeing  the  portrait 
of  Naundorff,  she  remarked,  after  attentive  examination,  "  I  do  not 
see  any  resemblance  to  my  family."  Subsequently  she  rejected 
that  of  Richemont  with  an  indignant,  "No,  sir,  that  is  not  the 
thing."  While  she  professed  to  believe  that  her  brother  was  dead, 
" unless  another  was  substituted  in  Jiis  place"  she  evinced,  to  say 
the  least,  her  uncertainty  on  the  subject,  by  saying,  "  This  is  too 
serious  a  matter  to  be  lightly  examined,  and  of  such  importance 
that  it  will  be  necessary  to  devote  several  days  to  the  consideration 
of  it."  As  to  the  evidence  adduced  she  remarked,  "If  anything 
could  for  a  moment  arrest  my  attention,  it  would  be  Madame  de 
Rambaud's  letter,  because  I  remember  that  she  was  in  fact  my 
brother's  attendant,  but  all  that  is  nothing."  When  his  recollec 
tions  of  the  details  of  early  events  were  mentioned,  she  replied, 
"yes,  I  understand,  but  all  that  is  not  sufficient ;  I  must  have  other 
proofs  before  I  can  grant  the  interview — tell  him  he  must  send  rue 
by  a  confidential  messenger,  and  in  writing,  all  that  he  now  refuses 
to  tell  me  hut  by  word  of  mouth.  Above  all,  tell  him  to  send  me  all 
the  details  relative  to  his  escape  from  the  Temple ;  that  is  absolutely 
necessary,  and  I  persist  particularly  on  this  point"  And  here  I 
may  remark  that  this  message  argues  an  acquaintance  on  the  part 
of  the  duchess  with  the  fact  of  her  brother's  existence,  and  with 
the  mode  of  his  escape,  otherwise  she  could  not  have  brought 
Naundorffs  statement,  however  false,  to  any  test — while  at  the  same 
time  the  evasive  answer,  which,  as  we  shall  see,  the  pretender 

7* 


154  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

returned,  shows,  he  felt,  she  had  the  power  of  detecting  his  falsehood. 
M.  de  St.  Didier  departed  from  Prague  to  consult  with  NaundorfF. 
Meanwhile,  a  remarkable  and  mysterious  interview  took  place 
between  the  duchess  and  the  King  of  Prussia,  in  relation  to  Naun- 
dorff.  Dresden  was  the  spot  first  fixed  on  for  the  meeting,  and  the 
king  went  there  incognito,  but  not  finding  her,  he  followed  her  first 
to  Pilnitz,  and  then  to  Toplitz,  where  they  had  a  long  conference, 
concerning  which,  nothing  distinct  can  be  ascertained,  except  that 
the  duchess  asked  a  variety  of  questions  respecting  Naundorft*  which 
the  king  answered.  St.  Didier  again  went  to  Prague  in  September, 
carrying  with  him  a  letter  in  relation  to  the  asserted  escape  of 
Naundorff,  and  being  accompanied  by  Madame  de  Rambaud.  He 
found  the  manner  of  the  duchess  this  time,  entirely  altered.  She 
was  cold  and  reserved,  and  instead  of  the  interest  she  had  formerly 
manifested,  she  now  showed  perfect  indifference  and  contempt  for 
Naundorff,  as  if  she  had  fathomed  him.  As  to  his  recollections,  she 
said  all  that  he  had  stated  had  appeared  in  print,  or  must  have  been 
read  by  him. 

When  St.  Didier  spoke  of  a  recent  attempt  to  assassinate  him, 
though  she  smiled  incredulously  at  first,  yet  on  being  assured  it  WAS 
a  fact,  she  used,  in  reply  to  the  observation  that  u  no  one  would 
think  of  assassinating  an  impostor"  the  remarkable  words,  "  Par- 
Ion  me,  sir," — and,  then,  struggling  between  affected  composure 
and  irritation,  exclaimed,  u  M.  de  St.  Didier,  this  man  is  nothing 
but  an  impostor,  an  intriguer,  but  very  clever — lien  habile — you  are 
under  a  delusion  of  which  I  do  not  partake."  This  was  all  that  St. 
Didier  could  obtain,  except  an  acknowledgment  of  the  interview 
with  the  King  of  Prussia.  The  letter,  of  which  he  was  the  bearer, 
was  certainly  not  calculated  to  increase  the  confidence  of  the 
duchess.  It  is  remarkable  on  two  accounts.  1.  It  tells  a  different 
story  from  that  which  Naundorff  has  elsewhere  given.  2d.  It  shifts 
the  point  of 'mystery  from  himself  to  another.  He  begins,  "  Madame, 
your  royal  highness  wishes  to  know  in  what  manner  I  escaped  from 
the  Temple.  Three  men  came  to  me,  among  whom  was  the 


NAUNDORFF    AND    RICHEMONT.  155 

person  who  guarded  me  constantly,  and  who  was  also  one  of  those 
who  removed  me  first  out  of  this  room,  and  soon  afterwards  out  of 
the  Temple.  I  was  put,  against  my  will,  into  a  large  kind  of  wicker 
basket,  from  which  a  child  of  about  my  own  age  and  size  had  'been 
taken  and, placed,  in  my  ~bed"  Here  the  wooden  doll  entirely  dis 
appears  from  the  narrative,  and  the  substitution  of  the  children  is 
direct.  Instead  of  proceeding  to  state,  as  was  required  of  him,  how 
lie  got  out  of  the  Temple,  he  continues,  "  This,  madam,  is  all  the 
information  that  I  think  I  ought  to  give  your  royal  highness  in 
writing,  prudence  forbidding  me  to  confide  to  paper  the  mystery 
which  envelopes1'1 — what,  in  the  name  of  consistency,  does  the  reader 
think  ? — "  all  wMch  relates  to  the  child  who  was  substituted  for  me. 
Nevertheless,  I  am  willing  to  give  to  my  sister,  to  your  royal  high 
ness,  I  mean,  but  to  your  royal  highness  alone,  and  by  word  of 
mouth,  indisputable  proofs  which  will  remove  all  your  remaining 
doubts,  if  any  remain ;  and  it  is  on  that  account  that  I  firmly 
believe  that  an  early  interview  between  you  and  myself  is  now 
become  indispensable.  Admitting,  for  an  instant,  that  I  am  not 
the  son  of  the  unfortunate  Louis  XVI.,  that  I  am,  in  fact,  only  an 
impostor,"  &c.,  &c,,  &c.  The  presentation  of  this  letter,  and  all  St. 
Didier's  entreaties  having  failed  to  obtain  the  consent  of  the 
duchess  to  a  personal  interview,  the  following  singular  scene 
occurred.  "  There  remained  another  painful  duty  for  me  to 
fulfil.  I  was  about  to  wound  the  heart  of  the  Prince's  unfortu 
nate  sister  in  its  dearest  affections.  All  the  strength  of  a  deep  and 
entire  conviction  was  necessary  to  determine  m©  to  do  so.  But, 
fidelity,  devotion,  and  honor,  imposed  on  me  this  painful  duty,  and 
I  could  not  shrink  from  it.  Having  gathered  all  my  resolution,  I 
added  in  a  serious  tone  : 

"  '  My  respect  for  your  royal  highness  is  a  sacred  duty  which  my 
heart  will  never  allow  me  to  forget.  Your  royal  highness  will, 
therefore,  condescend  to  appreciate  the  violence  I  do  to  my  own 
feelings  in  wounding  a  heart  already  torn  by  BO  many  sorrows ; 
but,  however,  painful  the  effort,  my  orders  are  peremptory,  and  my 


156  THE    LOST   PRINCE. 

obedience  to  them  must  be  implicit.  I  am  commanded  to  inform 
your  royal  highness,  in  the  name  of  the  Prince,  that  he  has  certain 
knowledge  of  the  two  following  facts' — 

******** 

It  is  not  my  business  to  reveal  them  here.  Secresy  is  commanded 
by  the  Prince.  I  will  only  say,  that  I  had  the  honor  of  informing 
her  royal  highness  that  he  had  in  his  possession  unanswerable 
proof  of  the  facts  in  question.  Her  royal  highness  listened  to  me 
with  great  and  visible  attention ;  her  agitation  was  extreme,  it  was 
in  vain  that  she  endeavored  to  assume  an  air  of  calmness,  she  was 
unable  to  recover  her  composure.  Her  royal  highness  denied  one 
of  these  facts — the  other  she  passed  over  in  silenceV' 

Still,  St.  Didier  did  not  despair.  Having  failed  himself,  he  next 
strove,  through  the  agency  of  the  Viscountess  D'Agoult,  to  obtain 
an  audience  for  Madame  Kambaud,  who  had  gone  from  Paris  to 
Prague,  expressly  to  see  the  duchess;  but,  to  his  infinite  and 
somewhat  ludicrous  mortification  and  surprise,  he  received  from 
the  viscountess  the  following  note  :  "  Sir — I  have  executed  your  com 
mission  ;  the  answer  of  the  Dauphiness  is :  that  she  knew  Madame  de 
Earnbaud,  who,  more  than  forty  years  ago,  was  the  attendant  of 
the  Dauphin :  that  not  thinking  it  possible  that  a  person  of  her  age 
should  have  undertaken  so  fatiguing  a  journey,  she  has  no  reason 
for  seeing  the  person  of  that  name  whom  you  have  brought, 
hither."  They  soon  received  a  notification  from  the  police  to 
leave  Prague,  and  the  door  of  all  further  communication  was 
closed. 

The  next  event  which  throws  any  light  on  the  affair,  is  the 
account  of  a  conference  by  M.  Lamprade,  between  him  and  M.  de 
Eochow,  ministers  of  the  interior,  at  Berlin,  in  183G.  This  seems 
to  admit  us  to  the  knowledge  of  the  sentiments  of  the  Prussian 
court  upon  the  subject,  and,  consequently,  to  lift  the  veil,  in  part, 
from  the  interview  between  the  king  and  the  duchess.  Lamprade 
began  by  attempting  to  prove  the  escape  of  the  Dauphin,  when 
Rechow  interrupted  him  by  saying,  "  Every  one  knows  what  to 


NAUNDORFF    AND    RICHKMONT.  167 

think  on  that  subject,  and  /  believe  with  you,  the,  Dauphin  did  not 
die  in  the  prison  of  the  Temple,  but  how  do  you  prove  the  iden 
tity  .?"  and,  after  admitting  there  was  a  mystery,  referred  to  the 
documentary  proofs  which  NaundorfF  asserted,  had  been  confided 
by  him,  in  1811,  to  the  Prince  Hartenburg,  denied  that  there  were 
any  such  in  the  king's  possession,  but  added  "Even  if  the  papers 
were  in  the  Tcing^s  cabinet,  what  would  that  prove  ?  Might  it  not  l& 
possible  that  this  man  had,  in  fact,  known  the  real  Dauphin  ?"  We 
may  fairly  conclude  these  words  of  the  Prussian  minister  to  be  an 
indication  of  more  distinct  knowledge  possessed  by  his  master. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  say  much  respecting  the  vain  efforts  which 
N"aundorif  made  to  bring  his  claim  for  adjudication  before  the 
tribunals  of  France.  There  is  no  question,  that  he  used  every 
possible  exertion  to  bring  the  matter  to  a  legal  issue,  but  was 
denied.  Hervagault  and  Bruneau  had  long  since  been  tried  and 
condemned.  Richemont  seems  to  have  been  brought  forward 
almost  under  the  patronage  of  the  police,  to  disconcert  Naundorff, 
for,  in  his  baseless  claims,  he  had  none  of  the  enthusiasm  of  an 
intriguer,  but  the  placid  coolness  of  an  instrument  who  feels  him 
self  safe.  But  Naundorff  was  excluded  from  a  hearing.  It  seems 
certain,  also,  that  an  attempt  was  made  to  assassinate  him — for  the 
fact  does  not  rest  on  his  own  testimony,  but  on  that  of  the  St. 
Ililaires,  who  were  people  of  station  and  character.  The  evident 
injustice,  in  a  legal  point  of  view,  which  was  done  him,  naturally 
created  sympathy,  and  induced  the  belief,  that  since  the  French 
government  shunned  an  investigation,  they  believed  him  to  be  what 
he  pretended.  In  1838,  he  was  quietly  hustled  out  of  France  and 
conveyed  to  England.  He  employed  himself  at  first  in  the  manu 
facture  of  rockets,  and  afterwards  of  bomb-shells.  Another  attempt 
at  assassination  induced  him  to  retire  to  Delft,  in  Holland,  where  he 
expired  in  1844,  and  was  buried  with  regal  honors — an  object  of 
sympathy  and  respect  to  thousands,  who  felt  that  he  could  not  be 
confounded  with  the  ordinary  run  of  impostors. 

The  pretensions  of  Naundorff  kept  the  Frenela  government,  from 


158  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

1832  until  1844,  in  continual  uneasiness,  because  they  tended  to 
revive  half-buried  memories,  to  excite  discussion,  and  to  elicit 
important  evidence  upon  the  general  question.  Persons  in  almost 
every  rank  of  society  came  forward  and  threw  their  contributions 
upon  the  accumulating  pile.  Unfortunately,  much  fell  either  into 
the  hands  of  Naundorff  or  of  the  government — by  the  latter  it  was 
concealed  for  its  own  purposes,  and  by  the  former,  mangled  and 
mystified  in  publication,  by  the  substitution  of  initials  for  names, 
and  by  being  mixed  up  with  documents,  undoubtedly  forged,  or 
liable  to  strong  suspicion  of  being  so.  But  there  are  two  species 
of  evidence  elicited  by  the  appearance  of  Naundorff,  which  have 
intrinsic  value.  1.  That  which  was  published  by  persons  of  cha 
racter  and  standing,  challenging  denial,  and  giving  authorities  of 
name,  time,  and  place ;  and,  2,  That  which,  though  imperfectly 
stated  in  respect  to  these  particulars,  by  the  legal  advisers  of 
Naundorff,  yet,  tended  to  cast  discredit  on  his  individual  claims, 
and  was  acknowledged  by  his  friends  to  militate  with  his  story, 
while  it  went  to  establish  historical  facts  independently  of  him. 
Such  evidence  I  consider  to  be  historical  and  just  as  good  now  as 
ever. 

Thus  M.  Morin  de  Gu6rivieTe,  an  artizan  and  manufacturer,  2, 
Rue  Chapon,  Paris,  laid  a  memorial  before  the  Count  D'Artois,  in 
1828,  an  account  of  which  was  published  in  the  "Quotidienne  "  of 
November  6th,  of  that  year,  stating  that  in  July,  1795,  while 
travelling  in  a  postchaise,  under  the  protection  of  M.  Jervaia 
Ojardias,  agent  of  the  Prince  de  Coiide,  he  was  arrested  on  his 
arrival  at  Thiers,  Puy  de  D6me,  on  the  charge  of  being  the 
Dauphin.  He  was  surrounded  by  gens  d'armes,  the  local  authori 
ties  summoned,  a  proces  verbal  drawn  up,  and  he  was  only  set  at 
liberty  after  full  examination  and  disproval.* 

*  He  was  fortunately  able  to  exhibit  the  order  for  his  release,  which  is  as  follows: 
"LIBERTY.  "JUSTICE. 

"Du  Puy,  the  22  Messidor  ,  year  3,  (10  July,  1795). 
"  EQUALITY.  "  HUMANITY. 

"  J.  P.  Chazel,  representative  of  the  people,  delegated  by  the  National  Convention 


NAUNDORFT    AND    RICHEMONT.  159 

TJI  1832,  lie  published  a  pamphlet,  entitled — "Recollections  to  serve 
as  a  supplement  for  the  completion  of  the  proofs  of  the  existence  of  the 
Duke  of  Normandy,  son  of  Louis  XVI."  in  which,  hesides  stating 
the  above  facts,  he  gives  an  account  of  an  interview  with  an  agent 
of  Louis  XVIII,  in  1823,  named  Desmarres,  living  in  the  court  of 
the  Palais  Royal,  who  was  sent  to  him,  in  consequence  of  the  pre 
sentation  of  the  memorial  to  the  Count  D'Artois,  and  stated  that  he 
had  earned  great  alarm  in  the  palace,  and  occasioned  the  report  that 
Louis  XVII.  had  presented  himself  there.  After  this,  another  per 
son  from  the  court,  who  was  in  close  intimacy  with  the  Duchess 
D'Angouleme,  and  who  went  direct  from  him  to  her,  advised  him 
to  preserve  the  document  concerning  his  arrest  with  greaVcare,  as 
it  would  hereafter  be  of  value,  adding,  "Well,  Louis  XVII.  is 
living,  I  know  it,  but  the  dearest  interests  of  France  forbid  that  he 
should  now  ascend  the  throne  of  his  ancestors."  The  Abbe 
Allegre  Tourzel  also  congratulated  him  on  having  been  arrested  as 
the  son  of  Louis  XVI.,  and  said,  "I  know  from  good  authority 
that  the  Prince  is  living,  and  that  his  health  is  not  at  all  injured 
by  the  dreadful  sufferings  he  endured  in  the  Temple.  My  convic 
tion,  on  this  subject,  is  so  strong,  that  I  have  not  feared  to  declare 
it  openly  to  the  king  himself,  and  to  tell  him  that  the  crown  he 
wears  does  not  belong  to  him." 

Again,  M.  Labreli  de  Fontaine,  librarian  to  the  Duchess  D'Or- 
leans,  in  a  pamphlet,  entitled — u  Disclosures  respecting  the  exist- 
in  the  department  of  Puy-de-dome,  of  the  Upper  Loire,  of  Cantal  of  the  Aveyron,  and 
Lozere  to  the  Procureur  Syndic  of  the  district  of  Thievs.  I  have  heard  Ojardias,  he 
has  justified  his  conduct,  the  charge  made  against  him  is  false,  I  authorize  you  to 
rescind  the  orders  which  detained  the  child  in  Barge  Real's  house,  as  also  any  which 
may  have  issued  against  Ojardias's  liberty, 

"  HEALTH  AND  FRATERNITY. 

"  Signed,  J.  P.  Chazel. 

"  A  true  copy. 

"  The  Procureur  Syndic  of  the 
"  District  of  Thiers. 

"  Signed,  Bruyere  Barante." 


160  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

ence  of  Louis  XVIL,"  says,  "  The  first  article  of  the  secret  treaty  of 
Paris,  1814,  explains  the  manner  in  which  the  powers  of  Europe 
had  permitted  the  Count  de  Provence  to  occupy  the  throne  of 
France  ;  the  following  is  the  substance  of  the  article  : 

"  That  although  the  high  contracting  powers,  the  Allied  Sove 
reigns,  have  no  certain  evidence  of  the  death  of  the  son  of  Louis 
XVI.,  the  state  of  Europe  and  its  political  interests,  require  that 
they  should  place  at  the  head  of  the  government  in  France,  Louis 
Xavier,  Count  de  Provence,  ostensibly  with  the  title  of  king;  but, 
being  in  fact,  considered  in  their  secret  transactions  only  as  Regent 
of  the  kingdom  for  the  two  years  next  ensuing,  reserving  to  them 
selves  during  that  period  to  obtain  every  possible  certainty,  con 
cerning  a  fact  which  must  ultimately  determine  who  shall  be  the 
sovereign  of  France."  A  person  of  his  position  would  scarcely 
make  such  a  statement  without  good  authority.  He  also  asserts, 
that  when  he  was  himself  at  Venice,  in  1812,  Signior  Erizzo,  for 
merly  a  senator  o'f  Venice,  showed  him  a  proclamation  of  the  Count 
de  Provence,  dated  from  Verona,  the  14th  October,  1797,  in  which 
he  only  assumed  the  title  of  Regent  of  the  kingdom,  and  justly 
asks,  u  if  Louis  XVIL  died  in  the  Temple,  why  did  not  his  uncle 
assume  the  title  of  king."  M.  Gruau,  declares  that,  u  It  is  known 
from  good  authority,  that  during  the  reign  of  Louis  XVIIL,  a 
court  sycophant  had  a  false  certificate  fabricated  of  the  death  of 
the  Dauphin  in  foreign  lands  after  his  escape."1*'* 

The  "Journal  of  Commerce,"  3d  December,  1832,  in  a  re 
view  of  a  work,  entitled  —  u  Secret  History  of  the  Directory," 
says  :  — 

"  It  appears  certain  that  the  public  has  been  deceived  as  to  the 
real  time  and  place  of  the  death  of  Louis  XVIL  Cambaceres 
acknowledges  this,  but  would  never  reveal  what  he  kneic  on  this  point. 
We  shall  be  led  to  believe  there  was  some  great  mystery  con 
cerning  it,  -.when  we  remember  with  what  consideration  the 


n  18ft 


NAUNDORFF    AND    RICHEMONT.  161 

restored  Bourbons  treated  this  regicide,  and  the  eagerness  with 
which  they  took  possession  of  his  papers  after  his  death." 

In  a  pamphlet  published  by  M.  Bourbon  le  Blanc,  there  is  an 
attestation  by  M.  Pezold,  notary  of  Orossen,  in  which  he  says :  "  I 
have  found  fifty  documents  fully  substantiating  the  existence  of  his 
majesty ;  for  instance,  the  manner  and  by  whom  he  was  taken 
from  the  Temple.  I  can  prove  all  that  I  state ;  and  there  is  not  a 
sovereign  in  Europe  w7io  did  not  in  1818  receive  letters  from  me  on 
the  subject.  I  will  always  affirm  that  he  was  carried  off  from  the 
Temple  by  one  of  my  friends. 

"  Pro  vera  copia  in  fidem  publicam  testatur,  a  15  Januar,  1832. 
"Signed,  "PEZOLD,  Notar." 

M.  Pezold,  it  must  be  remarked,  did  not  pretend  to  affirm  any 
thing  concerning  identity ;  his  statements  respect  the  fact  of  escape. 
He  died  of  poison.  There  is  another  important  piece  of  testimony 
contained  in  the  pamphlet  of  Labreli  de  Fontaine. 

"M.  Abeille,  medical  pupil  under  Dr  Desault  at  the  time  of  his 
violent  death,  has  .declared  to  whoever  would  hear  it  in  France 
and  in  the  United  States,  where  he  has  since  sought  refuge,  that 
the  murder  of  the  doctor  immediately  followed  the  report  he  made 
to  the  effect  that  the  child  to  whom  they  had  introduced  him  was 
not  the  Dauphin.  The  '  American  Bee,'  edited  by  M.  Chandron, 
mentions  this  fact  in  an  article  inserted  in  1817.  Madame  Delisle, 
an  inhabitant  of  New  York,  and  now  in  Paris,  has  declared  that 
she  heard  this  circumstance  mentioned  by  M.  Abeille  himself,  and 
has,  moreover,  read  the  above  cited  article  in  the  American  journal." 

But,  one  of  the  most  important  items  of  evidence  is,  that  a  boy, 
purporting  to  be  the  Dauphin,  was,  in  1795,  actually  delivered 
into  the  hands  of  Charette.  The  proof  of  this  is  partly  historic, 
and  partly  rests  on  the  testimony  adduced  by  M.  Gruau,  tho 
advocate  of  Naundorff ;  but,  as  the  fact  directly  overthrows  tha 
claims  of  the  latter,  and  the  bearing  of  it  was  perceived  by  M. 


162  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

Gruau,  we  may  accept  his  evidence,  though  unable  to  fathom  the 
motives  which  led  him  to  produce  it. 

1.  There  is,  extant,  a  proclamation  of  Charette,  cited  by  Labreh 
de  Fontaine,  towards  the  close  of  1795,  addressed  to  his  army,  in 
which  he  speaks  of  Louis  XVII.  as  being  then  in  his  camp,  and 
asks  his  followers — "  "Will  you  abandon  to  tne  caprice  of  fortune, 
to  the  uncertainty  of  events,  the  royal  orphan  whom  you  swore  to 
defend — or,  rather,  lead  him  captive  in  the  midst  of  yon,  conduct 
him  to  the  assassins  of  his  father,  and  cast  at  their  feet  the  head 
of  your  innocent  king." 

2.  A  friend  of  Gruau's,  who  served  in  the  army  of  Charette, 
remembered  to  have  seen  a  child  who  was  shown  to  the  Vendeean 
army  as  Louis  XVII. 

3.  Another  royalist,  cited  by  Gruau,  declared  that  he^  himself, 
"  delivered  Louis  XVII.  into  the  hands  of  Charette ;"  adding — 
"  By  what  means  General  Charette  and  I  obtained  possession  of 
him,  and  where  we  took  him  to — this  is  what  I  shall  not  hesitate 
to  prove,  when  the  proper  time  is  come.     Till  then,  a  solemn  oath 
binds  me  to  silence."     Now  Gruau,  NaundorfFs  advocate,  states 
that  this  testimony  does  not  refer  to  the  real  Dauphin.     But,  look 
at  the  position  in  which  it  places  Naundorff.     He  says,  that,  being 
the  true  Dauphin,  he  saw  Charette  in  1795.     Why  Charette  so 
easily  allowed  him  to  escape  his  hands,  he  does  not  say.     Now, 
either  he  was,  or  was  not,  the  child  mentioned  above,  as  being  in 
the  Vedeean  camp.     If  he  was  that  child,  he  was  not  "  the  real 
Dauphin,"  according  to  the  confession  of  his  advocate,  and  stands 
also  convicted  of  falsehood,  in  the  details  of  his  story.     If  he  were 
not,  then  it  will  be  impossible  to  explain  how  Charette,  being  per 
sonally  acquainted  witji  the  true  Prince,  should  allow  himself  to  be 
so  deceived  immediately  after,  as  to  receive  a  pretender  into  his 
camp.     Percival  feels  the  full  difficulty  of  the  case,  and  confesses 
that  he  cannot  "  satisfy  the  curiosity  which  may  be  felt  as  to  the 
motives  which  led  "  to  the  production  of  such  testimony. 

On  reviewing  the  facts  presented  in  this  involved  case,   the 


NAUNDORFF    AND    RICHEMONT.  163 

obscurity  clears  away  sufficiently  to  enable  us  to  discern  distinctly 
the  following  truths.     It  appears  : — 

1.  That,  ISTaundorff  was  an  impostor,  because — 1.  There  is  a  radi 
cal  discrepancy  between  the  two  accounts  given  by  him  of  his 
escape  from  the  Temple,  in  one  of  which  he  represents  himself  to 
have  seen  a  wooden  doll  substituted  for  him  before  the  introduc 
tion  of  the  dumb  child ;  and,  in  the  other,  to  have  seen,  at  the 
same  time  and  place,  the  immediate  substitution  of  the  child  him 
self. 

2.  The  account,  given  by  him,  of  his  interview  with  Charette, 
cannot  be  made  to  tally  with  the  evidence  adduced  and  vouched 
for  by  his  advocate,  respecting  the  presence  of  a  child,  supposed  to 
be  Louis  XVIL,  in  the  Vende"ean  army. 

3.  The  accounts,  he  gave  of  his  early  history,  vary  so  much  from 
each  other,  at  different  periods  of  his  life,  at  one  time  represent 
ing  him  to  have  been  in  America  at  the  moment  when,  according 
to  another  statement,  he  was  on  the  continent  of  Europe,  that 
one  or  the  other  must  be  fictitious. 

4.  His  conduct,  in  the  affair  of  Martin,  proves  him  to  have  been 
a  deceiver.     The  man  who  was  on  such  intimate  terms  with  the 
protecting  angel  of  France,  is  of  veracity  too  etherial  for  ordinary 
credence. 

II.  That,  Naundorff,  thougn  an  impostor,  had  facts  as  the  basis  of 
his  deception,  and  was  in  possession  of  some  state  secret,  and 
some  documents  of  importance,  which  enabled  him  to  carry  on  the 
deception,  because — 

1.  He  was  denied  by  the  French  government  a  legal  hearing, 
which  was  not  only  granted  to,  but  forced  upon,  the  other  impos 
tors  ;  was  subjected  to  attempts  against  his  life,  and  compelled  by 
the  authorities  to  leave  France  to  prevent  investigation. 

2.  The  conduct  of  the  Duchess  D'Angouleme  showed  his  case 
embarrassed  her,  and  she  confessed  that  though  he  was  an  impos- 


164  THE   LOST   PRINCE. 

tor,  yet  there  were  circumstances  which  might,  in  the  eyes  of  the 
French  government,  render  his  assassination  expedient.  The  inter 
view  between  her  and  the  King  of  Prussia,  in  relation  to  him, 
proves  the  importance  attached  to  his  pretensions ;  and  all  these 
things  in  connection,  are  only  consistent  with*the  idea  of  dangerous 
truth  lying  beneath  the  falsehood  of  his  individual  claim. 

3.  He  undeniably  had  the  means  of  deceiving  persons  so  compe 
tent  to  judge  as  Madame  de  Kambaud,  St.  Hilaire,  St.  Didier,  and 
others,  and  showed  an  acquaintance  with  facts,  known  solely  to  the 
initiated,  explicable  only  on  the  ground  that  he  had  been  behind 
the  scenes,  or  obtained  authentic  information  of  things  hidden 
from  the  public  eye. 

III.  That,  the  secret  which  gave  him  political  importance  as  an 
impostor,  did  not  relate   to  himself  but  to  some  other  person, 
because — 

1.  He  confessed  as  much  in  his  letter  to  the  Duchess  D'Angou- 
leme,  when  required  to  give  an  account  of  his  escape  from  the 
Temple,  by  saying,  that  prudence  forbade  him  to  commit  to  paper 
the  mystery  which  enveloped  some  other  child  in  the  Temple, 
which  child,  it  is  every  way  probable,  was  Louis  XVII. 

2.  In  the  opinion  of    the    Prussian  court,  whom  JSTaundorff 
acknowledged  to  be  in  the  secret  of  his  life,  the  facts  in  his  case 
only  went  to  show  that  he  knew  the  true  Dauphin. 

IV.  That,  it  seems  to  be  a  historic  fact,  that  a  child  purporting  to 
be  Louis  XVII.,  was  actually  in  the  possession  of  Charette,  in 
1795,  and  afterwards  disappeared,  no  one  knows  where. 

V.  That  the  government  was  aware  of  the  fact  of  the  Prince's 
escape,  because:  1.  the  police  records  of  the  time  show  that  orders 
were  issued  for  the  arrest  of  Louis  XVII.    2.  M.  Gueriviere  was 
arrested  by  the  police,  on  the  charge  of  being  the  Dauphin,  while 
travelling  in  a  carriage  with  the  agent  of  the  Prince  de  Conde" ; 


NAUNDORFF    AND    RICHEMONT.  165 

and  both  of  these  circumstances  confirm  Naundorff's  story,  that 
carriages  with  children  were  sent  out  in  different  directions,  for 
the  purpose  of  baffling  pursuit,  and  tend  to  prove  that  he  was,  by 
some  means,  conversant  with  the  events  connected  with  the 
escape. 

VI.  That,  Nauudorff  intimates  his  knowledge  of  the  fact,  that  a 
child,  said  to  be  Louis  XVII.,  was  sent  to  America,  that  a  certain 

Mr.  B was  engaged  in  the  transaction,  that  he  was  in  concert 

with  a  lady,  formerly  a  member  of  the  queen's  household,  and  that 
they  had  with  them  a  young  girl. 

VII.  That  it  is  shown  by  the  statement  of  Madame  de  Rarn- 
baud,  that  Louis  XVII.  had  on  his  arm  a  crescent-shaped  scar,  the 
result  of  inoculation. 

The  following  points,  which  it  is  not  necessary  to  specify  sepa 
rately,  were  also  brought  out  by  the  discussion  of  Kaundorff's 
claims — viz.  that  the  existence  of  Louis  XVII.  was  not  only  sus 
pected  but  a  well-known  fact,  admitted  in  the  best  informed 
circles,  and  by  the  agents  and  intimates  of  Louis  XVIII.  and  the 
Duchess  D'Angouleme ;  that  in  1797,  Louis  XVIII.  signed  a  pro 
clamation  as  Regent,  which  was  seen  by  Labreli  de  Fontaine,  at 
Venice,  that  at  the  Eestoration  of  the  Bourbons  the  allied  powers 
declared  there  was  no  proof  of  the  death  of  Louis  XVII. ;  and 
that  M.  Abeille,  pupil  of  Desault,  solemnly  declared  that  that  phy 
sician  had  been  murdered. 

Taking  all  the  circumstances  of  Naundorff's  history  into  conside 
ration,  I  do  not  think  that  you  can  harmonize  them,  and  reduce 
them  to  their  true  proportions,  but  by  some  theory  which  will  not 
vary  far  from  the  following,  which  I  propose  as  the  most  probable 
view  of  his  life  and  character,  and  most  consistent  with  facts 
which  are  proved. 

I  conceive  him,  then,  to  have  been  one  of  the  boys  made  use  of 


166  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

at  the  time  of  the  Dauphin's  escape  to  personate  him,  and  selected 
for  the  purpose  on  account  of  his  Bourbon  features,  which  may  be 
traceable  as  a  native  of  Versailles  or  Paris,  to  illegitimate  Bourbon 
blood — furnished  with  credentials  and  information  to  enable  him  to 
act  his  part  plausibly — conveyed  to  Oharette,  and  exhibited  to  his 
army  as  the  Prince,  whom  he  continued  to  represent  until  the 
trick  was  discovered,  having  personally  learned  the  general  outline 
of  the  real  Dauphin's  destiny,  and  the  names  of  the  agents  by 
whom  he  was  removed.  He  was  probably  imprisoned  to  conceal 
his  secret — and  afterwards  reduced  to  a  wandering  and  necessitous 
life,  but  retained  documents  and  letters  originally  given  him  to 
play  his  part,  and  which  admitted  him  to  the  knowledge  of  many 
of  the  incidents  of  the  private  life  of  the  royal  family. 

The  journals  and  papers  of  Marie  Antoinette  and  the  Princess 
Elizabeth,  were  taken  from  them,  during  their  imprisonment  in  the 
Temple  ;*  and  if  any  of  these,  by  some  of  the  accidents  of  the  times, 
fell  into  his  possession,  they  would  sufficiently  account  for  his  fami 
liarity  with  recondite  incidents.  The  documents  delivered  to  Prince 
Hartenburg  probably  revealed  to  the  eyes  of  diplomatists  the  true 
nature  of  his  case,  and  may  have  induced  them  to  watch  him 
as  one  who  might  be  dangerous.  Meanwhile,  his  early  adventures 
moulded  his  mind  and  destiny — a  man  of  one  idea,  he  prepared 
himself  through  life  to  play  his  part,  so  that  he  became  at  last  "bien 
habile,"  and  gathered  from  all  available  sources  all  that  could  give 
consistency  to  his  pretensions.  Possessor  of  a  secret  which  might 
shake  thrones,  he  could  not  rest  till  he  tried  its  potency  in  evoking 
strife.  He  does  not  seem  to  have  had  any  settled  plan — but  to  have 
shaped  his  course  by  circumstances.  When  he  first  came  to  Paris, 
he  is  described  by  St.  Didier  as  very  timid  and  shy — but  success 
soon  emboldened  him,  and  he  made  use,  with  equal  facility,  of  the 
fanatic  falsehood  of  Martin  and  of  the  sincere  and  honorable  devo 
tion  of  Madame  de  Eambaud  and  M.  St.  Hilaire.  With  the  talents 
of  a  fortune-teller,  he  might  easily  draw  forth  information  while 

*  Olery. 


NAUNDORFF    AND    RICHEMONT.  167 

seeming  to  impart  it,  and  make  a  conversation  with  one  the  source 
of  a  revelation  to  another.  He  had  judgment  to  perceive  the  strength 
of  his  position,  and  tact  to  avail  himself  of  it.  He  had  nothing  to 
hazard.  The  French  authorities  had  all  to  lose.  lie  could  safely 
appeal  to  the  tribunals,  because  he  knew  that  his  appeal  would 
never  be  granted — for  his  condemnation  might  have  been  gained  at 
the  expense  of  political  destruction,  too  dear  a  price  to  pay  for  the 
suppression  of  a  charlatan.  My  impression  is,  that  he  desired  to 
sell  his  secret,  and  bring  his  adversaries  of  the  two  opposite  parties 
to  terms.  Thus,  on  the  one  hand,  he  offered  the  Duchess  D'Angou- 
leme  to  make  over  his  rights  to  the  Due  de  Bourdeaux,  and  held  up 
his  knowledge  of  the  mystery  which  hung  over  the  real  Dauphin, 
as  an  inducement  why  she  should  grant  an  interview — and.  on  the 
other,  he  gave  hints  and  indications  of  the  truth,  in  some  instances 
puzzling  to  his  own  adherents.  After  all,  finding  it  most  for  his  ad 
vantage  to  retain  his  secret  and  maintain  his  dubious  position,  he 
gave  vent  to  the  swaggering  boast,  fully  characteristic  of  the  swin 
dler,  "  I  fear  nothing,  for  it  is  not  in  the  power  of  any  one  to  prove 
that  I  am  not  the  son  of  the  martyr  king  of  France,  the  true  orphan 
of  the  Temple." 

KIOHEMONT. 

A  person,  named  Richemont,  who,  for  years,  has  been  known  as 
one  of  the  most  obscure  of  the  Dauphin  pretenders,  has  lately  died 
in  France,  and,  it  is  said  that,  now  he  is  dead,  an  attempt  will  be 
made  to  prove  that  he  was  actually  the  son  of  Louis  XVI.  I  return 
my  thanks  to  the  "Tribune"  for  calling  my  attention  to  the  article  in 
the  "London  Atlas,"  on  this  subject,  which  otherwise  I  should  not 
have  seen,  and  hope  that  it  and  other  papers  will  advise  us  of  any 
facts  which  may  transpire  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic,  or  of  any 
suggestions  contained  in  European  publications.  A  great  change 
has  come  over  the  Parisian  letter  writers,  within  a  few  months. 
On  the  first  agitation  of  this  subject,  at  the  beginning  of  the  year, 
nothing  was  more  certain  than  the  death  of  Louis  XVII.,  in  the 


168  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

Temple,  in  1795.  But,  now,  it  is  admitted  that  he  did  not  die,  that 
the  Convention  was  deceived — and  that  the  archives  of  the  police 
prove  he  escaped  shortly  before  January  8,  1795.  This  fact  may, 
therefore,  now  be  considered  historically  beyond  dispute.  The 
existence  of  the  decree  of  the  French  government  to  arrest  Louis 
XVII.  after  his  asserted  death,  is  admitted  by  Mrs.  Romer.* 

The  story  of  Richemont  is,  in  some  respects,  the  counterpart  of 
that  of  Naundorff.  Neither  of  them  pretended  to  be  the  child  who 
was  visited  by  Desault,  and  who,  up  to  the  1st  of  June,  was  known 
to  be  the  Prince.  But  there  was  this  difference  between  them — 
Naundorff  did  not  leave  the  Temple  till  the  day  of  the  burial — Riche- 
mont  escaped  so  long  ago  as  the  good  old  times  when  Madame 
Simon  held  sway,  and  was  removed,  with  her  furniture,  in  a  basket 
of  clothes.  But  how  does  this  story  of  Richemont  tally  with  the 
order  given  to  the  police,  on  the  8th  of  June  ? 

Is  it  credible  that,  if  Louis  XVII.  had  been  a  year  out  of  the 
Temple,  the  whole  police  of  France  would  then  be  set  to  work  to 
arrest  him,  just  then  escaping,  in  a  postchaise;  or  that,  out  of  the 
hundreds  of  acting  commissaries  and  other  officials,  who  had  seen 
the  captive,  not  one  had  discovered  the  fraud  until  this  identical 
8th  June? 

I  can  see  no  reason  for  the  shadow  of  a  doubt,  that  the  child 
represented  to  be  Louis  XVII.  up  to  the  beginning  of  June,  was 
actually  so.  His  identity  is  proved — 

1.  By  the  marks  upon  his  body. 

2.  By  the  recognition  of  Desault,  who  knew  him,  and  never 
expressed  a  doubt,  during  the  month  he  attended  the  child,  as  to 
his  being  the  Prince. 

3.  By  the  picture  of  Bellanger,  which  is  confessed  to  be  that  of 
the  Dauphin. 

But,  establish  this  fact,  and  the  pretensions  of  both  Naundorff 
and  Richemont  go  to  the  ground ;  for  each  asserts  himself  to  be 
not  the  child  whom  Desault  visited. 

*    Pilia  Dolorosa,  p.  476. 


NAUNDORFF    AND    RICHEMONT.  169 

Nothing  can  be  more  unnatural  and  absurd  than  the  account  of 
the  interview  between  Richemont  and  the  Duchess  D'Angouleme ; 
which  the  correspondent  of  the  "  Atlas"  says,  he  himself  heard 
from  Madame  Chateaubriand,  provided  the  words  attributed  to  the 
duchess,  are  considered  as  referring  to  one  she  deemed  Tier  brother. 
Under  such  a  construction,  the  story  carries  falsehood  on  its  face, 
no  matter  who  tells  it — give  them  a  different  sense,  and  I  have  no 
objection  to  it.  It  is  as  follows  :  "  Madame  Chateaubriand,  whose 
truth  has  never  been  questioned,  has  told  me  the  circumstances  of  thia 
interview,  at  which,  by  virtue  of  her  office,  she  was  present.  The 
duchess  was  walking  on  the  terrace  of  Versailles,  when  the  Prince 
de  Conde,  coming  up  the  marble  steps  of  the  parterre,  suddenly 
appeared  before  her,  leaning  on  the  arm  of  the  Baron  de  Riche- 
inont — the  latter  fell  at  the  feet  of  the  duchess,  who  seemed  for  a 
moment  overcome  with  emotion.  The  baron  spoke  in  a  low  tone, 
recalling  circumstances  which  had  taken  place  in  their  early  youth, 
and  which  were  unknown  to  the  world  beside.  The  duchess  drew 
back  presently,  and,  gazing  at  the  baron  from  head  to  foot,  she 
exclaimed,  "  Go,  sir,  I  cannot  call  you  brother — you  are  my 
mother's  murderer."  The  idea  intended  to  be  conveyed,  is  that, 
the  duchess  recognised  Richemont  as  her  brother — but  would  not 
acknowledge  him  as  such,  on  account  of  the  paper  which  he  had 
been  compelled  to  sign  in  prison,  charging  Marie  Antoinette  with 
incest.  The  duchess  was  a  woman  of  too  much  good  sense  and 
-right  feeling  ever  to  entertain  such  sentiments — the  child  was  the 
mere  passive  instrument  of  the  brutality  of  others.  Her  memoirs 
show  that  she  never  dreamed  of  imputing  to  him  as  a  crime,  what 
was  merely  his  misfortune.  Besides  which,  the  charge  of  incest 
did  no  harm  to  Marie  Antoinette.  No  one  believed  it.  It  rather 
aided  her,  and  came  near  causing  her  acquittal.  If  the  duchess 
did  utter  those  words,  it  is  most  certain  they  bore  no  relation  to 
her  brother ;  and  that,  instead  of  proving  anything  in  favor  of  Riche 
mont,  they  settle  the  question  against  him.  It  is  not  impossible 
that  he,  as  well  as  Naundorff,  may  have  been  some  child  con- 

8 


370  THE    LOST    FKJNCE. 

nected  with  the  Temple,  aiid  that  the  duchess  did  recognize  him  as 
one  who  had  been  instrumental,  on  some  occasion,  in  inflicting 
injury  on  her  mother,  perhaps  in  preventing  her  escape.  This  is 
far  the  most  natural  conclusion.  The  duchess,  we  have  seen, 
indignantly  rejected  his  portrait,  when  offered  her  by  St.  Didier, 
saying,  "-  No,  sir,  that  is  not  the  thing." 

After  the  interview  was  over,  she  took  the  arm  of  Madam-o 
Chateaubriand,  "and  pushed  open  the  glass  door  of  the  grand 
salon  with  such  violence,  that  several  panes  of  glass  fell  to  the 
ground.  She  did  did  not  sleep  that  night,  she  did  not  even  retire 
to  her  own  room,  but  paced  the  floor  of  the  drawing-room  till 
morning,  now  and  then  sinking  on  her  knees  in  prayer,  and  often 
stopping  in  her  restless  walk  to  lean  her  head  against  the  wall  and 
sob  aloud."  It  seems  undeniable  that  some  deep  chord  of  feeling 
was  stirred.  Knowing,  as  I  have  evidence  she  did,  her  brother's 
existence,  in  America,  but  compelled  from  state  motives  to  conceal 
the  secret,  every  fresh  attempt  at  imposture  was  calculated  to 
wound  her  spirit  most  acutely  ;  and  this,  together  with  memories 
of  the  sufferings  of  departed  years,  awakened  by  the  incident, 
is  quite  sufficient  to  account  for  her  agony  of  mind,  without 
attributing  to  her  the  absurdity  of  calling  her  brother  the  murderer 
of  Tier  mother.  There  are  some  things  impossible — and  this  is  one 
of  them. 

Richemont,  like  NaundorfF,  attributed  all  the  assassinations 
among  people  of  rank  in  Europe,  to  acquaintance  with  his  secret^ 
and  favor  of  his  pretensions.  This  is  cheap  kind  of  evidence. 
But  it  amounts  to  nothing.  Kleber  and  Pichegru,  and  the  Due 
de  Bern,  and  the  Prince  de  Conde  might  be  assassinated,  but 
it  proves  nothing  in  favor  of  the  pretensions  of  either  impostor. 
As  to  the  offer  of  Louis  Philippe,  by  letter,  to  give  the  Princess 
Louise,  afterwards  Queen  of  Belgium,  to  Richemont,  we  will 
wait  till  the  letter  is  produced.  If  he  had  such  a  thing,  he  would 
have  shown  it  during  his  life-time,  and,  besides,  would  scarcely 
have  rejected  an  offer  which  would,  necessarily,  have  been 


NAUNDOKFF  AND  RICHEMONT.  1*71 

accompanied  by  the  public  recognition  of  his  claims,  if  lie  were 
the  Dauphin,  and  by  his  ultimate  accession  to  the  throne.  But  I 
care  npt  what  documents  may  be  produced  under  the  circum 
stances.  Such  things  only  prove  their  own  existence,  nothing 
more.  So  long  as  Richemont's  own  story  disagrees  fundamentally 
with  known  facts,  all  the  documents  in  the  world  would  not  prove 
identity.  For  this  is  a  case  of  alibi.  Eichemont  was  not  in  the 
Temple  in  June,  1795.  Louis  XVII.  was  in  the  Temple  until  the 
first  week  in  June,  1795.  No,  Richemont  was  both  an  impostor, 
and,  in  all  probability,  an  instrument  of  Louis  Philippe;  and, 
should  the  attempt  ever  be  made  to  silence  the  truth  respecting 
the  living,  by  setting  up  the-  baseless  claims  of  the  dead,  it  will 
only  add  a  tenfold  force  to  every  argument  in  favor  of  the  former. 

Here  I  must  let  the  curtain  fall  upon  the  Old  World,  leaving 
everything  uncertain,  unfinished,  mysterious.  A  great  wrong  has 
been  done,  and  we  can  clearly  trace  the  whole  course  of  motives 
and  events  up  to  a  given  point,  and  then  there  is  an  abrupt  cessa 
tion,  with  only,  here  and  there,  an  indication  of  a  dark  secret,  to 
which  the  published  annals  of  Europe  afford  no  clue.  Like  one 
of  those  rivers  which  suddenly  lose  themselves  in  the  earth,  and 
roll  their  tide  along  in  subterranean  darkness,  the  fate  of  Louis 
XVII.  is,  for  more  than  half  a  century,  hidden  from  the  eyes  of 
men,  and  every  attempt  hitherto  made  to  unriddle  the  enigma  of 
his  destiny,  only  deepens  the  mystery,  and  carries  the  mind  into 
more  inextricable  labyrinths,  which,  like  the  mazes  of  some 
primeval  forest,  afford  no  outlet. 


END   OF  THE  FIEST  PAET. 


PART  II. 

THE  WIGWAM,  THE  CAMP,  AND  THE  CHURCH. 


ADOPTION    AND    EDUCATION.  175 


CHAPTER   X. 

ADOPTION       AND       EDUCATION. 

SCIENCE  has  remarked  mysterious  affinities  between  the  Old 
World  and  the  New,  and  there  are  social  yearnings,  historic  ties  and 
sympathies  of  unearthly  brotherhood,  which  unite  hands  and 
hearts  across  the  deep,  and  make  men  love  each  other  with  an 
intenser  love,  because  they  at  once  are  and  are  not  one.  The  two 
continents  were  made  for  each  other.  There  is  the  battle-field — 
here  the  asylum  from  strife — and  yet  it  is  from  those  old  ensan 
guined  soils,  that  the  men,  the  principles,  and  the  faith  have  been 
derived,  which  make  the  New  "World  glorious  and  peaceful.  It 
will  add  another  strange  link  to  the  chain  of  union,  if  it  can  be 
shown  that,  republican  America  numbers  among  her  citizens,  one 
born  to  be  a  monarch,  in  Europe;  and  that  the  Protestant  Episco 
pal  church  has,  in  the  same  individual,  a  minister  and  a 
missionary,  who,  but  for  reverses,  unparalleled  in  history,  would 
have  wielded  the  forces  of  a  rival  communion. 

In  the  year  1795,  a  French  family,  calling  themselves  De  Jardin 
or  De  Jotirdan,  arrived  in  Albany,  direct  from  France.  Refugees 
were  crowding  at  that  time  to  America,  but  there  were  circum 
stances  connected  with  these  persons  which  attracted  unusual 
attention.  The  family  consisted  of  a  lady,  a  gentleman,  and  two 
children.  The  two  former,  though  they  bore  the  same  name,  did 
not  seem  to  be,  nor  were  considered,  as  husband  and  wife.  While 
Madame  de  Jardin  dressed  with  elegance,  Monsieur  was  very 
plainly  attired,  and  acted  in  almost  a  menial  capacity.  Much  mys 
tery  was  observed  concerning  the  children  under  their  care,  who 
were  never  taken  out  in  public.  The  eldest  was  a  girl,  named 


176  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

Louise,  the  youngest  a  boy  of  nine  or  ten  years  of  age,  who  was 
called,  simply,  Monsieur  Louis.  He  was  scarcely  seen,  except  by  a 
few  ladies  and  children.  He  did  not  appear  to  notice  those  who 
saw  him.  Madame  de  Jardin,  who  had  in  her  possession  many 
articles  which  belonged  to  the  deceased  king  and  queen  of  France, 
and  among  them  some  gold  plate,  on  which  was  engraven  the 
royal  arms,  stated,  in  familiar  conversation,  that  she  had  been  a 
maid  of  honor  to  Marie  Antoinette,  and  was  separated  from  her  ou 
the  terrace  of  the  palace,  prior  to  her  imprisonment  in  the  Temple. 
She  was  in  a  state  of  high  mental  excitement,  and  while  speaking 
of  the  events  of  the  Eevolution,  would  wildly  play  the  "  Marseil 
laise,"  and  then  burst  into  tears.  The  children  were  considered  by 
those  on  terms  of  familiar  intercourse  with  Madame  de  Jardin,  and 
who  had  opportunities  of  judging  which  others  had  not,  to  belong 
to  the  royal  family  of  France.  The  little  boy,  is  said,  by  a  highly 
respectable  and  intelligent  lady,  who  saw  him  under  peculiar  cir 
cumstances,  calculated  to  excite  her  attention,  to  resemble,  in  the 
general  contour  of  his  face,  the  Rev.  Eleazar  Williams.  The 
De  Jardins,  after  remaining  a  short  time  in  Albany,  for  what  pur 
pose  was  not  publicly  known,  sold  most  of  their  effects,  some 
articles  of  which  are  still,  or  recently  were,  in  that  city,  and  then 
suddenly  disappeared,  no  one  knew  whither.  Conjecture,  for  a 
time,  aroused  and  excited,  fell  at  length  asleep,  for  want  of  mate 
rial  to  work  on,  but  the  mystery  attending  these  incidents,  has 
caused  them  to  be  vividly  remembered  to  the  present  time. 

An  interesting  letter  on  this  subject  from  Mrs.  Dudley,  of 
Albany,  a  near  connexion  of  Governor  Seymour,  whose  character 
and  social  position  place  her  testimony  beyond  reach  of  question, 
will  be  found  in  the  Appendix,  and  repay  perusal.  (Appendix  D.) 
Learning  from  a  friend  that  she  was  in  possession  of  information, 
which  might  throw  some  light  on  the  subject,  I  called  on  her,  in 
company  with  the  Rev.  Dr.  Kip,  now  Missionary  Bishop  of  Cali 
fornia,  and  Mr.  Williams,  when  she  furnished  me  with  the  particu 
lars  detailed  above,  and  afterwards  threw  them  into  a  written  form. 


ADOPTION    AND    EDUCATION.  177 

The  reader,  as  he  advances,  will  be  able  to  judge  of  the  con 
nexion  of  these  facts  with  the  thread  of  our  narrative,  but  before  I 
leave  them,  I  would  call  his  attention  to  the  coincidence,  which, 
however,  can  scarcely  escape  him,  between  these  incidents  and  the 
particulars  obscurely  given  by  Naundorff.*  In  Both  statements 
occur  the  lady  of  Marie  Antoinette's  household,  the  gentleman  in 
very  plain  clothes,  and  the  little  girl.  These  things  coupled  with 
the  intimation  given  by  the  pretender  that  the  Prince  was  sent  to 
America,  and  the  exact  correspondence  in  time  are  certainly  strik 
ing.  But  from  Albany  let  us  now  travel,  by  an  obvious  route,  to 
Ticonderoga,  and  observe  what  happened  there  in  the  same  year. 

There  is  still  living,  at  about  a  hundred  years  of  age,  a  respect 
able  Indian  chief,  of  whose  character  and  veracity  I  have  full  assu 
rance  from  the  Hon.  B.  Skenondogh  Smith,  of  Philadelphia,  who 
has  known  him  upwards  of  thirty  years.  His  name  is  John  Sken 
ondogh  O'Brien,  and  he  is  the  son  of  an  Irishman  and  an  Oneida 
woman.  He  was  sent  to  France  for  education,  and  returned  to 
this  country  during  the  American  Revolution.  In  the  hunting 
season,  he  was  frequently,  with  other  Indians,  in  the  vicinity  of 
Lake  George,  and,  while  at  Ticonderaga,  in  1795,  two  Frenchmen, 
one  of  them  having  the  appearance  of  a  Romish  priest,  came  there, 
bringing  a  weak  sickly  boy,  in  a  state  of  mental  imbecility,  whom 
they  left  among  the  Indians.  Being  well  acquainted  with  French, 
O'Brien  conversed  with  the  men,  and  learned  from  them  that  the 
boy  was  born  in  France.  He  was  adopted  by  an  Iroquois  chief, 
named  Thomas  Williams,  and  O'Brien,  who  has  since  repeatedly 
seen  him  in  youth  and  manhood,  testifies,  on  oath,  that  he  is  the 
same  person  with  the  Rev.  Eleazar  Williams.  (Appendix  E.) 
Now,  it  is  true  we  have  no  means  of  demonstrating  that  the  boy 
called  Monsieur  Louis,  by  Madame  de  Jardiu,  at  Albany,  in  1795,  is 
the  boy  left  at  Ticonderoga,  In  1795,  by  the  two  Frenchmen  ;  but, 
whoever  considers  the  coincidences  of  circumstance,  time,  place, 
age,  mental  condition,  and  bodily  resemblance,  must  admit  that 

*  Vita  page  149- 
4* 


178  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

apart  from  all  other  testimony,  it  is  highly  probable.  But,  whoever 
Eleazar  Williams  le,  lie  is  a  native  of  France.  This  point  is  esta 
blished  on  the  threshold." 

To  exhibit  the  social  influences  by  which  he  was  now  sur 
rounded,  it  will  'be  necessary  here  to  give  some  account  of  the 
origin  of  the  family  by  whom  the  child,  henceforth  known  as 
Eleazar  Williams,  was  adopted. 

Among  the  romantic  stories  of  former  days  of  trial  and  hardship, 
which  charm  the  imagination,  and,  by  contrast  with  present  pros 
perity,  gratify  the  pride  of  New  England,  there  are  few  which 
appeal  more  strongly  fo  our  sympathies,  than  the  sufferings  of  the 
family  of  the  Rev.  John  Williams,  at  the  inroad  of  the  French  and 
Indians  on  the  town  of  Deerfield,  Massachusetts,  in  1704.  It  forms 
the  historic  basis  of  my  narrative  of  events  in  this  country,  and  is 
full  of  the  interest  which  pertains  to  tales  of  frontier  life  in  half- 
rooted  colonies.  The  original  settlers  of  New  England  looked  upon 
the  Indians  in  much  the  same  light  that  the  children  of  Israel, 
under  Joshua,  viewed  the  idolatrous  Canaauites.  In  the  pages  of 
the  inspired  warrior,  they  found  a  full  vindication  alike  for  cruelty 
and  injustice,  and  the  red  man  repaid  at  every  fit  opportunity  the 
injuries  he  had  already  received,  and  avenged,  beforehand,  the 
approaching  extermination  of  his  race,  by  ceaseless  inroads  on  the 
colonists.  Deerfield  was  first  settled  in  1671,  and  the  Indians 
treated  in  the  customary  manner.  The  Eastern,  or,  as  they  were 
afterwards  called,  the  St.  Francois  Indians,  had  owned  the  land, 
and  entertained  a  bitter  hostility  towards  those  who  had  gained 
possession  of  their  territory.  Before  the  close  of  the  century,  they 
made  many  attacks  upon  the  place,  which,  being  the  most  remote 
settlement  on  the  Connecticut  river,  was  peculiarly  exposed  to  their 
incursions.  In  1697,  an  attack  was  made  on  Deerfield,  but  was 
repulsed  by  the  inhabitants,  headed  by%  their  pastor,  the  Kev.  John 
Williams.  But,  though  baffled,  the  Indians  did  not  relinquish  their 
design.  In  the  spring  of  1703,  some  of  the  "praying"  or  Christian 
Mohawks,  brought  intelligence  to  Albany,  of  an  intended  incursion 


ADOPTION    AND    EDUCATION.  179 

on  Deerfield,  and  Lord  Cornbury,  then  governor  of  New  York, 
communicated  the  tidings  to  the  governor  of  Massachusetts.  A 
guard  of  twenty  soldiers  was  sent  to  the  village,  and  every  precau 
tion  taken  against  surprise.  But,  there  was  a  presentiment  in  the 
mind  of  Williams  that  the  town  would  be  destroyed,  and  in  his 
sermons  he  frequently  warned  the  people  of  the  coming  calamity.* 

The  governor  of  Canada;  M.  de.  Vaudreuil,  sent  a  body  of 
French  and  Indians  into  New  England,  who  committed  considerable 
ravages,  and  slew  several  hundred  men.  The  New  Englanders,  in 
their  turn,  in  the  fall  of  the  year,  made  an  incursion  into  Canada, 
and  killed  a  great  number  of  the  Indians.  This  was  the  immediate 
cause  of  the  attack  on  Deerfield.  The  chiefs  applied  for  assistance 
to  M.  de  Vaudreuil,  who  sent  them  two  hundred  men  under  the 
command  of  Le  Sieur  Heutel  de  Rouville,  who,  accompanied  by 
a  large  body  of  Indians,  made  his  way  to  Deerfield.t  John  Wil 
liams  was  a  man  of  sincere  piety,  more  than  ordinary  attainments 
in  literature,  a  strong  mind,  and  entire  devotion  to  his  flock,  which, 
in  those  days,  was  like  a  New  England  pastor's  family.  He  was  in 
the  prime  of  life,  married  to  an  excellent  woman,  the  father  of 
seven  or  eight  children,  with  a  good  farm,  and  every  prospect  of 
uninterrupted  happiness. 

Such  was  his  condition  when  he  retired  to  rest,  on  the  28th 
February,  1704.  About  daybreak  the  village  was  attacked — the 
sleeping  sentinels  gave  no  alarm — the  sound  of  axes  and  hammers 
at  their  doors  and  windows  was  the  first  notification  of  danger. 
Williams,  who  combined  the  valor  of  the  soldier  with  the  piety  of 
the  clergyman,  had  barely  time  to  seize  his  pistols  from  the  head 
of  his  bed,  when  the  Indians  were  in  his  room.  He  fired,  but  asv 
he  shed  no  blood,  his  life  was  spared.  Two  of  his  children  were 
murdered  in  cold  blood,  his  house  set  on  fire,  and  himself,  his  wife, 
and  their  remaining  children,  bound  and  driven  away,  in  company 
with  about  a  hundred  other  captives. 

The  snow  was  knee  deep  when  they  set  out  on  their  journey  of 

*  HuUhinuon's  Hist.  Mass.  vol.  fl.  t  Oharievoix,  vol.  H.  p.  200. 


180  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

three  hundred  miles,  towards  a  "  Popish  country  " — the  darkest 
picture  which  could  be  presented  to  a  New  England  mind.  It  was 
not  long  before  Mrs.  Williams  was  murdered.  "  I  overtook  her," 
says  her  husband,  in  his  simple  and  touching  narrative,  "  I  walked 
with  her  to  help  her  on  her  journey.  On  the  way  we  discoursed 
of  the  happiness  of  those  who  had  a  right  to  a  house  not  made 
with  hands,  and  God  for  a  father  and  friend,  as  also  that  it  was  our 
reasonable  duty,  quietly  to  submit  to  the  will  of  God,  and  say,  the 
will  of  the  Lord  be  done."  He  was  separated  from  her,  and  soon 
heard  that,  having  fallen  down  in  wading  through  a  swift  icy 
Btream,  her  savage  captor  had  buried  his  hatchet  in  her  head.* 

Williams  lived  now  only  for  his  children.  But  a  few  hours 
before,  in  the  enjoyment  of  happiness,  he  had  nothing  but  the  rem 
nant  of  a  slaughtered  and  captive  family.  His  wife  and  two 
children  lay  unburied  in  the  snow,  and  his  surviving  children  were 
separated  from  him. 

After  travelling  with  tremendous  speed,  he  arrived  in  the  neigh 
borhood  of  Montreal,  and  was  courteously  treated  by  the  French, 
who,  with  the  ready  hospitality  of  their  nation,  did  everything  to 
alleviate  his  sorrows.  But,  in  Canada  a  new  series  of  afflictions 
began,  more  trying  to  the  spirit  of  the  Puritan,  than  even  his  losses 
and  afflictions.  He  was  compelled  to  attend  mass,  and  wearied  with 
efforts  to  convert  him.  These  he  could  resist  himself,  but  not  so  his 
children.  His  youngest  daughter,  Eunice,  a  child  of  seven,  who  had 
been  tenderly  carried  by  her  captor  during  the  whole  journey,  was 
now  in  the  hands  of  the  Jesuits,  and  though  the  governor  of  Mon 
treal  used  his  influence  in  his  behalf,  it  was  with  great  difficulty 
tjiat  he  obtained  permission  to  see  her.  She  had  not  yet  forgotten 
her  catechism,  and  was  anxious  to  return  to  her  father — but,  not 
long  after,  he  found  that,  by  mixing  continually  with  Indians,  she 
had  lost  the  English  language,  and  had  no  desire  to  be  redeemed 
from  captivity. 

He  remained  in  Canada  until  1706,  when  he  was  ransomed  and 

*  Redeemed  Captive. 


ADOPTION    AND    EDUCATION.  181 

carried  to  Boston,  from  whence,  after  an  interval,  he  returned  to 
his  old  parish  of  Deerfield,  where  he  spent  the  rest  of  his  life. 

One  of  his  sons  in  the  interval,  had  embraced  the  Komish  faith, 
but  eventually  returned  to  Protestantism,  and  all  that  survived  of 
the  family  were  restored,  with  the  exception  of  Eunice,  who  had 
entirely  adopted  Indian  life  and  habits,  and  had  no  desire  to  leave 
her  new  associations  of  nation  and  religion.  She  married  an 
Indian  of  the  name  of  Turoges,  which  is  probably  a  corruption  of 
De  Rogers,  by  whom  she  had  three  children,  one  son  and  two 
daughters. 

The  loss  of  Eunice  and  her  adoption  of  Romanism,  were  calami 
ties  from  which  the  afflicted  father  never  recovered.  Day  and 
night,  in  public  and  in  private,  she  was  the  object  of  his  prayers. 
Her  conversion  to  the  simple  faith  of  her  ancestors,  became  the 
passionate  desire  of  the  whole  community  of  Deerfield.  Those 
who  are  acquainted  with  New  England  life,  can  easily  understand 
how  it  was  fanned  into  an  hereditary  flame  by  prayer  meetings  and 
sermons,  and  only  glowed  more  intensely  as  the  lapse  of  time  ren 
dered  its  accomplishment  more  hopeless.  There  is  a  tenacity  in 
the  New  England  mind  which  social  habits  and  religious 
enthusiasm  serve  alike  to  encourage,  and  every  effort  which  per 
suasion,  affection,  prayer,  and  faith  could  put  in  operation,  was 
tried,  and  tried  in  vain.  The  friends  of  the  captive  had  to  contend 
with  purpose  as  determined,  and  religious  zeal  as  unbending  as 
their  own.  .Mr.  "Williams  died  in  1729,  but,  after  his  death,  the 
desire  for  the  conversion  of  Eunice  continued  as  unabated  as  ever. 
Before  his  decease,  she  had  once  visited  Deerfield,  and  consented 
to  appear  at  the  meeting  house  in  English  dress,  but,  in  tne  after 
noon,  she  resumed  the  blanket,  and  ever  after  continued  inflexible 
in  her  attachment  to  the  dress,  customs,  and  religion  in  which  she 
had  been  educated.  Still  her  relatives  and  former  neighbors  did  not 
despair.  In  1740,  she  was  induced  again  t9  visit  Deerfield.  She 
repeated  the  visit  in  1741.  Her  voluntary  coming  caused  great 
hope  and  exoitcment  among  her  friends,  and  a  final  effort  was 


182  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

made  for  her  recovery.  A  time  was  set  apart  "  for  prayer  and  for 
the  revival  of  religion,  and  on  behalf  of  Mrs.  Eunice,  the  daughter  of 
Eev.  John  Williams."  "  Some  of  you  well  know,"  said  the  preacher, 
on  the  occasion,  "how  long  she  has  been  the  subject  of  prayer. 
What  numberless  prayers  have  been  put  up  to  God  for  her  by  many 
holy  souls  now  in  Heaven,  as  well  as  many  who  yet  remain  on 
earth.  How  many  groans  and  fervent  prayers  can  these  ears  wit 
ness  to  have  been  uttered  and  breathed  forth  with  a  sort  of  burning 
and  unquenchable  ardor,  from  the  pious  and  holy  soul  of  her  dear 
father,  now  with  God.  I  know  not  that  I  ever  heard  him  pray 
after  his  own  return  from  captivity  without  a  remembrance  of  her, 
that  God  would  return  her  to  his  sanctuary.  God  did  not  give 
him  leave  to  see  the  performance  of  his  wishes  and  desires  for  her 
— but  he  now  encourages  us  to  hope  that  by  the  mighty  power  of 
his  providence  and  grace,  he  will  give  us  an  extraordinary  convic 
tion  that  he  is  a  God  that  heareth  prayer."* 

It  was  thus  in  crowded  assemblies,  and,  with  all  due  collateral 
associations  and  influences,  that  the  natural  desire  for  the  re-con 
version  of  Eunice,  was  fanned  into  a  flame  of  enthusiasm,  which, 
bequeathed  by  one  religious  gathering  to  another,  was  still  felt  in 
its  effects,  when  she,  herself,  was  in  the  grave.  All  the  zeal  of 
her  friends  was  unavailing,  and  she  died  as  she  had  lived. 

John  de  Kogers,  her  son,  was  killed  at  Lake  George,  in  1758, 
in  battle  between  the  English  and  Indians.  Her  daughter,  Catha 
rine,  married  an  Indian,  named  Eice.  Mary  was  married  to  an 
English  physician,  named  Williams.  They  had  one  son,  Thomas 
Williams,  who  married  an  Indian  woman,  named  Mary  Ann 
Konwatewenteta,  on  the  7th  January,  1779. 

During  the  Eevolutionary  War,  Thomas  Williams  fought  on  the 
British  side,  and  commanded  an  Indian  detachment.  He  was  pre 
sent  at  the  naval  conflict  on  Lake  Champlain,  near  Valcour  Island, 
between  General  Waterbury  and  Governor  Carleton,  and  operated 
on  the  shore,  with  a  body  of  Indians,  intending  to  surprise  the 

*  Redeemed  Captive. 


ADOPTION    AND    EDUCATION.  183 

American  forces,  should  they  attempt  a  landing.  He  accompanied 
the  army  of  General  Burgoyne  to  Saratoga,  and  attended  the 
council  held  by  him,  at  Bouquet  river,  in  August,  1777.  After  the 
retreat  of  the  American  army,  he  followed,  with  his  Indians,  in 
pursuit,  in  company  with  General  Frazer's  detachment,  and  was 
engaged  in  the  skirmish  at  Fort  Anne,  and  also  in  the  action  at 
Bennington.  The  principal  service,  however,  which  he  rendered 
to  the  British,  was  in  the  two  actions  between  Burgoyne  and  Gates, 
at  Saratoga.  He  escaped  from  the  field,  with  his  detachment,  and 
returned  into  Canada.  In  the  year  1800,  he  had  eight  children, 
whose  names  were  all  registered  in  the  records  of  the  Romish 
Church  at  Caughnawaga,  and  three  others  were  subsequently  born, 
whose  names  were  also  found  there.  The  name  of  Eleazar,  the 
adopted  child,  is  not  among  them.  (Appendix  F.)  The  habits  of 
Thomas  Williams  were  very  erratic.  Though  his  usual  residence 
was  at  Caughnawaga,  he  paid  an  annual  hunting  visit  to  Lake 
George,  and  was  often  absent  from  home  several  years  together. 

Eleazar  was,  for  a  long  time,  in  delicate  health,  and  large  quanti 
ties  of  Indian  decoctions  were  given  him,  by  which  means  his 
physical  condition  was  much  improved,  and,  though  still  unsound 
in  mind,  he  took  delight  in  playing  with  the  other  children.  He 
accompanied  Thomas  Williams  to  Lake  George  several  years  in 
succession.  The  Indian  hunting  grounds  were  occupied,  year  after 
year,  by  nearly  the  same  persons,  and  O'Brien  remembers  that 
Eleazar,  some  considerable  time  after  his  adoption  by  the  Indians, 
received  a  severe  fall,  from  a  rock,  somewhere  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  Old  Fort,  i.  e.,  Fort  William  Henry,  at  the  head  of  the  lake. 
He  was  taken  out  of  the  water  with  a  deep  gash  on  his  head,  cut 
by  a  rock  beneath  the  surface.  It  is  from  this  time  that  all  dis 
tinct  recollection  begins.  Of  this  fall  itself,  he  has  no  remem 
brance,  except  as  told  him  by  others.  The  first  waking  image  in 
his  mind  is  the  romantic  scenery  of  Lake  George.  To  enable  the 
reader  better  to  understand  localities,  I  give  a  rude  map  of  the 


184 


THE    LOST    PRINCE. 


head  of   the  lake,  where  Thomas  Williams  was  accustomed  to 
encamp. 


FORT  WILLIAM  HENRY^ 
orthe  OLD  FORT.    / 


Exquisite,  in  its  own  still  beauty,  is  the  lake,  with  its  ultra 
marine  waters,  locked  in  by'rolling  and  serrated  hills,  dyed,  at  this 
season,  in  green  and  scarlet,  purple  and  gold,  the  whole  scene  pre 
senting,  under  a  brilliant  sun,  that  exaggeration  of  color  which,  in 
a  painting,  would  be  deemed  unnatural.  There  are  few  spots 
which  awaken  so  many  sad,  yet  thrilling,  historic  recollections. 
Not  far  distant,  is  the  rock  wrhere  the  Sachem  Hendrick,  and  Col. 
Williams,  an  honored  ancestor  of  the  Williams'  family,  were  slain, 
by  Dieskau,  in  1755.  Then,  there  is  the  Bloody  Pond,  and  Fort 
Gage,  and  Port  George,  and  Fort  William  Henry,  each  with  their 
own  heroic  memories.  But,  if  history  shall  bear  me  out  in  the. 
conclusion  I  would  draw  from  the  tale  I  have  to  tell,  there  will  be 
added  to  them  all,  a  story  scarce  equalled  in  the  legendary  past, 
and  worthy  of  the  scene. 


ADOPTION    AND    EDUCATION.  185 

At  the  end  of  the  last  century,  there  were  at  the  head  of  the 
lake  no  settled  habitations.  The  beach,  which  had  once  been  alive 
with  armies,  was  deserted,  and  the  dismantled  fortifications  were 
slowly  crumbling.  But  all  along  the  shore,  to  the  West  and  South, 
were  choice  spots  for  the  rude  Indian  wigwams,  under  the  shade 
of  lofty  trees,  and  on  the  smooth  sloping  greensward,  cleared  of  the 
tangled  underbrush.  In  the  fall  of  the  year,  there  was  quite  a  busy 
scene  where  the  traders  came  to  barter  their  goods  for  furs.  The 
market-ground  as  we  may  call  it,  was  on  the  clearing  near  the  site 
of  Fort  William  Henry — and  it  was  in  the  nighborhood  of  this  that 
Thomas  Williams  generally  encamped.  In  rowing  round  the  basin, 
and  comparing  the  statements  of  Skenondogh  with  the  recollections 
of  Mr.  Williams,  and  the  nature  of  the  localities,  it  seems  probable 
that  the  spot  on  which  the  incident  occurred,  which  led  to  the  res 
toration  of  his  mind,  was  in  the  vicinity  of  Teal  Island,  or  between 
that  and  the  old  Fort.  The  purple  Sierra,  whose  lofty  peaks  shut 
in  the  view  to  the  north  east,  was  the  first  object  of  which  Mr.  Wil 
liams  has  any  distinct  recollection.  The  gloom  that  spreads  be 
yond,  presents  nothing  but  faint,  dreamy,  and  indistinct  remem 
brances,  except  in  a  single  instance,  in  which  there  is  the  vivid  por 
traiture  of  a  hideous  face,  but  to  which  he, can  attach  neither  name, 
nor  place.  He  only  knows,  that  it  was  connected  with  feelings  of 
misery.  All  else  is  chaotic  confusion,  in  which  Indians  roasting 
chestnuts  around  a  fire,  are  mixed  up  with  dream-like  and  vague 
images,  which  elude  the  effort  to  grasp  them,  as  realities,  of  splen 
did  architecture,  of  troops  exercising  in  a  garden,  of  being  in  a  room 
where  there  were  persons  magnificently  dressed,  and  of  lying  on 
the  carpet  with  his  head  against  the  silk  dress  of  a  lady,  and  things 
of  a  similar  character,  but  all  is  indistinct  and  unconnected,  like  a 
phantom  of  the  night,  whereas  since  he  was  first  roused  to  an  ap 
prehension  of  life,  on  the  shores  of  Lake  George,  his  mind  retains 
consecutively  and  with  tenacity  all  that  has  transpired. 

The  wigwam  of  Thomas  Williams  was  a  small  log  house,  about 
twenty  feet  square,  perhaps  a  little  larger,  roofed  with  bark,  leaving 


186  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

an  opening  in  the  centre  to  give  egress  to  the  smoke  from  the  fire, 
which  blazed  beneath  it,  on  the  floor,  in  the  middle  of  the  apart 
ment.  Around  this  fire  were  ranged  the  beds  of  the  family,  com 
posed  of  hemlock  boughs,  covered  with  the  skins  of  animals  taken 
in  the  chase,  bears  or  deer.  As  the  season  closed  in,  Eleazar,  with 
the  other  boys,  nearly  naked,  except  a  check  shirt  and  a  handker 
chief  upon  his  head,  occupied  himself  in  filling  up  the  crevices  be 
tween  the  logs  with  moss  plucked  from  the  trees,  to  keep  the  wig 
wam  warm ;  but,  sometimes,  when  the  wind  was  unfavorable,  the 
smoke,  unable  to  ascend  through  the  aperture  in  the  roof,  would  fill 
the  apartment,  and  Mrs.  Williams,  after  bearing  the  annoyance  as 
long  as  her  Indian  stoicism  permitted,  would  rush  out  in  her  blan 
ket,  and  destroy  the  work  of  the  poor  boys,  by  pulling  away  the 
moss,  to  allow  passage  to  the  smoke,  through  the  sides  of  the  wig 
wam.  The  fare  of  the  family  was  as  simple  as  their  dwelling-place. 
From  cross  sticks  over  the  fire,  hung  a  huge  kettle  in  which  tho 
squaw  made  soup  of  pounded  corn,  flavored  with  venison.  They 
purchased  their  salt  and  spirits  at  Fort  Edward.  The  streams, 
when  unfrozen,  supplied  them  with  fish,  the  woods  and  the  moun 
tains  with  game. 

Wigwams,  such  as  I  have  described,  were,  in  the  hunting  season, 
scattered  at  intervals,  all  along  the  shore  of  the  lake,  near  its  head, 
and  it  was  the  habit,  when  any  family  got  a  fresh  supply  of  spirits 
from  the  fort,  to  send  round  and  invite  the  neighboring  Indians. 
One  of  these  parties,  shortly  after  the  recovery  of  his  reason,  is  viv 
idly  remembered  by  Mr.  Williams.  The  Indians  arrived  from  all 
directions,  bringing  in  deer  and  everything  necessary  for  a  feast,  and 
waited  impatiently  for  the  young  men  who  had  been  dispatched  for 
that  which  was  the  soul  of  the  merry-making.  At  last,  about  sun 
set,  the  war-whoop  was  heard  over  the  wooded  hills,  and  responded 
to  and  re-responded  by  the  crowd  around  the  wigwam,  till  the 
jocund  messengers  arrived,  and  the  night  revel  around  the  forest 
fires  grew  fast  and  furious. 

Shortly  after  this,  when  Eleazar  was  one  day  sporting  on  the 


ADOPTION    AND    EDUCATION.  187 

lake  near  Fort  William  Henry,  in  a  little  wooden  canoe,  with  seve 
ral  other  boys,  two  strange  gentlemen  came  np  to  the  encampment 
of  Thomas  Williams,  and  took  their  seats  with  him  upon  a  log  at  a 
little  distance  from  the  wigwam.  With  natural  curiosity,  at  a  cir 
cumstance  which  broke  in  upon  the  usual  monotony  of  Indian  life 
on  the  hunting  grounds,  the  boys  paddled  their  canoe  ashore,  and 
strolled  up  to  the  encampment  to  ascertain  who  the  strangers 
were,  when  Thomas  Williams  called  out,  "  'Lazau,  this  friend  of 
yours  wishes  to  speak  with  you."  As  he  approached,  one  of  the 
gentlemen  rose  and  went  off  to  another  Indian  encampment.  The 
one  who  remained  with  Thomas  Williams,  had  every  indication  in 
dress,  manners,  and  language,  of  being  a  Frenchman — for  Eleazar 
remembers  understanding  a  few  words,  sufficient  to  know  that  he 
spoke  in  French.  He  had  on  a  ruffled  shirt,  his  hair  was  powdered, 
and  bore  to  the  child  a  very  splendid  appearance.  When  Eleazar 
came  near,  the  French  gentleman  advanced  several  steps  to  meet  him, 
embraced  him  most  tenderly,  and  when  he  again  sat  down  on  the  log, 
made  him  stand  between  his  legs.  In  the  meantime  he  shed  abun 
dance  of  tears,  said,  "  Pauvre  garcon,"  and  continued  to  embrace  him. 
Thomas  Williams  was,  soon  after,  called  to  a  neighboring  wigwam, 
and  Eleazar  and  the  Frenchman  left  alone.  The  latter  continued 
to  kiss  him  and  weep,  and  spoke  a  good  deal,  seeming  anxious 
that  he  should  understand  him,  which  he  was  unable  to  do.  When 
Thomas  Williams  returned  to  them,  he  asked  Eleazar  whether 
he  knew  what  the  gentleman  had  said  to  him,  and  he  replied, 
"  No."  They  both  left  him,  and  walked  off  in  the  direction  in 
which  the  other  gentleman  had  gone.  The  two  gentlemen  came 
again  the  next  day,  and  the  Frenchman  remained  several  hours. 
Thomas  Williams  took  him  out  in  a  canoe  on  the  lake ;  and  the 
last  which  Eleazer  remembers  was,  their  all  sitting  together  on  a 
log,  when  the  Frenchman  took  hold  of  his  bare  feet  and  dusty  legs 
and  examined  his  knees  and  ankles  closely.  Again,  the  Frenchman 
shed  tears,  but  young  Eleazar  was  quite  indifferent,  not  knowing 


188  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

what  to  make  of  it.   Before  the  gentleman  left,  he  gave  him  a  piece 
of  gold. 

After  a  few  days,  Thomas  "Williams,  contrary  to  his  usual 
custom,  returned  to  Caughnawaga,  instead  of  remaining  for  his 
winter  hunt  at  Lake  George.  He  had  not  long  returned  home, 
when,  one  night,  Eleazar  overheard  a  conversation  between  his 
reputed  parents,  in  whose  room  he  slept.  Thomas  strongly  urged 
compliance  with  a  request  which  had  been  made  to  them  to  allow 
two  of  their  children  to  go  away  for  education,  but  his  wife 
objected  on  religious  grounds.  But  when  he  persisted  in  the 
demand,  she  said,  "  If  you  will  do  it,  you  may  send  away  this 
strange  boy ;  means  have  been  put  into  your  hands  for  his  educa 
tion,  but,  John  I  cannot  part  with."  Her  willingness  to  sacrifice 
him,  and  the  whole  tenor  of  the  conversation,  excited  suspicions  in 
his  mind  as  to  his  belonging  to  them,  but  they  soon  passed  away. 

Though  nearly  a  hundred  years  had  elapsed  since  the  massacre 
at  Deerfield,  the  memory  of  it  was  still  fresh  in  the  minds  of  the 
descendants  of  John  "Williams,  and  their  friends  in  Massachusetts. 
Among  them  was  a  gentleman  named  Nathaniel  Ely,  a  deacon  in 
the  Congregationalist  Church,  a  worthy  and  intelligent,  though 
uneducated,  man.  Until  thirty  years  of  age  he  had  worked  on  his 
farm,  and  enjoyed  uninterrupted  health,  when  his  whole  family 
was  attacked  with  sickness,  and  his  mother  and  three  children 
swept  at  once  to  the  grave.  During  Mr.  Ely's  illness,  he  made 
a  vow  to  God,  that  if  he  recovered,  "his  future  life,  health, 
property,  and  everything  dear  on  earth  should  be  consecrated  to 
God  ;"*  and  to  the  best  of  his  ability  he  fulfilled  his  vow.  He  was 
a  man  of  sound,  clear  understanding,  and  remarkably  methodical 
habits,  which  latter  are  evinced  by  his  journal,  in  which  he  recorded 
the  principal  events  of  every  day.  He  had  warmly  at  heart  the 
project  of  converting  the  aborigines  from  Paganism  and  Koman- 
ism;  and  being  related,  by  marriage,  to  the  family  of  Eunice  "Wil- 
*  MS.  Sermon  by  Mr.  Storrs,  preached  at  Mr.  Ely's  funeral. 


ADOPTION    AND    EDUCATION.  189 

liams,  felt  a  deep  interest  in  her  descendants.  He  accordingly 
applied  to  Thomas  Williams  for  permission  to  educate  two  of  his 
children  as  missionaries ;  and  then  the  conversation  occurred,  which 
I  have  recorded  above,  between  the  reputed  parents  of  Eleazar. 
Mrs.  Williams  at  last  consented  that  John,  one  of  her  own  chil 
dren,  who,  according  to  the  baptismal  register  at  Caughnawaga, 
was  then  seven  years  old,  and  Lazar,  her  adopted  child,  who  wa3 
many  years  older,  should  be  sent  to  Massachusetts.  The  name  of 
the  latter,  according  to  Mr.  Ely's  papers  now  before  me,  was  either 
Lazar,  Lazo,  Lazare,  Leazer,  or  Eleazar.  It  does  not  occur  in  the 
baptismal  register. 

In  regard  to  his  age  at  this  time,  there  is  the  same  difficulty.  In 
one  of  Mr.  Ely's  accounts  it  is  said  that  he  was  nineteen  years  of 
age  in  1800.  But  this  is  evidently  incorrect.  In  another,  his  age, 
at  that  time,  is  stated  at  thirteen,  and  in  several  others,  twelve; 
while  a  near  relative  of  the  family,  and  a  schoolmate  of  Mr.  "Wil 
liams,  Mrs.  Mary  W.  Jewett,  now  residing  at  46  Bank  street,  New 
York,  testifies  that  she  was  then  twelve  years  of  age,  and  that  Mr. 
\Yilliams  was  about  two  years  her  senior.  A  Komish  priest,  in  an 
affidavit  of  his  own  composition,  has  made  his  reputed  mother 
swear  that  he  was  then  nine  years  old.  This  entire  discrepancy 
between  all  the  accounts,  shows  most  conclusively  that  nothing 
certain  was  known  on  the  subject.  As  to  the  two  extreme  state 
ments  nine  is  as  absurd  as  nineteen,  nay,  more  so,  as  facts,  hereafter 
to  be  recorded,  will  show.  The  truth  lies  in  the  medium  of  be 
tween  fourteen  and  fifteen.* 

A  gentlemen,  then  residing  at  Long  Meadow,  remembers  the  time 
when  the  two  supposed  brothers  entered  the  village,  dressed  in  their 
Indian  costume,  and  the  entire  dissimilarity  in  their  appearance  at 
once  excited  attention.  They  became  the  subject  of  general  con 
versation  and  conjecture,  and  there  was  something  so  singular  and 

*  Lazo  Williams.  Jany.  1800, 19  years  of  age.  In  a  paper  dated  December  1802, 
he  is  then  stated  to  be  15.  Thus,  "  the  two  lads,  one  of  whom  is  in  the  fifteenth,  the 
other  in  the  tenth  year  of  his  age."— Ely  MSS.  (Appendix  G.) 


190  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

mysterious  in  the  difference  between  them  that  those  who  saw  them 
have  never  forgotten  it.     (Appendix  H.) 

Too  late  to  allow  of  anything  more  than  the  insertion  of  the  fact 
in  the  text,  I  have  learned  that  Mr.  Ely  was,  to  a  great  extent,  ac 
quainted  with  the  secret  of  Eleazars  birth.  He  certainly  knew  that 
he  was  of  distinguished  origin.  Next  door  to  Nathaniel  Ely,  resided 
his  brother,  Ethan  Ely,  who  had  charge  of  a  niece  by  name  Urania 
Stebbins,  now  Mrs.  Smith,  and  who  is  still  living  at  an  advanced 
age,  at  Milwaukee,  Wisconsin,  with  her  son,  TV.  E.  Smith.  She 
testifies  as  follows,  "  Mr.  Ely  said  the  names  of  the  boys  were  Elea- 
zar  and  John  Williams  (in  English).  The  Indians,  he  said,  called  the 
former  Lazau.  Mr.  Ely,  when  remonstrated  with  concerning  the 
boys  being  brothers,  as  they  looked  not  alike,  said  there  was  some 
thing  about  it  which  he  should  possibly  never  reveal,  but  would 
say  this  much,  that  Eleazar  Williams  was  born  for  a  great  man, 
and  he  intended  to  give  him  an  education  to  prepare  him  for  the 
station."*  I  have  also  been  informed  by  Mr.  Stanley  Smith,  of  the 
"Albany  Express,"  who  gives  me  permission  to  use  his  name,  and 
has  frequently  stated  the  fact  in  his  paper,  having  learned  it  from 
undoubted  authority,  that  money  was  transmitted  from  France,  to 
the  late  John  R.  Bleeker,  and  devoted  to  the  support  of  Eleazar.  I 
have  searched  the  accounts  of  this  gentleman,  in  a  very  casual  man 
ner,  however,  but  could  discover  no  signs  of  this  transaction. 
Without  some  clue  to  the  parties  from  whom  the  money  was  re 
ceived,  it  will  be  next  to  impossible  to  trace  the  affair.  Thomas 
Williams  frequently  went  to  Albany,  and  returned  with  money  in 
his  possession,  though  without  ostensible  means  of  procuring  it."  It 
would  seem  most  natural  that  the  funds  should  be  paid  over  to  him. 
Jacob  Vanderheyden,  with  whom  Talleyrand  was  in  communication, 
may,  as  an  Indian  trader,  have  been  concerned  in  the  transaction. 
But  here  we  can  only  conjecture  until  further  developments  take 
place.  (Appendix  1.) 

Arrived  at  Long  Meadow,  Eleazar  was  under  an  entirely  new 

*  Letter  from  W.  E.  Smith,  Milwaukee,  Sept.  18, 1868. 


ADOPTION    AND    EDUCATION.  191 

series  of  influences  and  associations.  I  have  made  such  inquiries 
concerning  his  condition,  appearance,  and  estimation  at  this  period 
as  time  permitted.  The  following  extract,  from  the  letter  of  a  lady, 
now  residing  in  New  York,  gives  so  lively  a  picture  of  the  nature 
of  the  interest  he  excited,  that  I  will  let  her  tell  her  own  story  : — 

"  In  early  childhood  my  deepest  sympathies  were  excited  on  his  behalf, 
from  listening  to  the  rehearsal  of  anecdotes  of  him  by  my  beloved  mother, 
who  knew  him  personally.     When  he,  with  his  reputed  brother,  John,  was 
placed  under  the  care  of  Mr.  Ely,  my  mother  was  spending  some  time 
with  her  brother,  a  resident  of  Long  Meadows.     She  soon  became  inter 
ested  in  the  lads,  especially  Eleazar,  or  Lazau.    She  found  him  possessed  oi 
fine  traits  of    character,  amiable,   kind,   sensitive,  frank,   generous,    and 
gratefully  susceptible  to  every  overture  of  kindness.     She  often  invited  him 
to  her  brother's  house,  and  found   great  pleasure  in  showing  him  kind 
attentions,  and  supplying  many  of  his  little  wants.     In  the  garden  was  a 
profusion  of  melons  and  cucumbers,  of  which  he  was  very  fond,  and  as  his 
daily  route  to  and  from  school  led  him  directly  by  the  house,  she  invited 
him  always  to  call  as  he  passed,  and  partake  of  them  freely,  and  while 
enjoying  the  repast  he  would  look  up  to  her,  with  gratitude  beaming  on  his 
countenance,  and  say,  in  broken  English,  'Good  Missy  Gomee  (Grosvenor), 
give,  poor  Lesau  cucummer,  Missy  Gomee  very  kind  poor  Lesau.'      At  one 
time  he  came  to  her,  and  said,   { Missy  Gomee,  poor   Lesau  very  sick.' 
She  found  him  pale  and  very  chilly,  although  it  was  in  midsummer.     She 
tried  various  means  to  relieve  him,  and  at  length,  took  him  into  the  yard, 
and  with  a  blanket  wrapt  around  him,  seated  him  by  the  sunny  side  of  the 
house,  where  he  would  feel  the  full  influence  of  the  sun,  and  she  had  soon 
the  happiness  of  seeing  him  relieved.     But  it  was  the  strangeness  of  his 
appearance  and^circumstances,  and  the  deep  mystery  which  hung  around 
him,  which  excited  her  deepest  pity.     His  total  unlikeness,  in  his  personal 
appearance,   as  well    as   character  and   habits,   to   his   reputed  brother, 
forbade,  at  once,  the  supposition  of  one  and  the  same  origin.     While  the 
latter  was  truly  an  Indian,  with  long  black  hair,  his  complexion  and  every 
feature,  corresponding  with  his  race,  Eleazar  had  brown  hair,  hazle  eyes, 
light  complexion,  and  European  features.     The  strangeness  of  these  facts 
gave   rise    to   various    conjectures    and    speculations    concerning    him. 


192  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

Although  he  was  naturally  cheerful,  still,  a  tinge  of  thoughtful  sadness 
would  steal  over  him  when  interrogated  with  regard  to  his  early  history ; 
and  he  would  say,  he  couldn't  remember  much  about  it,  and  it  gave  him 
pain,  apparently,  that  he  could  not.  The  prevalent  opinion,  in  that 
vicinity,  seemed  to  be  that,  he  was  a  French  boy,  who  was  stolen  from  his 
family,  and  brought  away  at  so  early  an  age,  as  to  render  his  recollections 
of  other  than  Indian  life,  vague  and  unsatisfactory.  So  great  was  thj? 
interest  felt  in  his  case  by  my  mother,  and  so  great  her  desire  and  belief 
that  the  mystery  which  enshrouded  him  would  be  cleared  away,  that  dur 
ing  her  life,  so  long  as  was  in  her  power,  she  kept  herself  advised  of  his 
situation  and  circumstances,  and  I  well  remember  with  what  delight  she 
heard  the  announcement,  that  he  had  been  located  at  Oneida,  twelve  miles 
distant  from  her  residence,  and  would  remain  with  the  Indians  some  time. 
She  was  then  in  feeble  health,  but  she  remarked,  '  as  soon  as  I  am  able  to 
go  so  far  from  home,  I  must  go  and  see  Mr.  Williams,'  which  intention, 
however,  though  she  constantly  cherished  the  hope  of  it,  she  was  never 

able  to  realize. 

"  Very  respectfully  yours, 

"  JULIA  M.  JENKINS, 
"  New  York,  February  17th,  1863." 

There  must  have  been  something  very  remarkable  in  one  who 
could  attract  such  attention,  and  awaken  so  much  curiosity.  This 
was  not  an  isolated  instance,  but  the  same  thing  has  attended  him 
through  life.  People  have  been  unable  to  reconcile  his  look,  bear 
ing,  and  intelligence  with  what  they  were  told  about  him.  He 
carried  a  mystery  with  him.  It  enshrouded  him.  It  was  felt,  but 
could  not  be  explained.  In  the  letter  of  Mrs.  Jenkins,  allusion  is 
made  to  his  ignorance  concerning  the  events  of  his  childhood,  which 
people,  it  seems,  were,  even  then,  anxious  to  pry  into.  I  receive  the 
same  information,  varied  in  details,  from  Mrs.  Clarissa  Dickenson, 
of  New  York,  who  was  a  schoolfellow  of  Mr.  Williams,  and  who 
has  no  acquaintance  whatever  with  Mrs.  Jenkins,  so  that  their  tes 
timony  stands  entirely  separate,  and  affords  the  highest  confirma 
tion  to  the  truth  of  the  facts  which  they  assert  in  common. 

"He  was  a  fine  handsome  boy,"  says  Mrs.  Dickenson,  "sprightly  and 


ADOPTION    AND    EDUCATION.  193 

fair  in  complexion,  and  my  father  frequently  told  him  that,  he  looked  more 
like  a  Frenchman  than  an  Indian.  The  soars  were  always  upon  his  face, 
from  the  earliest  period  of  my  recollection,  and  one  day,  he  came  in  heated 
with  exercise,  and  the  perspiration  standing  on  his  forehead ;  as  he 
passed  the  mirror,  his  eyes  fell  upon  the  scars,  and  he  turned  quickly 
round  and  asked  me,  if  I  had  ever  noticed  them,  and  if  I  had  any  idea 
when  he  got  them  ?  I  replied,  '  I  suppose  in  childhood,'  upon  which  he 
added,  there  were  painful  thoughts  connected  with  them  in  his  mind, 
which  he  could  not  bear  to  dwell  on.  At  this  period  of  his  life,  though 
usually  happy,  and  frank  in  his  disposition,  he  was,  as  the  whole  family 
remarked,  frequently  subject  to  fits  of  musing  and  abstraction,  as  if  endea 
voring  to  remember  something,  and  when  questioned  as  to  the  reason  of 
it,  he  said  that,  there  were  painful  images  before  his  mind  of  tilings  in 
childhood,  which  he  could  not  get  rid  of  nor  exactly  understand.  I  saw 
an  asserted  brother  of  Mr.  Williams,  who  was  sent  to  Long  Meadows  for 
education.  He  was  entirely  unlike  Mr.  Williams  in  appearance,  being 
quite  thin,  dark,  and  like  an  Indian,  whereas  Mr.  Williams  was  always 

full  and  portly  in  person. 

"  CLARISSA  W.  DICKENSON. 
"February  13th,  1853." 

There  is  another  important  letter  which  I  will  here  introduce, 
and  which  will  tell  its  own  tale  : — 

"  46,  BANK  STREET,  NEW  YORK, 

"  September  7,  1853. 
"  DEAR  SIR  : 

"  In  reply  to  your  inquiries  respecting  my  acquaintance  with  the  Rev. 
Eleazar  Williams  in  early  life,  I  beg  to  say  that  I  was  a  schoolmate  of 
his  at  Long  Meadow.  I  am  a  descendant  of  the  redeemed  captive,  the 
Rev.  John  Williams,  who  was  my  great-great-grandfather.  According  to 
the  best  of  my  recollection,  Eleazar  was  about  fourteen  years  of  age,  when 
he  came  to  the  care  of  Mr.  Ely.  There  was  no  similarity  whatever  in 
appearance  between  him  and  any  of  his  family,  either  his  brother  John,  or 
his  reputed  father  and  mother,  who  I  saw  on  their  visit  to  Long  Meadow. 
Thomas  Williams  I  have  seen  frequently.  Eleazar  was  a  very  studious 
boy — indeed,  he  seemed  to  do  little  but  study  ;  and  I  can  well  remember 


194  THE    LOST   PRINCE. 

his  remarkable  proficiency  in  writing,  and  that  the  second  winter  after  his 
coming  to  Long  Meadow,  he  would  say  to  me,  '  Come,  Cousin  Mary,  and 
hear  my  sermon,'  when  he  would  produce  and  read  some  MS.  on  religious 
subjects.  There  was  something  so  remarkable  in  his  character,  attain 
ments,  and  amiable  and  religious  disposition,  that  the  highest  attention 
was  shown  him  by  the  most  -distinguished  persons,  as  he  was  not  like 
other  children,  and  was  always  in  the  company  of  gentlemen  of  literature 
and  sobriety. 

"  Very  truly  yours, 
.       (Appendix  J.)  "  MAEY  W.  JEWETT." 

To  these  documents  I  must  add  another  from  Mrs.  Temple, 
daughter  of  Nathaniel  Ely  : — 

"DEAR  SIR 

"  The  efforts  made  by  my  dear  departed  father,  deacon  Nathaniel  Ely, 
to  educate  and  qualify  you  for  usefulness  among  your  countrymen,  as  well 
as  to  prepare  you  for  glory,  honor,  and  immortality,  have  given  me  so 
deep  an  interest  in  you,  that  I  should  feel  pleasure  in  complying  with  any 
reasonable  request  of  yours.  I,  therefore,  state  in  writing,  as  you 
desired,  that  there  was  an  entire  and  striking  dissimilarity  between  your 
self  and  your  brother  John,  in  the  features  of  your  face,  your  general 
appearance,  and  also  in  your  predilections  and  character. 
"  Your  early  and  sincere  friend, 

"Rev.  Eleazar  Williams.  "MARTHA  E.  TEMPLE. 

"January  24, 1851." 

I  have  already  alluded  to  the  practice  of  Mr.  Ely,  of  keeping  a 
regular  diurnal  record  of  the  principal  events  of  his  life ;  and  as 
this  has  exercised  a  very  important  influence  on  the  character  and 
habits  of  Mr.  Williams,  I  will,  before  I  proceed  further,  give  the 
reader  a  specimen  of  it,  from  the  page  which  records  the  first 
coming  of  Eleazar  Williams  to  Long  Meadow : — 

"1800.  January  21.     Monday,  Stripping  Tobacco,  &c. 
"         22.     Tuesday,  at  do.,  &c.,  &c. 
"        23.     Wednesday,    at    do.,  &c.,  &c.,   our  cousins   from 


ADOPTION    AND    EDUCATION. 


195 


Connawaga  came,  viz. :  Thomas  Williams  and  his 
sons,  Lezau  and  John  Sir  Wattis  Williams. 
1800.  January  24.     Thursday,  at  home,  &c. 
"         25.     Friday,  about  home. 
"         26.     Saturday,  Rode  to  Springfield,  &c. 
"         27.     Lord's  Day.     Attended  Divine  Service.      Mr.  Storrs 
Preached,    and    Baptized    Patty,   Daughter    to 
Martha  Suh,  &c. 
"         28.     Monday,   Rode  to  Somers  with  Cousin   Thomas, 

and  Returned. 

"     '    29.     Tuesday,  about  home. 
"         30.     Wednesday,  Rode  to  Wolcott  Brussels,  &c. 
"         31.     Thursday,  attended  Samuel  Keep's  Wedding. 
February  1.     Friday,  Cousin  Thomas  Set  of  for  Albany. 

2.     Saturday,  about  home,  it  Snowed,  &c. 
"          3.     Lord's    Day,   attended  Divine  Service,   Mr.  Storrs 
Preacht  and  Baptized  Chancey,  son  to  Luther 
Cotton." 

And  so  the  good  old  conscientious  man  went  on,  to  the  day  of 
his  death ;  recording  every  ride,  every  storm,  telling  how  at  such  a 
time  he  "  did  chores,"  and  got  his  "  slay  shod,"  and  how  "  the 
scholls  in  the  streeat  met,"  and  how  he  "  visited  the  scholls  in  the 
middle  deastrict,"  and  how  Lord's  Day,  after  Lord's  Day  "  Mr. 
Storrs  Preacht."  On  May  1,  1808,  he  wrote,  "Sacrament  day — 
my  mind  is  very  tender  with  the  thought  that  this  is  the  last  time 
I  shall  ever  commune  with  the  Church  Militant! !  I"  Had  it  been 
possible,  he  would,  doubtless,  have  recorded  how  he  died,  June  13, 
1808,  aged  fifty-seven  years,  and  that  Mr.  Storrs  preacht  the 
funeral  sermon,  and  said  that  "  both  in  the  male  and  female  line 
his  ancestors  were  distinguished  for  piety  and  good  sense,  for  use 
fulness  and  respectability ;"  and  that  "  for  more  than  twenty  yeara 
he  had  sustained  the  office  of  a  deacon  in  the  church,  and  so  dis 
charged  the  appropriate  functions  of  that  office,  as  to  purchase  to 
himself  a  good  report,  and  promote  the  spiritual  welfare  of  his 


196  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

Christian  brethren."  By  the  convictions  of  my  mind,  and  the  feel 
ings  of  my  heart,  I  am  a  churchman ;  but  there  is  something  in  the 
character  of  the  old-fashioned  Oongregationalist  of  New  England, 
of  which  Deacon  Ely  seems  to  have  been  so  good  a  sample,  that 
makes  me  bow  my  head  in  reverence  and  love;  and,  though  we 
worship  in  different  sanctuaries  below,  may  we  meet  in  the  temple 
that  is  above.  Under  this  good  man  it  was  that  young  Williams 
acquired  the  habit  of  journalizing  which  has  been  continued,  with 
occasional  breaks,  throughout  life.  But,  with  the  intuitive  good 
sense  of  a  highly  superior  mind,  he  improved  upon  his  model.  The 
earliest  journal  of  Mr.  Williams  in  my  possession  was  written,  as 
handwriting  and  internal  evidence  show,  as  early  as  the  year  1803, 
but  it  dates  back  to  January,  1800 ;  and  the  portion  which  relates 
to  that  and  the  following  year  were  then  composed  from  recollec 
tion  and  previous  memoranda.  Like  Mr.  Ely's,  it  is  written  on 
sheets  of  paper  sewn  together,  but  instead  of  giving  the  events  of 
every  day  it  only  records  the  most  important  circumstances,  such 
as  visits  from  his  supposed  father,  journeys,  changes  of  residence, 
&c.  It  begins  thus : — 

"  MEMORANDUM    FOR    THE    YEAR    1800. 

"  On  Journey  of  Life,  1800. 

"  I  have  written  from  time  to  time,  and  now  collected  in  part  by  recol 
lection  :  First,  my  coming  to  England  in  the  year  1800.  I,  Eleazer  Wil 
liams,  aged  13  years,  and  John  Williams,  my  brother,  both  of  us  came  to 
Long  Meadow,  it  being  Wednesday,  23d  of  January,  1800,  this  being  the 
day  we  began  with  Nathaniel  Ely.  After  a  long  tedious  journey  we 
arrived  at  this  place  safely,  through  the  kindness  of  Providence — praised 
be  God  for  our  preservation.  We  was  receive  wilcome  to  our  friends  here 
and  treated  kindly  by  them.  My  brother  and  I  was  not  able  to  converse 
with  them,  and  went  to  school  next  day  after  our  arrival.  Mr.  Ely,  Mr. 
Cotton,  and  my  father  went  with  us  to  school  house.  Mrs.  Hale  kept  the 
school,  and  we  was  treated  kindly  by  her.  I  hope  I  shall  remember  her 
amiable  disposition.  Mr.  Ely  and  my  father  went  to  [illegible]  and  from 
thence,  Mr.  R.  and  my  father  went  to  Hartford,  and  returned  with  him  to 


•       ADOPTION    AND    EDUCATION.  197 

Long  Meadow,  and  brought  us  little  books,  a  present  from  Rev.  Dr.  Strong, 
of  Hartford.     We  receive  them  very  thankfully. 

"  Long  Meadow,  Feb.  11,  1800. — FRIDAY. — My  father  set  out  for  home 
with  Mr.  Fitch  and  his  wife,  by  way  of  Albany.  The  occasion,  his  going 
that  way  that  the  counsel  [i.  e.  Indian  Council]  was  then  sitting  in  that 
city,  and  he  was  the  member.  Mrs.  Fitch  is  cousin  to  my  father,  Mr. 
Williams'  daughter,  of  this  town.  We  heard  from  them  in  course  few 
days.  The  first  da  they  went  from  here,  they  went  as  far  as  Chester,  to 
Rev.  Mr,  Bascom,  and  kept  Sabbath  with  him,  30  miles  from  here,  and 
Mrs.  Bascom  is  cousin  to  my  father. 

"  We  heard  no  more  from  our  father  until  he  came  down  again  to  see  us 
next  October.  It  was  great  trial  to  me  when  he  left  us,  more  so  on 
account  that  we  could  not  speak  the  language.  However,  we  soon  learn 
the  languag — so  as  to  be  able  to  converse,  and  the  family  were  very 
agreeable  and  kind  to  us.  The  blessing  of  the  Lord  rest  upon  them. 
"  October  3,  1800.  Thanks  be  to  God  for  his  loving  kindness  towards  us. 
We  have  been  very  well  since  our  father  left  us,  and  came  to  see  us  this 
month,  and  we  have  reason  to  bless  God  that  all  our  friends  at  north,  were 
well.  Went  down  to  Hartford  with  him,  and  Mr.  Ely  went  with  us. 
We  went  to  Mr.  Pitkin,  and  dined  there,  from  thence  went  over  the  river 
to  Rev.  Dr.  Strong,  and  lodge  there  one  night.  And  give  us  many  little 
books,  story  books.  Friday,  my  father  and  I  set  out  for  Tolland.  Mr. 
Ely  and  John  return  to  Long  Meadow.  We  arrived,  toward  night,  at  Rev. 
Dr.  Williams,  we  was  received  kindly  by  the  Gov.  and  the  family,  and 
this  being  the  first  time  I  am  in  this  place,  we  set  out  next  morning  and 
dine  at  Rev.  Dr.  Backer's — Sommers — from  thence  we  start  for  Long  Mea 
dow,  and  arrived  about  sundown,  this  being  Saturday,  and  my  father  set 
out  for  home  this  week,  and  my  brother  was  very  anxious  to  go  home  with 
him — but  it  was  soon  over — his  home  sickness — hoping  the  Lord  will  be 
with  my  father  on  his  journey,  and  return  him  safely  to  his  friends.  If  I 
only  consider  the  blessings  I  have  received  from  my  common  father  which 
is  in  Heaven,  oh,  how  ought  I  to  give  him  praise  which  is  due  to  him.  I 
could  exclaim  in  the  language  of  the  good  Jacob,  "  I  am  not  worthy  the 
least  of  all  thy  mercies."  Oh,  my  soul,  forget  not  all  the  benefits  which 
thou  hast  received  from  thy  father  of  all  mercies.  Praise  him.  Praise 
him,  oh  my  soul.  This  being  written  by  the  recollection.  The  end  1800. 


198  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

The  only  entry  which  is  made  for  the  year  1801,  is  the  fol 
lowing  : — 

"  Memorandum,  year  1801. 

"Jany.  1,  1801. — The  God  of  all  mercies  preserved  us  and  brought  us 
to  see  another  of  New  Year's  day.  Let  every  created  being  give  him 
thanks  and  praise.  Oh  that  men  would  praise  the  Lord  for  his  goodness 
and  his  wonderful  works  towards  the  children  of  men  ! 

"  Meditation  on  the  Anniversary  of  the  New  Year's  Day. 
"  0  Lord,  thou  art  the  great  preserver  of  men.  I  give  my  -humble 
hearty  thanks  for  my  preservation  and  protection  the  year  past.  Thou 
hast  been  so  kind  and  merciful  as  to  bring  me  to  see  another  New  Year's 
Day.  Oh,  may  I  serve  thee  this  year  more  faithful  than  I  have  done 
hitherto.  Assist  me,  most  gracious  God,  to  devote  myself  wholly  to  thy 
service  and  glory — preserve  me  from  sinning  against  thee,  and  I  pray  thee 
forgive  me  all  the  sins  which  I  am  guilt  of,  and  prepare  me  for  thy  whole 
providential  dealings  with  me,  whether  life  or  death — and  I  beseech  thee  to 
bless  my  friends  wherever  they  may  be ;  may  thy  name  be  known  on  earth 
— may  all  flesh  see  thy  salvation.  I  ask  thee  in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ, 
thy  beloved  Son.  Be  all  honor  and  praise  be  given  to  the  Father,  the  Son, 
and  the  Holy  Spirit,  now  and  ever  more.  Amen." 

Now,  these  entries  in  his  journal  seem  to  have  been  written 
somewhere  about  1802  or  '3,  but  they  are  copies  in  part  of  previous 
MSS.,  and  partly  composed  from  recollection.  At  first,  he  scrib 
bled  his  thoughts  on  little  scraps  of  paper,  some  specimens  of 
which,  in  the  year  1805,  remain;  and  then,  afterwards  transferred 
them  to  larger  sheets,  and  wrote  with  greater  care.  The  journal 
itself  bears  every  mark  of  great  age,  and  there  is  a  providential 
test  of  its  accuracy  and  authenticity  in  the  journal  of  Mr.  Ely. 
There  is  an  invariable  correspondence  in  the  entries  in  -the  two  doc 
uments,  a  specimen  of  which  it  may  be  well  in  this  place  to 
exhibit.  Whenever  young  Eleazer  writes  down,  in  full,  with  all 
attendant  circumstances,  any  event,  to  him  remarkable,  such  as  the 
arrival  or  departure  of  his  father,  you  find  it  briefly  noted,  in  a 
line,  in  the  diary  of  the  deacon. 


ADOPTION    AND    EDUCATION. 


199 


This  agreement  is  best  shown  in 

E.  WILLIAMS. 

"  Long  Meadow,  Dec.  9, 1802. — 
God  is  once  more  pleased  to  send 
our  father.  He  came  to-day  about 
sun  down,  and  brought  us  news 
that  my  sister  Ls  sick.  God  be 
praised. 

"Long  Meadow,  April  2,  1803. 
— God  is  merciful  towards  his  chil 
dren — he  does  everything  that  is 
right  and  for  their  good.  Let  the 
whole  earth  give  him  praise  for  Ms 
Aoving-kindness  towards  them. 
This  day  I  receive  a  letter  from  my 
father,  as  follows  : — 

"  '  Dear  son,  I  take  this  oppor 
tunity  to  let  you  know  of  our  wel 
fare.  I  arrived  here  in  ten  days 
after  I  left  you,  and  found  two  of 
my  children  very  sick,  and  now  I 
am  to  inform  you  that  they  are 
taken  from  me  by  immortality,  &c. 

"  '  Since  that  time  we  have  lost 
one  of  your  brothers,  six  years 
old,'  &c. 

"  Long  Meadow,  April,  1803. — 
I  am  going  to  live  with  Mr.  Brock- 
way,  Ellington." 


parallel  columns. 

N.  ELY. 
"  1802. 

"Dec.  9,  Thursday  at  home,  <$-c., 
4-c. — Thomas  Williams,  of  Con- 
nawaga,  came  to  our  house. 


"  1803, 

"  April  2,  Saturday. — Met  at 
Lieut.  Hezekiah  Hale's  on  select 
mens  business,  heard  of  the  death 
of  three  of  Thomas  Williams's 
children,  of  Connawaga,  viz.  2 
daughters  and  one  son. 


N.B.  TJiis  was  written  by  an  in 
terpreter,  Thos.  Williams  being  un 
acquainted  with  English 


"  April  30,  Saturday. — Rode  in 
chaise  with  Lazau  to  Elington,  left 
him  with  Mr.  Brockway,  &c.,  &c., 
&c.,  and  returned." 


There  can  thus  bo  no  doubt,  and  if  there  were,  personal  inspection 
of  the  documents  would  at  once  remove  it,  of  the  entire  authenticity 
of  the  remarkable  and  most  interesting  record  of  Mr.  Wiliams's  early 
life  contained  in  his  journal.  But  what  a  strange  problem  it  pre- 


200  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

sents  by  itself.  A  child,  taken  from  the  midst  of  savage  life,  is  with 
in  a  year  or  two  master  of  the  English  language  so  as  to  write  it 
with  a  fluency,  ease,  and  precision  of  expression — notwithstanding 
marks  of  simplicity  which  create  a  smile — usually  attained  only 
after  long  and  painful  study,  by  those  born  to  the  use  of  it.  His  ob 
servations  and  reflections  are  all  just,  he  exhibits  a  mind  previously 
disciplined  in  the  ways  and  feelings  of  civilization,  his  conscience  is 
cultivated,  his  religious  sentiments  are  those  of  a  mature  intellect, 
and,  in  a  word,  in  a  very  short  space  he  has  made  a  progress  in  learn 
ing  and  morals  almost  miraculous.  If  I  had  stated  all  this  without 
having  the  documentary  evidence  to  produce  to  the  world,  and  the 
ability  to  annihilate  scepticism  by  fact,  with  what  incredulity 
should  I  have  been  met.  A  distinguished  gentleman  has  expressed 
doubts  as  to  Mr.  Williams  having  ever  kept  a  journal — because  he 
could  see  no  use  for  it.  Why,  the  school-boy,  fresh  from  the  wilder 
ness,  found  the  utility  of  preserving  a  record  of  his  thoughts,  feel 
ings,  religious  convictions,  domestic  sorrows  and  joys;  and,  as  if  with 
an  instinct,  unaccountable  except  as  the  inspiration  of  Providence, 
that  all  these  random  effusions  might  some  day  be  of  interest,  has 
treasured  them,  amid  all  the  vicissitudes  of  an  adventurous  and 
checquered  life,  and  now  produces,  when  forced  by  circumstances 
and  in  self-defence  to  do  so,  to  the  gaze  of  the  wrorld,  the  words 
penned  with  no  idea  that  any  eye  but  his  own  and  God's  would 
read  them. 

Now  these  papers  show  that  from  the  very  outset,  civilized  life 
was  natural  to  him.  There  is  every  token  that  education  came  to 
him  as  a  recovery.  There  is  none  of  the  impatience  of  the  half- 
savage  Indian  accustomed  only  to  the  wigwam  and  the  hunting 
ground,  and  unable  to  endure  the  thraldom  of  civilization,  but  every 
token  that  he  felt  himself  at  home  among  books,  and  in  the  use  of 
the  pen,  and  in  religious  meditation,  so  as  actually  to  outstrip,  within 
a  short  period  of  his  residence  in  New  England,  the  good  Deacon 
who  had  been  the  Providential  instrument  of  withdrawing  him 
from  the  barbarism  in  which  ho  had  been  engulfed,  and  would 


ADOPTION    AND    EDUCATION.  £01 

soon  have  been  everlastingly  and  indistinguishably  buried.  The 
moment  that  he  is  placed  in  civilized  society,  his  mind  expands 
upon  it,  and  grasps  the  whole.  Though  murky  clouds  of  oblivion 
roll  between  him  and  a  past  life,  emitting,  through  their  gloom,  but 
faint,  intangible,  and  mystic  rays,  which  only  bewilder  and  perplex 
him,  the  discipline  of  that  life,  both  to  the  mind  and  conscience, 
remains  in  its  effects.  It  is  in  its  psychological  aspect  that  Mr. 
Williams's  case  has,  from  the  first,  next  to  sympathy  with  his  mis 
fortunes,  interested  me,  and  the  perusal  of  his  early  journals  deep 
ens  the  interest  excited  by  his  most  singular  mental  condition.  I 
feel  certain  that  the  best  intellects  will  have  their  attention  riveted 
to  this  point,  as  to  a  problem  worthy  of  profound  study,  and  exhi 
biting  a  new  phase  in  the  laws  of  mental  action,  only  capable  of 
development  under  circumstances  the  most  exceptional  and  extra 
ordinary. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1802,  there  was  a  great  revival, 
as  it  is  called,  among  Congregationalists  and  others,  of  religion, 
in  Long  Meadow.  The  principal  trace  of  it  in  Mr.  Ely's  diary 
is  the  record  that  other  ministers  were  then  preaching  in  Mr. 
Storr's  faithfully  occupied  pulpit,  and  the  texts,  "  Sirs,  what  must 
we  do  to  be  saved  ?"  and  "  If  any  man  have  not  the  Spirit  of  Christ 
he  is  none  of  his,"  show  the  nature  of  the  exhortations  then  em 
ployed.  In  addition  to  which,  under  date  of  5th  and  6th  March, 
the  following  entries  occur : — 

"1802.  5th  March,  Friday. — At  home.  Conference  Preparations  at  our 
house;  Mr.  Harris  present,  Lazeau  Williams  much  affected,  &c.,  &c. 

"  Qth  March,  Saturday. — About  home.  The  minds  of  the  children 
affected,  &c.,  &c.,  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord  in  at  work,"  &c. 

But,  all  which  the  good  deacon,  who  was  the  very  soul  of 
brevity,  indicated  by  &c.,  may  be  found  at  large  in  Eleazar  Williams's 
journal.  "  Wonderful  works  in  the  month  of  February.  God  was 
pleased  to  pour  out  his  Holy  Spirit  in  the  hearts  of  the  people  in  this 

9* 


202  THE   LOST   PRINCE. 

place,  many  are  inquiring  the  way  that  leads  to  eternal  life  or 
the  holy  city  of  God.  It  is  wonderful  the  great  revival  of  religion 
in  this  place ;  O  Lord,  be  pleased  to  show  us  our  unhappy  state, 
and  make  us  inquire  what  we  should  do  to  T)e  saved  from  thy 
wrath."  It  was,  according  to  Mr.  Ely's  journal,  on  the  21st  of  this 
month,  that  Mr.  Enos  Bliss  preached  from  this  text,  and  the  inci 
dental  coincidence  is  curious  and  important.  "  Say  to  our  heart," 
continues  the  journal,  "tremble  ye  not — believe  in  and  look  to  thy 
Creator,  and  Jesus  Christ  thy  Saviour,  and  the  Holy  Spirit  thy 
Sanctifier,  and  keep  my  commandments,  and  thou  shalt  be  saved. 

'''-Long  Meadow,  Feb.  28,  1802. — Many  of  the  young  people  now 
begin  to  speak  with  freedom  to  one  another,  concerning  the  inte 
rest  of  Christ's  kingdom.  In  the  evening  conference,  meeting  was 
attended  by  a  large  number  of  people,  both  old  and  young."  In 
Deacon  Ely's  journal  this  conference  meeting  is  also  spoken  of. 

But,  I  may  here  avail  myself  of  his  convenient,  &c.,  and  spare 
my  eyes  the  pain  of  deciphering  from  the  faded  MS.  whole  pages, 
which  follow,  of  Eleazar's  revival  enthusiasm.  I  do  not  believe  it 
was  in  this  school  he  first  acquired  his  religious  feelings ;  but  that 
the  devotional  tendency  of  his  mind  was  from  a  pre-existent  life. 
His  piety,  however,  was  here  fanned  into  a  flame,  and  has,  through 
all  vicissitudes,  burned  steadily  and  uniformly.  The  death  of  his 
reputed  relatives,  in  1803,  seems  strongly  to  have  affected  his  mind, 
and  gave  rise,  in  his  journals,  to  long  reflections  on  the  uncertainty 
of  life,  and  prayers  to  God  that  he  might  be  prepared  for  his  own 
departure.  He  went  in  April,  1803,  to  reside  at  Ellington,  and 
remained  there  until  July  20,  when  Mr.  Ely  brought  him  back  to 
Long  Meadow. 

This  gentleman,  as  was  generally  understood,  had  undertaken  the 
education  of  the  two  boys  at  his  own  expense  ;  but  his  means  being 
very  moderate,  he  soon  found  the  necessity  of  applying  to  others 
for  assistance.  His  first  application  was  made  to  the  Massachu 
setts  Missionary  Society,  who  granted  him  fifty  dollars ;  and  in 


ADOPTION    AND    EDUCATION.   •  203 

November,  1802,  he  applied  also  to  the  Hampshire  Missionary 
Society,  who  made  him  a  similar  donation,  upon  a  report  from  a 
committee  consisting  of  Joseph  Lathrop,  D.D.,  liev.  Eichard  Storrs, 
and  Justin  Ely,  Esq.  In  their  report,  these  gentlemen  state  the 
ages  of  the  children  to  be,  at  that  time,  fifteen  and  ten  years  of 
age ;  although  in  an  account  of  expenditures  by  Mr.  Ely,  to  which 
their  signatures  are  attached,  it  is  said  that  Eleazar  was  nineteen, 
and  John  twelve  years  of  age  in  January,  1800.  They  are  repre 
sented  as  having  made  "remarkably  good  proficiency  in  school 
learning,  to  exhibit  strong  proofs  of  virtuous  and  pious  dispositions, 
and  seem  likely  to  make  useful  missionaries  among  the  heathen." 
This  praise,  though  thus  bestowed  indiscriminately  on  the  two 
lads,  was  only,  in  its  full  extent,  deserved  by  the  eldest ;  for,  in  the 
course  of  a  few  years,  it  was  found  impossible  to  cultivate  the  mind 
of  John,  whose  passion  for  savage  life  was  irrepressible,  though  in 
many  respects  a  fine  young  man.  lie  could  not  be  broken  into  the 
trammels  of  civilization,  and  returned  home  to  live  and  die  a  mere 
Indian.  Dr.  Jenkins,  of  New  York,  informs  me  that  years  ago,  he 
heard  an  aged  gentleman,  now  dead,  speak  of  the  singular  impres 
sion  made  on  his  mind  by  the  contrast  in  the  conduct  of  the  boys, 
as  well  as  their  appearance,  when  he  took  them  out  one  day  for  a 
walk  in  the  fields.  John  would  not  come  near  him,  but  played 
about  in  a  shy,  wild,  manner ;  while  Eleazar  kept  close  by  his 
side,  and  asked  him  questions  on  all  subjects,  politics,  religion,  his 
tory,  and  geography. 

"Whatever  solitary  distress  the  school-boy  experienced,  in  the  dim 
and  shadowy  reminiscences  of  horrors  whose  intangible  features 
escaped  him  whenever  he  attempted  to  grasp  them  and  give  them 
form,  time,  name  and  locality,  he  was  now  in  the  midst  of  scenes 
and  influences  which  left  their  own  impress  on  his  character  and 
mind,  and  claimed  the  prominent  share  of  his  attention.  He  was 
in  Massachusetts,  among  enthusiastic  religionists,  as  the  embodiment 
of  theDeerfield  tragedy,  and  all  the  treasured  traditions  of  a  century 
of  prayer  meetings,  mournful  and  gtern  recollections  of  invasion, 


204  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

fire,  and  blood,  hostility  to  Eouianisra,  veneration  for  the  memory 
of  John  Williams,  and  piqued  affection  for  the  poor  Eunice,  whose 
perversion  was  looked  upon  rather  as  a  misfortune  than  a  crime,  all 
centred  in  him,  so  that  he  found  himself  a  hero  from  the  alphabet, 
a  predestined  crusader  and  missionary  of  Protestantism,  and  became 
tinctured  with  all  the  feelings  in  the  social  atmosphere  around  him. 
Naturally  of  an  ambitious  turn  of  mind,  he  had  an  idea,  as  I  am  in 
formed  by  a  schoolmate,  that  he  was  superior  to  every  one,  and 
when  questioned  as  to  the  reason  for  this  feeling,  which  he  took  no 
care  to  conceal,  would  impute  it  to  his  Indian  blood.  His  friends, 
on  the  other  hand,  were  captivated  by  his  frankness,  grace,  and  in 
telligence,  and  felt  proud  of  a  kinsman,  who  issued  from  the  bosom 
of  barbarism,  with  such  susceptibilities  for  refinement  and  culture. 
All  this  has  been  remembered  and  treasured  up,  apart  from  the  inte 
rest  recently  excited,  as  something  most  remarkable.  He  exhibited 
a  grace  and  polish  of  manner,  unusual  in  a  New  England  village,  at 
that  period,  and  seemed  rather  to  give  than  to  receive  the  polished 
manners  of  social  life.  He  was  called  familiarly  "the  plausible 
boy." 

The  Williams  family  felt  justly  proud  of  him,  and  clung  pertina 
ciously  then,  as  some  of  them  do  now,  against  all  external  evidence, 
to  the  idea  that  he  was  a  descendant  of  Eunice,  and  were  in  the 
habit  of  carrying  him  round  the  country  to  exhibit  to  different 
branches  of  the  wide  extended  stock,  as  one  by  whom  an  honor  was 
conferred  upon  them. 

The  strength  of  this  feeling  is  shown,  in  a  somewhat  eccentric 
and  ludicrous  manner,  in  the  following  extract  from  a  letter  written 
by  the  Rev.  Thomas  Williams,  of  Providence,  K.  I.  and  published 
in  the  papers  at  the  beginning  of  the  year  : — 

"We  thought  ourselves  to  be  highly  honored  by  such  a  kinsman  as  Ele- 
azar  Williams,  on  account  of  his  conversion  from  Popery,  his  native  genius, 
his  firm  health,  his  manly  form,  his  pleasant  countenance,  his  cheerful  and 
peculiar  conversation,  and  the  happy  union  of  Indian  shrewdness  with 
our  Welch  ardor.  I  took  him  with  me  from  Hartford  to  my  father's 


ADOPTION   AND    EDUCATION.  205 

in  Pomfret ;  from  Pomfret  to  Dr.  Emmons  in  Franklin,  whose  wife 
was  Martha  Williams,  whose  father  and  my  father  were  first  cousins. 
From  Franklin  I  went  with  cousin  Eleazar  to  Boston.  Since  those  days  I 
have  frequently  had  information  respecting  the  Rev.  Mr.  Williams.  But 
if  I  had  ever  had  the  least  reason  to  believe  that  he  was  not  our  beloved 
and  honored  cousin,  as  descended  legitimately  from  Eunice  Williams, 
and  only  a  son  of  Louis  XVI.  of  France,  I  never  should  have  rejoiced  and 
gloried  in  him  as  one  of  our  family." 

Eleazar,  on  his  part,  repayed  the  affection  of  the  Williams 
family  with  gratitude  and  love ;  and  although  there  was  ever  an 
obscurity  in  his  mind,  concerning  his  origin,  yet  being  unable  to 
lift  the  veil  of  mystery  from  the  past,  he  fell  passively  into  the 
state  of  things  in  which  he  found  himself,  and  took  as  much  pride 
and  pleasure  in  considering  himself  the  descendant  of  Eunice,  as 
her  relatives  took  in  calling  him  so.  Adopted,  to  apparent  identi 
fication,  by  the  family,  he  identified  his  feelings  and  interests  with 
theirs,  adopted  their  traditions,  their  sentiments,  their  principles, 
and  has  continued,  up  to  the  present  time,  to  entertain  for  them 
all  the  love  which  springs  from  the  most  cherished  and  honored 
ties  of  relationship.  His  situation  was  most  peculiar.  Against  tho 
tangible  and  evident  claims  made  on  him  by  his  reputed  kinsmen, 
the  every  day  realities  of  life,  and  all  the  endearing  associations 
which  spring  from  the  reception  of  a  thousand  marks  of  kindness, 
social  and  pecuniary,  he  had  nothing  to  oppose  but  thick  clouds 
and  darkness  brooding  over  his  early  childhood,  faintly  lighted  up 
by  mysterious  dreams  of  unknown  things,  to  which  he  could 
assign  neither  date  nor  place. 

If,  in  long  after  years,  when  the  events  of  his  life  had  become 
inextricably  confused  and  complicated,  we  find  him  the  sport  of 
contending  feelings,  and  the  prey  of  a  corroding  anxiety  which  did 
not  permit  him  to  rest,  and  showed  no  avenue  of  escape,  leading  tc 
apparent  inconsistencies  of  conduct  in  perfect  harmony  with  the 
incongruities  and  anomalies  of  his  lot,  we  should  rather,  pity  him 
for  the  soul  crucifixion,  entailed  by  his  position,  than  harshly  and 


206  THE    LOST   PRINCE. 

superficially  judge  him  to  be  a  deceiver,  because  he  still  continued, 
nominally,  to  identify  himself  with  his  adopted  kinsmen,  at  a  time 
when  grave  and  well-founded  doubts  as  to  the  truth  of  his 
personality  were  torturing  his  spirit.  An  unjust  and  unjustifiable 
attempt  has  recently  been  made  to  injure  him  in  public  estimation, 
simply  because,  within  a  few  years,  he  has,  within  the  circle  of  his 
nominal  kindred,  spoken  of  himself  as  a  member  of  the  Williams 
family.  This  is  not  the  place  to  enter  into  the  question,  which 
belongs  historically  to  a  later  period,  and  I  only  allude  to  it,  in 
passing,  because  suggested  by  the  circumstances  of  his  boyish  days, 
and  the  associations  in  the  midst  of  which  he  was  reared. 

On  the  15th  January,  1804,  Thomas  and  Mary  Ann  Williams 
visited  Long  Meadow.  Their  coming,  at  that  time,  recorded  in  the 
journals,  is  well  remembered  by  Mrs.  Jewet,  a  descendant  of  tho 
Redeemed  Captive,  who  was  at  school  with  Eleazar,  and  who, 
though  a  child,  was  struck  with  the  incongruity  in  appearance 
between  him  and  all  his  reputed  relations.  After  staying  a  few 
days,  and  visiting  with  the  boys  in  various  places,  all  of  which  is 
duly  recorded,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Williams  returned.  "Oh,  it  was 
grevious  to  my  heart,"  says  Eleazar,  "I  hope  God  will  be  with 
them." 

In  May,  being  quite  unwell,  and  suffering  from  pain  in  the  head, 
he  was  taken  to  Boston  for  change  of  scene  and  recreation.  lie 
now  attended  various  missionary  meetings,  and  says,  concerning  one, 
"  Here  I  saw  the  largest  assembly  that  ever  I  have  seen  before." 
Alas,  poor  boy,  thou  hadst  probably  witnessed  vaster  and  wilder 
gatherings.  Previous  to  their  return  home,  Mr.  Ely  made  applica 
tion  to  the  House  of  Representatives  of  Massachusetts,  for  aid  in 
supporting  and  educating  the  lads,  acknowledging  the  assistance  he 
had  received  from  the  missionary  societies,  and  saying  that  a 
reverse  in  his  circumstances  had  put  it  out  of  his  power  to  fulfil 
his  original  design  of  educating  them  at  his  own  charge.  Together 
with  his  petition  he  presented  a  specimen  of  Eleazar's  writing,  in 
large  and  small  hand,  which  Mr.  Williams  has  preserved  among  his 


ADOPTION    AND    EDUCATION.  207 

papers,  and  which  is  now  before  me.  A  resolution  passed  by  tho 
Senate,  13th  June,  180-i,  that  three  hundred  and  fifty  dollars  should 
be  paid  for  this  purpose,  was  concurred  in  by  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  June  15th.  Shortly  after,  Mr.  Ely  set  forth  an  account 
of  his  expenditures  with  the  quaint  heading  "  The  Humane,  the 
Noble,  and  the  Charitable  of  every  name  to  Nathaniel  Ely,  of  Long 
Meadow,  Massachusetts,  Dr.  To  expenditures  for  the  education  of 
Lazau  Williams  and  John  Surwattes  Williams,"  but  with  what  suc 
cess  this  appeal  was  attended  there  is  no  means  of  ascertaining. 
From  a  letter  written  by  a  Mr.  David  A  very,  it  appears  that  in 
some  minds  there  was  a  violent  prejudice  against  them,  because 
they  had  been  "  soaked  with  the  blood  of  their  relatives  slain  by  the 
Indians  from  Canada."  But  this  feeling  must  have  been  quite 
exceptional. 

From  October,  1804,  to  May,  1805,  the  journals  are  missing.  By 
«he  latter  date,  he  had  obtained  great  precision  and  considerable 
elegance  of  style  : — 

"  18051  15th  May. — To-day  I  am  to  set  out  with  Mr.  Jt,ly  on  a  journey 
for  my  health. 

"  15£A,  Coventry. — Came  from  Long  Meadow  this  morning;  I  am  much 
better. 

"  2Qth,  Coventry. — Lord's  Day,  evening.  I  am  more  unwell  to-day. 
Dr.  Hunt  is  very  kind  to  me.  I  went  to  meeting  part  of  the  day ;  Mr. 
Brockway  preached  from  Genesis  iv,  16,  and  Proverbs  iii,  20. 

"  27^,  Thompson. — Monday,  from  Coventry  to-day.  We  called  upon  Mr. 
Welch,  of  Mansfield,  and  found  him  not  at  home  ;  and  from  thence  went 
to  Ashford.  and  dined  there. 

"  2SJ/4,  Roxbury,  Evening. — From  Thompson  to-day ;  I  am  more  unwell. 
Exceeding  pain  in  my  breast.  Mr.  Ely  is  very  attentive  and  kind  to  me. 

"  29 th,  Boston. — We  rode  six  miles  this  morning,  and  took  breakfast 
here.  After  breakfast,  rode  out  in  a  coach  with  several  gentlemen — went 
to  the  court-house,  and  from  thence  to  the  meeting-house.  I  was  intro 
duced  to  several  clergymen,  and  also  to  young  gentlemen.  I  was  invited 
to  dine  at  .Mr.  T's.,  Boston.  I  went  out  to  Roxbury  last  evening,  and 
returned  thia  morning.  I  dined  at  Mr.  D's. ;  and  this  afternoon  I  went 


208  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

aver  to  Charlestown,  agreeably  to  the  request  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Morse, 
and  took  tea  with  him.  I  was  agreeably  entertained  while  I  stayed, 
looking  over  his  books.  I  am  somewhat  better  to-day.  How  thankful  I 
ought  to  feel  to  the  Divine  Providence  that  I  am  no  worse  than  I  am. 
Praise  ye  the  Lord,  0,  my  soul.  Since  I  have  been  in  town,  I  have 
been  invited  into  company  of  some  of  the  most  respectable  families.  I 
ought  to  be  very  humble,  that  so  much  notice  is  taken  of  me.  I  have 
visited  all  the  ministers  as  I  was  invited,  and  they  treated  me  with  utmost 
respect,  and  gave  me  good  advice. 

"  31st:  Boston. — Rode  out  to-day  to  Cambridge  to  see  the  college,  and 
took  tea  at  Mr.  Ps'.  I  am  better,  I  trust  the  journey  will  do  me  good. 
Let  me  always  remember  that  I  am  in  the  hands  of  God,  and  trust  him 
at  all  times." 

After  visiting  Roxbury  and  Providence  they  went  to  Newport, 
and  here  attended  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church*  and  the  Bap 
tist  meeting.  The  sermon  preached  at  the  latter  is  thus  recorded  : 

"  Mr.  Emerson  preached  from  Eccle.  xi.  9.  The  preacher  pointed  out 
in  the  latter  part  of  his  discourse,  that  the  thoughts  of  men,  their  actions 
and  conduct,  God  will  bring  to  light  in  the  day  of  judgment.  He  admo 
nished  all  to  live  in  such  a  manner  as  that  they  may  give  a  good  account 
of  their  conduct  in  that  day,  when  God  shall  bring  every  secret  thing  to 
light." 

A  few  days  after,  occurs  the  following  entry : — 

"  I  had  a  bad  turn  to-day,  bleeding  at  my  breast,  which  I  feel  at  this 
very  moment.  I  am  in  the  hands  of  a  wise  and  holy  God.  Oh,  must  I 
die  in  my  younger  days  ?  0,  my  God,  cut  me  not  off  in  the  days  of  my 
youth,  but  spare  me  a  little  longer  that  I  may  do  a  little  to  thy  honor  and 
glory.  It  is  a  solemn  thing  to  die." 

But,  travelling  about  in  various  places,  his  spirits  soon  revived ; 
and  in  a  day  or  two  he  writes  : — 

"I  am  much  pleased  with  Mr.  Smith;  and  my  friend  Storrs  is  very 
attentive  to  his  lovely  daughter.  This  place  (Montauk)  is  most  delightful, 
and  I  am  entertained  very  agreeably,  indeed." 


ADOPTION    AND   EDUCATION.  209 

Again : — 

"  There  are  several  ladies  going  with  us  to-morrow  to  New  London. 
The  ladies  requested  me  to  sing  French  tunes.1'1 

The  italics  are  my  own.  They  went  out  on  a  sailing  excursion, 
and  had  a  pleasant  time ;  but  the  ladies  were  sea-sick,  and  called 
on  him  for  help  though  he  was  very  feeble.  "The  ladies  were 
very  thankful  for  my  attention  to  them." 

The  journey  was  concluded  on  the  22d  June,  when  ho  writes : — 

"  I  have  seen  a  great  many  things  since  we  have  been  gone.  How 
thankful  I  ought  to  be  to  Mr.  Ely  for  his  kind  attention  to  me.  Surely 
this  is  a  very  substantial  evidence  of  his  friendship." 

But  although  he  had  derived  much  pleasure  and  temporary 
benefit  from  this  ramble,  his  health  still  continued  in  a  very  feeble 
state,  and  the  light  of  life  seemed  flickering  in  its  socket.  The  phy 
sician  advised  him  to  try  a  journey  to  the  bracing  air  of  the  north, 
and  though  this  was  much  opposed  by  his  friends,  it  was  finally 
determined  he  should  go.  Before  setting  out,  he  "  thought  much 
about  his  eternal  state,"  and  prayed  that  God  would  make  him 
wise  in  the  things  which  belonged  to  his  everlasting  peace." 
Passing  through  Cambridge,  Greenwich,  Salem,  and  Albany,  he 
came  to  Lake  Champlain,  with  the  scenery  of  which  he  expresses 
great  delight : — "  Lake  Champlain  is  rolling  under  me.  Here  it  is 
fifteen  or  twenty  miles  wide,  lined  with  mountains  on  both  sides 
of  the  shores,  whose  summits  seem  to  touch  the  clouds.  I  thought 
much  upon  the  works  of  creation.  I  said  to  myself,  Great  and 
marvellous  are  thy  works,  Lord  God  Almighty."  Arriving  at 
Montreal,  he  thus  describes  that  city.  "  Montreal  is  pleasantly 
situated  on  the  north  side  of  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  the  streets  are 
Avide  and  well  paved,  the  houses  generally  built  of  stone,  from  two 
to  three  stories  high.  I  went  to  the  market  this  morning  about 
sunrise.  I  found  it  quite  full.  The  market  itself  is  a  curiosity." 

There  must  have  been  something  about  him  at  this  period  of  life 
remarkably  attractive  and  captivating,  for,  it  is  easy  to  perceive, 


210  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

from  the  following  brief  and  modest  entries  in  his  journal,  that  his 
presence  in  Montreal  occasioned  a  general  sensation  in  the  highest 
circles,  and  called  forth  attentions  not  usually  paid  except  to  the 
most  distinguished  persons,  and  which  in  the  case  of  one  by  reputa 
tion  an  Indian  youth,  could  not  possibly  have  been  drawn  out  had 
there  not  been  a  personal  fascination  and  superiority  which  cast  in 
the  shade  all  other  considerations. 

Thomas  Williams,  alias  Tehorakwaneken,  his  reputed  father,  was 
a  wandering  Indian  hunter,  and  Mary  Ann  Konwatewenteta,  his 
reputed  mother,  a  squaw  in  a  blanket,  not  very  distinguished  per 
sonages  in  the  eyes  of  the  dignitaries  and  literati  of  Canada — but 
all  this  in  his  presence  was  forgotten  as  absolutely  inexistant. 

"  1st  October,  St.  Louis. — The  Hon.  Sir.  J.  Jar  vis,  secretary  of  state,  came 
to  see  me  this  afternoon,  and  I  had  a  very  agreeable  interview  with  him. 

"  3d  October. — I  rode  out  to-day  to  Chautagay,  I  spent  my  time  very  agree 
ably  with  several  young  French  gentlemen  and  ladies — they  were  very 
polite  indeed. 

"  4th  October. — To-day,  I  visited  Mr.  Lorimier,  the  British  agent  of  the 
Indian  department. 

"5th  October. — To-day,  I  visited  and  dined  with  the  Rev.  Mr.  Van 
Felson,  Roman  Catholic  clergyman  in  this  town.  He  treated  me  politely. 

"  12?7i  October. —  To-day •,  I  had  the  honor  to  be  admitted  as  a  member  of 
the  Historical  Society. 

"  1st  Nov. — I  have  been  to  the  Roman  Catholic  church  to-day,  the 
annual  festival  of  the  dead. 

"  2d  November. — I  have  been  to  La  Prairie  to-day,  and  I  attended  the 
Mass.  Rev.  Mr.  Boucher  preached,  a  Roman  Catholic  clergyman.  1 
think  he  is  the  most  eloquent  orator  I  ever  heard  in  my  life,  and  has  the 
most  graceful  gestures.  After  meeting  I  went  to  Mr.  Perault's,  and 
dined  there — and  there  I  saw  Mr.  Thomas — to  be  remembered,  &c.,  &c., 
&c.  Yesterday  several  men  came  to  see  me,  &c.,  &c. 

"  If  I  am  honest  I  will  speak  the  truth. 

"  25th  December,  St.  Louis. — The  commemoration  of  the  birth  of  our 
blessed  Lord. — I  have  just  returned  from  church.  The  altar  was  dressed 
very  fine.  Tkere  were  about  20  levites  attended  upon  the  High  Priest." 


\ 


j#rwi      Jf^jSK 

¥ 

%/A 


ADOPTION    AND   EDUCATION.  211 

No  evidence,  which  it  is  possible  to  collect,  at  this  distance  of 
time,  from  others,  can  equal  in  life-like  and  vivid  portraiture,  the  art 
less  representation  of  himself  which  the  poor  youth  here  gives.  I  do 
not  wish  to  anticipate,  but  in  the  strange  commixture  of  argument 
and  history  I  am  writing,  I  wish  to  remind  the  reader  that  he  has 
before  him  the  Indian  boy,  who,  according  to  a  certain  forged 
affidavit,  was  nine  years  of  age  in  1800,  and  who,  on  his  return  to 
Canada,  was  laid  up  at  Caughnawaga  with  ulcers  on  his  knees. 
Notwithstanding  all  this,  he  was  certainly  sufficiently  active,  had 
attained  a  surprising  maturity  of  mind,  and  exhibited  an  acute  per 
ception  of  men  and  things,  which  would  have  done  credit  even  to 
the  best  instructed  lads. 

No  wonder  he  was  looked  upon  in  New  England  as  a  prodigy, 
and  his  cousin,  Thomas,  felt  proud  of  his  kinsman.  He  writes  in 
the  style  of  a  young  gentleman  of  finished  education,  on  his  travels 
—demeans  himself  with  well-bred  courtesy  and  afiability — attracts 
the  attention  of  distinguished  foreigners,  mingles  with  easy  grace 
in  the  society  of  ladies,  and  is  the  hero  of  their  girlish  festivity — 
Dut,  stranger  than  all,  has  the  honors  of  a  savan  conferred  upon 
him,  and  is  elected  member  of  a  historical  society.  A  happy  com 
pound,  indeed,  of  "Indian  shrewdness  and  Welch  ardor." 
Providentially,  a  painting  of  him,  at  this  period  of  life,  has  been 
preserved.  It  is  the  rude  daubing  of  some  New  England  genius, 
left  to  invent  for  himself  an  art,  in  which  he  had  no  models  to 
guide  him.  The  hair  is  a  blotch,  but  the  countenance  is  fair,  with 
an  expression  of  great  sweetness  and  innocence,  combined  with 
thoughtful  and  almost  Quaker  gravity.  It  is  one  of  those  faces 
which  indicate  a  nature  to  which  integrity,  honor,  gentleness,  and 
love,  are  almost  a  necessity,  and  where  the  seeds  of  divine  grace 
fall  upon  a  soil  naturally  prepared  to  receive  them.  Of  all  words 
in  the  world,  shrewdness,  is' the  most  inapplicable  to  such  a  being. 
There  is  not  the  remotest  sign  of  cunning  on  that  countenance,  but 
a  bland  sincerity  which  thinks  and  wishes  nothing  but  good  for  all 
that  breathes.  It  strongly  resembles,  allowing  for  the  necessary 


212  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

advance  of  age,  the  pictures  of  the  Dauphin,  and  exhibits  in  the 
most  marked  manner  the  lineaments  of  the  Bourbons.  It  is 
scarcely  possible,  but  that  the  Romish  priests  and  dignitaries  with 
whom  he  was,  at  this  period  of  life,  so  frequently  in  company,  if 
they  had  the  remotest  intimation  that  the  young  Prince  was  among 
the  Indians,  must  have  detected  the  truth ;  and  his  journal  exhibits 
traces  of  a  mysterious  character  impressed  upon  his  first  inter 
course  with  them. 

The  beginning  of  1806  found  him  still  in  Canada,  and  the 
journal  of  that  year  opens,  as  usual,  with  religious  meditation. 

"  Oh,  I  wish  I  may  live  this  year  to  the  honor  and  glory  of  God.  As  1 
live  may  I  live  in  the  flesh  by  the  faith  of  the  Son  of  God ;  a  faith  which 
purifieth  the  heart,  worketh  by  love,  and  produceth  obedience.  May  I  be 
humbled  under  a  sense  of  my  past  vileness,  and  labor  after  that  purity  of 
heart  and  holiness  of  life  without  which  no  man  can  see  and  enjoy  God. 
May  I  ever  realize  that  here  I  have  no  continuing  city  and  the  vast 
importance  of  religion  to  render  me  useful  and  comfortable  while  I  live  and 
happy  when  I  die." 

He  left  Canada  on  the  23d  January ;  but  to  the  last  was  in  the 
society  of  the  British  consul,  surrounded  by  French  ladies,  and 
receiving  calls  from  gentlemen  of  Montreal.  He  took  under  his 
charge  in  going  to  New  England  a  boy  named  Rice,  in  order  to 
put  him  to  school.  All  this  was  five  years  from  the  time  when 
he  emerged  from  barbaric  life. 

There  is  nothing  deserving  notice  in  his  journal  for  some  time, 
though  crowded  with  the  details  of  daily  life,  attendance  on  mis 
sionary  meetings,  associations,  and  so  forth.  He  was  at  this  period 
studying  under  Dr.  Welch,  at  Mansfield.  In  May,  1806,  he  accom 
panied  a  reputed  relative,  the  Rev.  Mr.  "Williams,  to  Boston,  and 
was  examined  respecting  his  studies  by  several  ministers.  Mr.  Ely, 
who  was.  at  that  period  in  the  legislature,  joined  them.  It  was  at 
this  time  that  the  interview  occurred  between  him  and  the  Rev. 
ytrt — afterwards  bishop — Chevreux.  The  only  trace  to  be  found  of 


ADOPTION    AND    EDUCATION.  213 

it  upon  the  journal,  which  is  here  very  brief  and  fragmentary,  is 
the  following  entry  : — 

"  Boston,  Saturday,  June  3. — This  week  1  have  been  to  several  lectures. 

"Lord's  Day,  4.  Blessed  be  God  for  another  of  his  holy  days.  To-day, 
went  in  forenoon  to  Roman  Church,  and  this  afternoon  over  to  Charlestown, 
with  Dr.  Morse.  June  5.  I  have  been  to  the  Roman  Church  to-day  with 
Mr.  Ely. 

"  Boston,  ISth.  Lord's  Day. — I  have  been  here  some  time,  but  I  have 
not  kept  particular  account  since  I  have  been,  and  I  have  seen  a  great  deal 
of  wickedness." 

It  is  unfortunate  that  he  did  not  record  the  conversation  with 
Chevreux,  as  he  did  so  many  things  of  less  importance ;  but  we 
cannot  foresee  what  is  to  have  a  bearing  on  the  future.  The  inter 
view  was  brought  about  by  an  Irish  Roman  Catholic  gentleman ; 
and  the  ostensible  cause  of  the  somewhat  mysterious  visit  of  Ely, 
a  rigid  Puritan,  to  a  Romish  place  of  worship,  was  his  passion  for 
music.  He  was  introduced,  to  Chevreux,  as  an  Indian  youth,  stu 
dying  for  the  ministry — and  the  priest  immediately  questioned  him 
as  to  the  practice  of  the  Indians  in  adopting  French  children,  and 
also  whether  he  had  ever  heard  of  a  boy  being  brought  from 
France,  and  left  among  them.  Chevreux  could  not  fail  to  perceive 
that  he  was  of  French  extraction,  and,  probably,  from  his  marked 
lineaments,  at  once  divined  the  secret,  or  may  have  known  it  be 
fore  ;  and  asked  the  question  to  ascertain  whether  he  had  himself 
any  knowledge  or  suspicion  on  the  subject. 

I  pass  over  pages  crowded  with  religious  reflections,  prayers,  con 
fessions  of  sin,  reports  of  sermons,  ordinations,  conferences,  visits, 
journeys,  and  similar  things  incident  to  his  character  and  posi 
tion,  till  on  the  14th  May,  1807,  we  find  him  at  Hartford,  Massa 
chusetts  : — 

"  Here  I  was  introduced  to  President  D wight.  The  good  president  took 
me  on  one  side,  and  said  that,  he  had  been  wanting  to  see  me  this  long 
time,  and  had  pleasure  to  see  me  now.  He  gave  me  very  affecting  advice. 
'  If  you  are  to  have  happiness  in  this  world,'  he  said,  '  you  must  have  reli- 


214  THE    LOST   PRINCE. 

gion.  The  happiness  of  the  world  consists  in  religion  only  ;  and  from  no 
other  source  can  we  hope  to  attain  felicity,  in  another  world.'  He  thus 
conversed  with  me  an  hour ;  at  last,  he  took  my  hand  and  left  me,  saying, 
{ It  is  my  most  earnest  prayer  to  Almighty  God,  that  he  will  raise  you  up 
to  be  useful  in  the  world,  in  the  day  of  your  generation.  The  blessing  of 
the  Lord  be  with  you  always.'  I  had  the  pleasure  to  see  many  other 
ministers,  and  their  advice  to  me  was  too  much.  It  overcame  my  mind, 
so  that  I  was  obliged  to  retire  to  my  lodgings  until  meeting  time,  when 
my  friend  S.  came  to  me  and  said,  '  The  president  gave  you  good  advice. 
I  would  give  anything  to  be  regarded  and  noticed  by  so  many  venerable 
men  in  New  England.'  I  answered,  '  This  is  my  grief;  I  don't  deserve 
any  notice  to  be  taken  of  me.'  " 

President  D  wight,  in  his  travels  in  New  England  and  New 
York,  alludes  to  this  interview  in  a  manner  which  claims  attention 
in  this  place,  as  an  additional  confirmation  of  the  difficulty  which 
all  observant  persons  had  in  reconciling  the  personal  appearance  of 
the  youth  with  his  imputed  Indian  parentage.  After  recounting 
the  history  of  Eunice  Williams,  he  continues : — 

"  One  of  her  grandchildren" — [he  should  have  placed  the  relationship  a 
remove  farther] — "  has  been  educated  at  Long  Meadow,  in  a  respectable 
manner.  I  have  seen  this  young  man — he  has  a  very  good  countenance, 
pleasing  manners,  a  good  understanding,  and  apparently  an  excellent  dis 
position,  with  scarcely  a  trace  of  the  Indian  character.  He  is  destined  to 
the  employ  of  a  missionary."* 

Until  historical  research  and  scientific  examination  proved  the 
contrary,  there  was  necessarily  an  acquiescence,  not,  however, 
without  protest,  in  his  extraction,  as  represented  by  his  New 
England  relatives,  but  accompanied  with  curiosity,  affectionate 
interest,  and  a  feeling  that  there  was  something  behind  which 
required  explanation. 

On  27th  May,  1807,  an  entry  occurs  which  shows  the  soundness 
of  his  mind,  rising,  by  the  force  of  its  own  constitution,  above  the 

*  Dwight's  Travels,  vol.  ii.  p.  69. 


ADOPTION    AND    EDUCATION.  215 

narrowness  of  the  theological  system,  in  the  midst  of  which  circum 
stances  placed  him : — 

"Dr.  Williams  and  I  had  an  agreeable  conversation  upon  different  sub 
jects,  and  we  disagree  in  some  particular  points  of  Christian  doctrine — 
such  as  total  moral  depravity,  election,  redemption  through  Christ,  effec 
tual  calling,  adoption,  justification  through  the  righteousness  of  Christ, 
and  the  saints'  perseverance.  The  Protestant  divines,  in  my  opinion,  go 
too  far  in  some  particular  points.  I  wish  the  doctrine  of  the  great  Captain 
of  salvation  could  be  preached  in  its  purity." 

As  all  the  mental  phenomena  exhibited  by  Mr.  Wliliams,  in 
early  life,  are  deserving  of  close  and  attentive  study,  since  they 
must  either  confirm  or  militate  with  the  theory  of  his  origin  here 
maintained,  I  would  call  the  attention  of  the  reader  to  the  action  of 
his  mind  upon  religious  subjects.  Taken  at  the  age  of  fourteen  or  fif 
teen  from  the  bosom  of  Indian  barbarism,  and  a  religious  atmosphere, 
impregnated  with  the  most  ignorant  superstitions  and  slavish  sub 
serviency  to  Borne,  in  which,  had  he  lived  all  his  life  in  the  enjoy 
ment  of  his  senses,  he  must  by  that  time  have  become,  like  Eunice 
Williams,  who  did  not  go  among  the  Indians  and  Jesuits  until 
she  was  seven  years  of  age,  a  bigoted  devotee  to  the  system,  he 
yet  comes  to  New  England  in  the  strange  condition  of  a  youth  with 
his  mental  faculties  in  the  fullest  and  most  vigorous  activity,  as  if 
they  had  previously  been  matured,  by  almost  excessive  culture,  and 
also  absolutely  without  any  prepossession  whatever,  either  for  In 
dian  life  or  Komish  superstition,  and  cleaving  to  the  past  by  no 
links  but  those  of  the  social  affections.  He  falls  at  once,  into  the 
kindly  moral  spirit  of  New  Englandism,  and  twines  his  heart-strings 
around  its  altars ;  but  his  intellect  acts  independently,  and  refuses 
to  adopt  the  peculiar  theological  tenets  of  those  whom  lie  loves  and 
honors.  The  phenomenon  here  exhibited,  is  that  of  a  mind  with 
its  powers  cultivated,  and  yet  destitute  of  prepossession  in  favor 
of  any  particular  system.  Whence  could  he  obtain  his  early  matu 
rity  of  judgment  ?  and  how  are  we  to  account  for  the  absence  of 
any  leaning  towards  Romanism  ? 


216  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

The  journals  afford  so  many  indications  of  the  nature  of  the  man, 
that  the  reader  will  not  blame  me  for  presenting  him  as  I  proceed, 
with  more  copious  extracts,  than  I  have  yet  done.  In  Nov.,  1807, 
Eleazar  set  out  on  another  journey  for  the  benefit  of  his  health. 
He  arrived  at  Hanover,  and  formed  an  acquaintance  with  the  Pre 
sident  of  the  College,  and  other  gentlemen.  "  Hanover,"  he  says, 
"  is  a  fine  place.  The  College  and  other  public  buildings  are  ele 
gant.  The  village  contains  many  handsome  houses,  surrounding  a 
spacious  plain  which,  in  summer,  is  always  covered  with  verdure, 
the  whole  appearance  is  charming,  and  the  inhabitants  are  noted 
for  their  hospitality  and  polite  attention  to  strangers.  I  was  intro 
duced  to  Rev.  Dr.  Smith,  Professor  of  the  learned  languages.  I 
was  agreeably  entertained  with  several  of  the  students.  I  have  ex 
perienced  that  there  are  many  temptations  to  which  a  young  man  is 
exposed,  but  if  he  is  inclined  to  sustain  a  good  character,  he  must 
associate  only  with  those  who  are  virtuous.  The  young  gentlemen 
appear  to  be  scholars,  but  I  perceive  that  there  is  something  wanting 
in  them  to  make  them  complete  gentlemen.  Modesty  is  the  orna 
ment  of  a  person." 

In  May,  1808,  a  friend  named  Dr.  Lyman  urged  Eleazar  to  go  as 
a  missionary  to  the  heathen.  He  writes,  "  It  is  certainly  an  en 
couragement  to  me  to  go  as  a  missionary  when  I  hear  that  young 
nobles  and  others  in  England  are  promoting  the  cause  of  the  Blessed 
Redeemer.  I  feel  perfectly  willing  to  go  and  suffer  for  the  sake  of 
advancing  the  glorious  Gospel  of  Christ.  God  is  doing  wonders  in 
the  world.  I  pray  God  to  make  me  an  instrument  for  promoting 
His  own  cause." 

In  the  month  of  June  he  became  indisposed,  with  severe  pain  in 
the  head,  and  a  renewal  of  his  old  disorder,  which  appears  to  have 
been  excruciating,  and  called  forth  earnest  prayers  for  patience  and 
fortitude. 

In  the  midst  of  these  bodily  sufferings  he  received  the  sad  intelli 
gence  from  Mrs.  Ely,  of  the  death  of  her  husband.  "  The  intelli 
gence,"  he  writes,  "  was  overwhelming  to  me.  Yes,  my  soul  was 


ADOPTION    AND    EDUCATION.  217 

troubled,  and  with  a  throbbing  heart,  I  exclaimed,  '  O  let  me  die 
the  death  of  the  righteous,  and  let  my  last  end  be  like  his.'  Al 
though  my  lamentations  were  in  secret,  yet  the  Lord,  my  heavenly 
Father,  heard  my  cry.  The  spirit  of  resignation  was  given  mo,  and 
I  was  enabled  to  say  amen  to  what  God  had  done." 

The  loss  of  Mr.  Ely,  his  first  friend  and  benefactor,  who  had  been 
the  Providential  instrument  of  withdrawing  him  from  the  sepulchre 
of  barbarism,  in  which  he  would  otherwise  have  been  entombed, 
brought  to  a  close  the  first  scene  of  his  life  in  civivilized  society  in 
America.  But  he  had  now  made  friends  for  himself  on  all  sides, 
and  was  known  far  and  near  as  a  young  man  of  mark  and  promise, 
and  yet  around  whom  hung  a  mystery  which  no  one  was  compe 
tent  to  solve.  Who  was  he,  this  Indian  youth,  who  yet  was  not  an 
Indian  ? 

Of  the  current  views  of  the  most  distinguished  New  England  So 
ciety  on  the  subject  of  his  race,  Mr.  Theodore  Dwight  has  furnished 
me  with  a  conclusive  proof  in  the  fact,  that  about  this  time  he  be 
came  attached  to  a  connection  of  his  family,  and  although  the 
match  was  not  effected,  it  was  neither  for  want  of  esteem  and  admi 
ration  of  his  character,  nor  any  objections  on  the  score  of  Indian 
blood,  because  neither  the  lady  herself,  nor  any  other  persons  of 
discernment  regarded  him  in  reality  as  the  descendant  of  Eunice 
Williams,  though,  by  the  necessity  of  the  case,  he  nominally  passed 
as  such. 

Eleazar  remained  at  Mansfield  and  Long  Meadows,  making  occa 
sional  visits  to  other  places,  until  Dec.  22,  1809,  when  he  was  put 
under  the  tuition  of  Rev.  Enoch  Hale,  of  West  Hampton,  Massachu 
setts,  with  whom  he  continued  till  the  month  of  August,  1812,  though 
during  a  great  portion  of  the  time  he  was  absent  on  journeys  to 
various  places,  which  are  minutely  recorded  in  his  journal,  and  was 
also  engaged,  under  the  patronage  of  the  American  Board  of  Mis 
sions  in  a  missionary  visit  to  the  St.  Louis  or  Oaughnawaga  Indians, 
to  ascertain  what  prospect  there  was  of  introducing  Protestantism 
among  them.  It  is  impossible  to  peruse  the  earnest  and  simple 

10 


218  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

outpouring  of  his  feelings  in  his  journals,  without  perceiving  the 
entire  devotion  and  dedication  of  his  soul,  mind,  and  powers  to  the 
work  of  converting  his  Indian  brethren.  His  residence  among  Euro 
peans,  his  instinctive  delight  in  the  refinements  of  social  intercourse, 
the  attentions  shown  him  by  all  classes  of  persons,  had  not,  for  one 
moment,  diverted  his  mind  from  the  great  purpose  for  which  he  con 
ceived  himself  created — that  of  carrying  the  Gospel  to  the  heathen. 
But  his  health  continued  very  feeble,  and  severe  pains  in  the  head 
and  chest  rendered  it  difficult  for  him  to  continue  his  studies  unin 
terruptedly.  At  times  he  seems  almost  to  have  despaired  of  life, 
but  the  activity  of  his  mind  and  body,  rising  superior  to  indisposi 
tion,  soon  dissipated  the  gloom.  His  friends  and  physician  advised 
him  in  April,  1810,  to  give  up  study,  for  a  time,  and  travel  south 
ward,  which,  after  some  delay,  he  did.  It  was  on  this  occasion  that 
he  first  became  acquainted  with  his  future  friend  and  Bishop,  Dr. 
Hobart,  who  even  at  that  early  day  was  attracted  by  him  and 
showed  him  much  attention. 

On  his  return  to  Massachusetts,  his  pains  returned,  and  every  few 
pages  some  record  of  his  sufferings  occurs.  In  the  beginning  of 
1811,  it  was  again  thought  expedient  for  him  to  travel,  and  he  went 
to  Canada,  to  see  his  family,  taking  every  occasion  of  conversing 
with  the  Indians  upon  religious  subjects.  The  Romish  priests 
warned  their  people  against  listening  to  him,  but  the  attention  paid 
to  him  encouraged  him  to  enter  on  what  he  designed  should  be  the 
work  of  his  life. 


CHAPTER  XL 

THE     SECRET     COEPS. 

THERE  are  few  who  do  not  find  actual  life  unlike  as  possible 
their  youthful  imaginings.  Some  happy  beings,  though  the 
number  is  daily  lessening,  become  what  they  purposed,  and 
resemble  forest  trees,  whose  roots  cleave  in  age  to  the  soil  which 


THE    SECRET    CORPS.  219 

nourished  their  first  fibres.  But  most  of  us  seem  the  sport  of 
circumstances,  and,  in  the  struggle  of  life,  are  bruised,  battered,  and 
misshapen,  till  we  emerge  something,  we  can  only  recognise  by 
faith  in  continuity  of  remembrance. 

"  There'is  a  destiny  that  shapes  our  ends, 
Rough-hew  them  how  we  will." 

In  the  beginning  of  1812,  Mr.  Williams  set  out  on  another 
journey  to  Canada,  but  this  time  as  agent  of  the  American  Board 
of  Missions.  His  health  did  not  permit  prolonged  application  to 
study,  and,  as  it  was  deemed  necessary  he  should  survey  his 
proposed  field  of  missionary  Iab9r,  and,  by  mixing  with  the 
Indians,  perfect  himself  in  the  use  of  their  language,  he  interrupted 
his  literary  preparation  for  the  Congregational  ministry,  in  order 
both  to  recruit  his  strength,  and  probe  the  sentiments  of  his 
reputed  countrymen.  He  arrived  at  the  Sault  St.  Louis,  near 
Montreal,  on  Saturday,  January  18th,  and  set  to  work  zealously  to 
accomplish  his  design,  visiting  the  Indians  all  along  the  northern 
frontier,  and  discoursing  wherever  he  went  of  "  death,  judgment, 
and  eternity."  But,  for  the  most  part,  those  he  addressed,  "  acted 
as  if  they  were  possessed  by  the  evil  one."  Addicted  to  intempe 
rance,  lax  in  their  morals,  devotees  to  heathenism,  or  equally  blind 
adherents  to  Eome,  he  found  it,  to  the  last  degree,  difficult  to 
produce  any  effect  on  them.  His  feeble  condition  and  shortness 
of  breath  were  also  very  discouraging.  He  continued,  however, 
his  missionary  tour  until  March,  1812,  when  he  received  a  token 
that,  although  his  religious  exhortations  might  produce  little  result, 
he  had  personally  acquired  the  esteem  and  confidence  of  the 
Indians.  A  message  was  sent  him  from  the  chiefs  and  counsellors 
of  the  Iroquois,  requesting  his  attendance,  and  on  presenting  him 
self  at  the  council  house,  he  was  declared  a  chief  of  the  nation. 
The  name  given  him  was,  Onwarenhiiaki,  or  Tree  Cutter,  the  same 
which  had  been  applied  to  Sir  William  Johnson.  A  complimen- 


220  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

tary  speech  was  addressed  to  him  on  the  occasion,  to  which  he 
replied  in  nearly  the  following  terms  : — 

"  Most  honorable  chiefs  and  counsellors  of  the  Iroquois  nation,  I 
rise  to  speak  a  few  words  to  your  ears.  I  give  you,  with  peculiar 
pleasure,  many  thanks.  Your  choice  is  very  honorable  to  me.  I 
am  unfit  for  so  high  station  in  the  nation.  But  as  I  desire  to 
render  important  circumstances,  I  accept  with  diffidence  the  seat, 
which  the  chiefs  and  counsellors  have  pointed  out  to  me,  and  shall 
ever  endeavor  to  promote  the  best  interests  of  the  nation.  May 
unity  and  harmony  ever  prevail  between  me  and  the  senior 
counsellors,  and  may  the  chiefs  and  counsellors  of  the  Iroquois 
nation,  be  ever  interested  in  its  welfare,  and  the  people  ever 
respect  and  be  guided  by  them." 

When  he  ceased  speaking,  they  thronged  round  and  congratu 
lated  him,  and  he  took  advantage  of  the  occasion,  "  to  press  upon 
them  with  tenderness  the  things  which  belonged  to  their  eternal 
peace."  They  listened  with  courtesy  and  parted  with  expressions 
of  regret. 

But,  though  there  was  much  to  encourage  him,  he  found  it 
impossible  to  accomplish  anything  at  that  time.  u  When  you  talk 
on  political  matters,"  said  a  chief,  "you  talk  like  a  wise  Indian 
counsellor — but,  when  you  converse  about  religion,  then  you  talk 
like  a  Frenchman."  "  How  deplorable,"  he  writes,  "  is  the  situa 
tion  of  the  Indians.  When  I  consider  that  they  are  ignorant  of 
the  character  and  perfections  of  that  Being  who  made  them, 
and  the  way  of  salvation  by  Jesus  Christ,  then  I  am  almost  over 
whelmed  with  grief  and  sorrow.  O  Lord,  I  beseech  thee  to  send 
thy  light  and  thy  truth  among  the  Ancients  of  America,  and  make 
them  know  thee,  the  only  true  God,  and  Jesus  Christ  whom  thou 
has  sent." 

Such  were  his  occupations,  feelings,  and  aspirations,  when  the 
war  broke  out  between  England  and  the  United  States.  He  had 
returned  to  West  Hampton,  when,  in  July,  his  reputation  for 
ability,  and  for  influence  among  the  Indians,  known  in  the  highest 


THE    SECRET    CORPS.  221 

quarters,  caused  his  immediate  selection  by  government,  as  the 
best  person,  to  prevent  his  reputed  countrymen  from  taking  up 
arms  against  the  United  States.  The  peaceful  and  devotional  tenor 
of  his  thoughts  and  hopes  was,  therefore,  broken  in  upon  by  the 
request  that,  he  would  repair  immediately  to  the  head-quarters  of 
General  Dearborn,  and  receive  instructions  concerning  the  views 
and  objects  of  the  General  Government.  Thomas  Williams  was  at 
the  same  time  invited  to  enter  into  the  service  of  the  United 
States — which  invitation  he  finally  accepted.  The  St.  Regis 
Indians,  who  occupied  so  critical  a  position  between  the  two  belli 
gerent  powers,  and  were  undecided  what  course  it  was  best  for 
th,eir  interest  and  safety  to  pursue,  also  applied  to  Eleazar  for 
advice  in  the  emergency,  and,  thus,  a  variety  of  influences  forced 
him,  at  a  moment's  warning,  to  abandon  the  peaceful  seclusion  of 
the  parsonage,  at  West  Hampton,  for  the  hot  haste  of  military  life. 
"I  am  sent  for,"  he  writes,  under  the  date  of  July  27,  uto  pre 
vent  the  Indians  from  taking  the  hatchet  against  the  Americans. 
I  tremble,  my  situation  is  very  critical.  Indeed,  I  hope  God  will 
direct  me  what  to  do."  It  was  with  great  unwillingness  that  he 
entered  on  his  new  avocations.  The  prudential  committee  of  the 
American  Board  of  Foreign  Missions,  shortly  after,  spoke  thus  con 
cerning  him,  and  his  late  missionary  tour. 

"  Mr.  Eleazar  Williams,  the  Indian  youth  proposed  for  an  Indian  mis 
sion,  and  who  is  in  a  course  of  education  for  that  purpose,  made  a  visit 
during  last  winter  to  his  tribe,  a  journal  of  which  has  been  seen  by  the 
committee.  It  is  an  excellent  journal,  affords  great  evidence  of  the  piety 
and  good  sense  of  Mr.  Williams,  details  some  facts  highly  favorable  to.  his 
reception  among  his  red  brethren,  when  the  time  shall  come  for  him  to  be 
sent  to  them.  When  that  time  will  come,  is  known  only  to  Him  who  has 
all  events  under  his  sovereign  direction.  At  present,  the  prospects  regard 
ing  the  contemplated  mission  to  the  Caughnawaga  Indians  are  darkened 
by  the  war,  but  this  darkness  may  be  dissipated,  and  brighter  scenes  open 
than  man  can  foresee." 

All  immediate  prospect  of  prosecuting  his  mission,  being  thus 


222  THE    LOST   PRINCE. 

cut  off,  and  duty  calling  him  to  the  scene  of  war,  he  set  out  for 
Greenbush,  where  General  Dearborn  was  then  encamped,  and 
arrived  there  on  the  8th  August.  But,  before  plunging  into  the 
exciting  scenes  that  followed,  the  reader  will,  I  am  sure,  read  with 
pleasure  the  following  reflections  of  Mr.  Williams  on  war,  which  I 
found  among  his  papers,  and  which  exhibit  an  amplitude  of  mind 
which  has  not  been  attributed  to  him,  and  show  how  little  we  can 
judge  of  the  character  and  powers  of  men,  when  we  see  them 
only  in  obscurity  and  depression  : — 

"  Many  of  the  citizens  in  this  state  were  opposed  to  the  war.  When  in 
their  company,  the  expediency  or  propriety  of  the  war  was  .often  brought 
into  view.  It  has  been  contended  that,  the  more  any  people  are  civilized  and 
Christianized,  the  greater  is  their  aversion  to  war  5  and  the  moi'e  powerful 
exertions  are  necessary  to  excite  what  is  called  the  war-spirit.  Were  it  not 
for  the  influence  of  a  few  ambitious  or  revengeful  men,  an  offensive  war 
could  not  be  undertaken  with  any  prospect  of  success — except  where  the 
mass  of  the  people  are  either  uncivilized  or  slaves.  If,  then,  as  great  exer 
tions  should  be  made  to  excite  a  just  abhorrence  of  war,  as  have  often 
been  made  to  excite  a  war-spirit,  we  may  be  very  certain  that  rulers  would 
find  little  encouragement  to  engage  in  a  war,  which  is  not  strictly  defen 
sive.  And,  as  soon  as  offensive  wars  shall  cease,  defensive  wars  will  be, 
of  course,  unknown.  It  is  an  affront  to  common  sense  to  pretend  that, 
military  officers  and  soldiers  have  no  right  to  inquire  whether  war  be  just 
or  unjust ;  and  that  all  they  have  to  do  is  to  obey  the  orders  of  the  govern 
ment.  Such  doctrine  is  fit  only  to  be  taught  to  slaves  without  souls.  If 
a  man  is  called  to  fight,  he  should  be  faithfully  informed  and  fully  satis 
fied  that  he  is  not  to  act  the  part  of  a  murderer,  that  the  blood  of  man 
may  not  be  required  at  his  hands.  Every  soldier  ought  to  be  impressed 
with  the  idea  that  offensive  war  is  murderous ;  and  that  no  government 
on  earth  has  any  right  to  compel  him  to  shed  blood  in  a  wanton  and 
aggressive  war.  Yet,  in  the  present  state  of  general  delusion,  the  soldiers 
and  most  of  the  citizens  are  treated  as  having  no  more  right  to  judge  of 
the  justice  or  injustice  of  a  war,  than  the  horses  employed  in  military  ser 
vice.  On  one  side,  a  war  is  certainly  unjust  and  murderous.  Yet,  on 
both  sides,  it  is  considered  the  duty  of  soldiers  to  submit  to  the  orders  of 


THE    SECRET    CORPS.  223 

government,  and  fight,  whether  it  be  murder  or  not  murder.  With  the 
same  propriety  it  might  be  considered  as  the  duty  of  a  citizen,  to  obey  an 
order  of  government  for  murdering  an  individual  of  his  own  nation." 

Let  the  mind  that  conceived  such  sentiments  have  been  on  a 
throne,  and  he  would  have  been  accounted  a  model  of  political 
liberality.  And  yet  this  man  has  been  the  mark  of  obloquy  and 
scorn,  maligned,  abused,  ridiculed,  defamed,  driven  from  one 
place  to  another,  cheated,  reduced  to  poverty,  and,  because  poor, 
scarcely  deemed  worthy,  by  his  own  brethren  in  the  church,  who 
had  not  discernment  to  understand  his  character,  of  common 
civility. 

On  his  arrival  at  the  camp,  Mr.  Williams  was  treated  courteously 
by  General  Dearborn,  and  remained  two  days  closeted  in  his 
cabinet,  with  him  and  Gov.  Tompkins,  to  learn  what  was  required, 
and  express  his  views  as  to  the  best  method  of  carrying  the 
objects  into  effect.  Notwithstanding  the  religious  tone  of  his 
mind,  and  his  devotion  to  the  ministry,  there  was  something  in  his 
nature  which  was  stirred  by  the  pomp  and  circumstance  of  war, 
and  he  was  made  captive,  as  he  expresses  it,  by  "  plumes,  epau 
lettes,  red  sashes,  and  glittering  arms."  In  an  instant  he  was  in 
the  vortex,  and,  with  a  facility  which  belongs  to  some  natures,  of 
adapting  themselves  to  all  circumstances,  hasted  to  the  north,  to 
accomplish  a  mission  very  different  from  that  which  had  so 
recently  carried  him  there.  With  the  excitement  of  his  new 
employment,  his  health  revived,  and  we  hear  little  more  of  indis 
position,  except  a  great  weakness  in  the  eyes,  and  occasional  head 
aches  after  fatigue.  At  first,  he  had  no  idea  of  permanently  enter 
ing  the  service  of  the  government;  but,  being  entrusted  with 
military  powers,  and  brought  under  military  law,  he  was  forced  by 
circumstances  to  continue  in  the  path  which  had  thus,  fortuitously 
opened  before  him,  and  was  appointed  Superintendent-General  of 
the  Northern  Indian  Department,  with  the  most  ample  powers, 
having  under  his  command  the  whole  secret  corps  of  Kangers  and 
scouts  of  the  army,  who  spread  themselves  everywhere,  and  freely 


224  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

entered  in  and  out  of  the  enemy's  camp.  There  was  an  under 
standing  that  all  communications  between  him  and  the  government 
should  be  entirely  secret,  lest  the  lives  or  interests  of  individuals 
should  be  compromised.  But,  as  there  was  no  prohibition  against 
keeping  a  journal,  a  thing  which,  probably,  did  not  enter  into 
the  ideas  of  General  Dearborn,  or  the  War  Department,  lie  faith 
fully  chronicled  all  his  movements,  though  often  without  mention 
ing  the  special  object  he  had  in  view.  The  body  of  men  who 
were  placed  at  his  command,  were  the  most  reckless,  daring,  and 
unscrupulous  in  the  army,  and  he  frequently  speaks  of  it  as  u  the 
terrible  corps,"  and  trembles  at  the  accountability  he  assumed 
in  placing  himself  at  their  head.  Spread  out  in  every  direction, 
they  reported  to  him  every  movement  of  the  British  forces,  and 
the  manoeuvres  of  the  American  army  were,  in  a  great  measure, 
governed  by  the  information  received  from  him,  as  to  the  neces 
sity  of  despatching  troops  to  particular  positions.  lie  was  thus 
the  instrument  of  defeating  the  English,  both  by  land  and  water, 
in  the  north  and  west. 

Parting  from  General  Dearborn,  who  gave  him  letters  to  Colonel 
Clarke,  of  Burlington,  and  Major-General  Mooers,  of  Plattsburg,  he 
crossed  the  river  about  four  o'clock,  on  Thursday,  August  6,  and7 
the  next  morning,  set  out  for  Vermont.  At  Poultney  he  met  a 
British  officer,  General  Baynes,  with  a  flag  of  truce,  accompanied 
by  Major  Clark,  of  the  militia.  On  Sunday  evening,  August  9, 
he  reached  Burlington,  and  had  an  interview  with  Colonel  Clarke, 
who  kept  him  concealed,  and,  the  following  morning,  crossed  the 
lake  with  him.  On  Monday  evening  they  arrived  at  Plattsburg. 
The  necessities  of  war  not  permitting  the  strict  observance  of  the 
Lord's  Day,  almost  every  week  brings  its  confession  of  sin,  and 
prayers  that  God  would  pardon  the  enforced  violation  of  his  law. 
He  delivered  his  letter  to  Major-General  Mooers ;  and,  in  the  after 
noon  of  the  llth,  a  council  of  war  was  held,  consisting  of  the  Gene 
ral,  Colonel  Clarke,  Lieut.-Colonel  Bedell,  and  Major  Warford,  at 
which,  according  to  his  discretional  powers,  he  made  a  partial  dis- 


THE    SECRET    CORPS.  225 

closure  of  the  objects  of  his  mission.     General  Mooers  despatched 
him  on  his  journey,  with  the  following  letter  to  Captain  Tilden,  o 
Constable : — 

"  PLATTSBURG,  August  12,  1812. 

"SiR: 

"  You  are  hereby  requested  to  render  any  assistance  in  your  power  to  the 
bearer  hereof — Mr.  E.  W.,  by  giving  him  information  relative  to  the 
situation  of  the  enemy,  Indian  tribes,  &c.,  &c.,  and  keep  the  same  to  your 
self  relative  to  Mr.  W.,  &c.  What  passes  between  you  and  him,  let  it  be 
kept  in  perfect  secresy.  Mr.  W.  will  keep  this  if  he  thinks  proper.  He 

will  show  it  you. 

"BENJAMIN  MOOERS,  Major-General . 
"Captain  Rufcw  Tilden." 

He  was  also  provided  with  the  following  passport : — 

"PLATTSBURG,  August  12,  1812. 

"  The  bearer  hereof,  Mr.  E.  Williams,  is  on  business,  and  is  going  into 
Franklin  County.  Being  a  stranger  he  might  be  interrupted,  and  I  have, 
therefore,  handed  this  for  his  protection. 

"  BENJAMIN  MOOERS." 

It  was  raining  hard,  and  the  roads  were  horrible,  but  he  conti 
nued  on  his  journey,  when,  at  an  inn  in  the  Chautegay  Wood,  he 
met  Colonel  Lewis,  who  was  in  the  secret  of  his  mission ;  and,  after 
consultation  with  him,  found  it  necessary  to  return  to  Plattsburg, 
to  meet  some  Indian  chiefs  who  were  expected  there  to  receive 
money.  He  found  them  friendly  to  the  United  States,  and  obtained 
much  information  as  to  the  condition  of  things  at  the  north.  The 
officers  paid  great  attention,  from  policy,  to  the  Indians.  He  then 
returned  to  Albany,  which  he  reached  on  the  24th,  and  sat  up 
with  General  Dearborn  all  night,  communicating  intelligence  and 
arranging  plans  for  the  future.  The  excitement  over,  he  fell  sick, 
and  all  the  conscientious  scruples,  natural  to  one  with  his  feelings 
and  position,  began  to  torment  him.  "  Oh,  that  God,"  he  writes, 
u  would  make  all  men  peaceful,  and  live  together  in  unity.  I  am 
in  distress  for  my  sins — they  are  great.  Oh,  most  gracious  God, 

10* 


226  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

for  Christ's  sake,  pardon  them,  and  assist  rne  to  manage  the  affairs 
I  am  upon  with  integrity." 

After  forming  acquaintance  with  General  Bloomfield,  he  again 
set  out  for  the  north,  on  the  1st  September,  from  Whitehall,  in  a 
little  sloop,  and  a  storm  coming  on,  was  in  great  danger  on  the 
lake.  He  reached  Plattsburg  on  the  8th — the  next  day,  General 
Bloomfield  arrived,  and  was  saluted  by  the  gun-boats ;  and,  in  the 
evening,  Mr.  Williams  laid  before  him  the  reports  of  the  Rangers, 
and  had  a  long  conference  with  him,  uiu  relation  to  the  Indians, 
the  force  of  the  enemy,  the  state  of  his  defences,  the  movements  of 
his  troops,  the  strength  of  his  navy,  and  the  condition  of  the  roads 
from  Ohamplain  to  the  La  Acadia  plains." 

The  next  day  he  set  out  from  Plattsburg,  with  protection  from 
General  Mooers,  addressed  to  Major  Young,  in  the  following 

terms : — 

"PLATTSBURC,  September  9,  1812. 
"  SIR  : 

"  The  bearer,  Mr.  Williams,  proceeds  to  your  post  and  to  the  westward, 
on  business  of  an  important  nature,  which  entirely  meets  the  approbation 
of  General  Mooers  ;  you  will,  therefore,  afford  him  the  protection  necessary 
and  proper  to  facilitate  his  purpose. 

"  By  order  of  the  general, 

"  JOHN  WARFORD,  Aide-de-camp. 
u  Major  Young." 

Having  delivered  this  letter  to  the  Major  at  Chautegay,  he  pro 
ceeded  with  a  corresponding  passport  from  him  to  Turner's  Inn, 
where  he  met  Captain  Tilden,  the  commander  of  the  station.  He 
was  carefully  concealed  from  the  sight  of  the  Indians,  but  at  French 
Mills,  had  a  secret  conference  with  the  chiefs,  whom  he  harangued, 
distributed  to  them  money,  and  obtained  the  promise  of  adherence 
to  the  American  cause. 

Keturning  through  the  woods,  to  Plattsburg,  on  the  16th,  he 
dispatched  a  confidential  messenger  to  the  Sault  St.  Louis,  and 
though  now  irretrievably  engaged  in  the  business  of  the  war,  was 
troubled  with  conscientious  scruples  as  to  the  morality  of  attempt- 


THE    SECRET    CORPS.  227 

ing  to  withdraw  the  British  Indians  from  allegiance  to  their  gov 
ernment.  He  had  a  conference  with  Gen.  Bloomfield  on  this  ques 
tion,  and  says  with  great  simplicity,  "  we  agreed  that  if  we  can 
bring  them  over  to  the  American  side,  it  was  proper  and  justifi 
able."  Every  day  and  hour  brought  its  occupation,  and  he  was 
hurried  hither  and  thither.  On  the  21st  September,  he  received  a 
communication  from  the  Commander-in-chief,  to  which  he  sent  a 
reply  express,  by  way  of  Lake  George,  and  immediately  set  out  to 
the  lines,  to  meet  his  Eangers  and  receive  their  report.  Hearing  of 
the  capture  of  seven  Indians  by  the  British,  he  was  fearful  lest  his 
messenger,  William,  whom  he  had  dispatched  to  St.  Louis,  was 
among  them,  and  set  out  on  Sunday,  27th,  to  Ohazy,  to  ascertain 
the  fact,  but  had  the  happiness  to  find  him  returned  in  safety, 
and  spent  the  remainder  of  the  day  in  conversing  with  him  and 
some  Indians  on  religious  subjects.  Several  chiefs  now  arrived 
from  the  Sault  St.  Louis,  and  on  Monday  were  presented  to  Gen. 
Bloomfield,  to  whom  the  General  and  Col.  Clarke  presented  their 
swords.  Col.  Clarke  also  gave  his  rifle  to  William  the  messenger, 
who  Mr.  Williams  despatched  to  St.  Regis,  and  to  the  Indians  of 
the  Lake  of  the  two  mountains,  to  inform  them  that  powder  was 
ready  for  them.  He  now  returned  to  Albany,  carrying  two  chiefs 
with  him  to  present  to  General  Dearborn,  who  was  highly  delight 
ed  with  the  success  of  the  enterprise.  A  brilliant  entertainment 
was  given,  but  in  the  midst  of  officers  and  ladies,  and  music  and 
general  merriment,  young  Williams — the  excitement  of  enterprise 
being  now  over — was  moody  and  melancholy,  between  the  effects 
of  sickness  and  conscientious  difficulties.  But  not  much  time  could 
be  given  to  reflections  of  this  kind.  The  next  day  after  the  enter 
tainment,  Oct.  8th,  the  following  entry  occurs : — 

"As  the  enemy  have  had  in  contemplation  for  some  time  past  to  send 
troops  to  St.  Regis,  to  attack  the  Indians,  and  Captain  Montigny,  the  resi 
dent  agent  has  made  great  efforts  to  rouse  the  war  spirit  of  the  friendly 
part  of  the  tribe  against  the  Americans,  from  self-preservation — which  is 
the  first  law  of  human  nature — that  post  must  be  attacked.  I  have  re- 


228  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

ceived  orders  to  this  effect  from  the  Commander-in-chief,  but  am  left  in  a 
great  measure  to  my  discretion,  and  the  necessity  for  such  an  attack.  The 
order  is  issued  upon  Major  Youngs,  at  Chautegay,  to  march  with  his  corps, 
attack  and  carry  the  place,  but  have  a  care  not  to  injure  the  friendly  part 
of  the  tribe.  The  E/angers  are  required  to  give  a  faithful  account  to  the 
Major,  of  the  strength  and  position  of  the  enemy.  If  the  Major  is  true,  he 
will  succeed.  Bravery  is  not  wanting  to  him." 

The  attack  proved  successful.  St.  Regis  was  carried — a  number 
of  prisoners  captured,  and  the  first  flag  taken  from  the  British  during 
the  war.  Mr.  Williams  again  set  out  from  Albany,  on  the  14th 
October.  From  Plattsburg,  which  he  readied  after  a  variety  of 
adventures,  on  3d  November,  he  went  to  Cumberland's  Head,  to 
issue  orders  to  the  Rangers,  and  on  the  5th,  by  the  invitation  of 
Gen.  Bloomfield,  attended  a  secret  council  of  war,  at  which  he  pre 
sented  his  report,  which  he  had  written  while  lying  in  bed.  The 
result  of  the  council  was  an  order  to  prepare  for  the  winter  cam 
paign,  and  repair  the  boats  and  wagons  for  transportation.  On 
7th  November,  he  received  an  order  from  the  Commander-in-chief, 
to  return  to  Albany,  but,  before  starting,  was  able  to  communicate 
to  Gen.  Bloomfield  intelligence  that  the  enemy  were  preparing  for 
an  attack.  The  first  artillery  train  arrived.  In  the  evening,  Gens. 
Bloomfield  and  Mooers  discussed  with  him  the  plans  of  the 
ensuing  campaign ;  he  sent  out  orders  in  different  directions  to  the 
Rangers,  and  information  to  the  Indians,  and  the  next  morning  was 
on  his  way  to  Albany,  express,  issuing  orders  as  he  went,  to  some 
of  the  posts.  In  the  afternoon  he  heard  a  heavy  cannonading  in 
the  direction  of  the  lines.  Arriving  at  Albany  on  the  10th,  he 
dined  with  the  Commander-in-chief,  received  from  the  war  depart 
ment  a  complimentary  communication,  concerning  the  efficient 
services  of  his  corps,  and  further  instructions  in  relation  to  his 
department.  He  left  for  the  north  the  next  day,  but  snatched  a 
few  moments  to  have  a  conversation  with  the  Rev.  Mr.  Clowes,  an 
Episcopal  clergyman,  at  Albany,  and  obtain  some  religious  advice. 
The  troops  were  now  moving  in  al1  directions  for  the  lines — for 


THE   SECRET   CORPS.  229 

which  he  himself  set  out  post,  issuing  orders  to  the  whole  corps  of 
observation.     He  returned  from  the  lines  to  Plattsburg,  on  the 
evening  of  the  18th  November,  having  performed  all  the  duties 
assigned  him,  and  sent  his  report  to  the  Commander-in-chief. 
Under  date  of  November  20,  he  writes : — 

"  A  council  of  war  was  held  to-day,  in  which  I  appeared  somewhat  con 
spicuous,  as  I  was  the  only  person  who  could  give  the  information  desired. 
In  this  council  disclosures  were  made,  to  a  certain  extent  in  relation  to 
the  campaign,  which  were  entirely  contrary  to  my  expectations,  and  far 
from  being  honorable  to  the  public  service.  Still  there  is  hope  for  a 
revision  of  the  decision  of  this  council,  and  this  must  be  upon  certain  cir 
cumstances  in  regard  to  tbe  enemy,  but  in  the  meantime,  every  demon 
stration  must  be  made  by  the  American  army  of  its  intended  invasion  of 
the  British  Province.  By  the  reports  of  the  Rangers,  the  enemy  is  not  so 
formidable  in  our  front  as  to  give  any  fears  of  the  unfavorable  result  if  our 
advance  was  made  upon  them.  The  Canadians  are  still  unwilling  to  bear 
arms  against  the  Americans,  since  they  had  a  skirmish  with  the  royal 
troops  at  La  Chine,  in  August  last.  They  are  forced  into  the  service,  and 
no  dependence  can  be  placed  upon  them." 

The  season  was  too  far  advanced  for  much  to  be  accomplished. 
The  corps  of  observation,  under  command  of  Mr.  "Williams,  was, 
however,  incessantly  active,  and  the  slightest  movement  on  either 
side  faithfully  reported  to  him,  and  provision  made  for  every 
emergency  as  it  arose.  At  the  latter  end  of  November  the  artil 
lery  train  moved  towards  Plattsburg  for  winter-quarters,  and  the 
campaign  being  over,  he  returned  to  Charlotte  in  Vermont.  The 
troops  were  dying  in  great  numbers.  "  I  had  an  interview,"  thus 
the  journal  for  1812  concludes,  "this  afternoon  (Dec.  12)  with 
Gen.  Mooers,  and  made  arrangements  with  him  in  regard  to  the 
movements  of  the  Rangers.  I  have  apprised  them  of  my  removal, 
with  orders  to  direct  their  reports  accordingly.  One  is  with  me 
now  and  takes  my  orders,  and  will  issue  them  to  others.  God 
bless  them." 


230  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

THE     WAR     JOTJKNAL. 

WITH  the  intuition  pertaining  only  to  the  highest  order  of  minds, 
the  divinity  student  had  displayed  the  abilities  of  a  military  offi 
cer,  been  admitted  to  the  secret  councils  of  those  highest  in  com 
mand,  and  honorably  and  successfully  performed  some  of  the  most 
arduous  duties  which  could  be  assigned  to  man — duties  which  a 
Christian  nation  at  war  could  only,  with  a  just  regard  for  its  own 
honor,  consign  to  one  who  united  rare  ability  with  strict  fidelity  and 
unassailable  conscientiousness.  But  though  he  had  thus  proved 
himself,  intellectually,  equal  to  any  position  in  which  Providence 
might  place  him,  and  been  engaged  in  occupations  the  hardest  to 
reconcile  with  devotional  feeling,  his  humble  and  unfeigned  spirit 
of  piety  was  unaltered. 

The  Journal  for  1813  opens  thus  :-  - 

"  Jan'y  1. — A  pleasant  morning.  I  am  permitted  to  see  the  be 
ginning  of  another  year.  What  shall  I  render  unto  the  Lord  for 
all  his  benefits  ?  May  I  live  more  to  His  glory.  How  ungrateful  I 
have  been  for  the  many  and  undeserved  mercies  I  have  received 
from  his  benificent  hand.  I  will  endeavor,  by  the  help  of  God,  to 
live  more  like  a  Christian.  O  my  God,  give  me  grace  to  love  thee 
above  all  things,  to  live  and  walk  in  the  ways  of  thy  command 
ments,  and  preserve  me  from  all  the  temptations  with  which  I  ain 
surrounded.  This  has  been  a  solemn  day  with  me.  My  medita 
tions  have  been  upon  death,  judgment,  and  eternity." 

My  intention  was  to  have  epitomized  the  following  journal.  But 
it  is  sacred  as  an  historical  document,  and  though  very  long,  I 
transcribe  it  entire,  since  nothing  can  more  thoroughly  exhibit  the 
man,  and  show  the  claims  he  has  on  the  esteem  of  all  men,  and 
especially  of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  than  the  simple  pages 


THE    WAR   JOURNAL.  231 

in  which  he  has  jotted  down,  with  careless  hand,  his  actions  and 
feelings  during  these  trying  times. 

"  I  am  ordered  by  Col.  Lamed  to  repair  to  St.  Regis.  I  am  pre 
paring  for  the  jaunt. 

"  In  Chautegay  Woods,  Jan'y  2. — Left  Plattsburg  this  morning 
early,  in  a  sleigh.  My  waiter  with  me.  Now,  at  Robert's  Inn.  It 
has  been  a  cold  day.  Here  I  learned  the  movements  of  the 
enemy,  at  St.  Johns  and  Chamblee.  I  have  sent  an  express  to- 
Plattsburg. 

"French  Mills,  Jany.  3,  1813.— Arrived  about  10  o'clock,  this 
evening — suffered  much  from  the  cold.  I  have  sent  out  two  faith 
ful  Indians  who  I  found  here.  Yesterday,  a  heavy  detachment  of 
the  enemy  passed  through  Cornwall,  for  the  Upper  Country.  I 
met  here  one  of  our  secret  Rangers.  His  report  will  be  useful  for 
the  commanders  of  Sacketts  Harbour  and  Plattsburg. 

"French  Mills,  Jany.  4,  1818. — I  met  in  council,  four  of  the 
American  chiefs.  They  are  still  firm  to  remain  neutral  in  the  pre 
sent  contest.  Capt.  Peters  delivered  a  lengthy  speech,  on  the 
occasion,  the  substance  of  which  is  intended  to  be  communicated 
to  Major-General  Dearborn,  Gov.  Tompkins,  and  Gen.  Mooers. 
I  exhorted  them  to  remain  firm  to  their  resolution,  and  continue  to 
be  faithful  to  the  Americans.  We  parted  with  many  friendly 
expressions.  May  God  bless  them,  is  the  sincere  desire  of  my  heart. 
I  made  some  arrangements  with  the  Commissary  Hastings,  to 
continue  to  issue  rations  to  them. 

"  Ecening. — I  am  informed  that  the  enemy  are  making  a  great 
preparation  at  Kingston,  to  attack  Sacketts  Harbour.  I  shall  hear 
more  of  this. 

"  Chautegay,  4  Corners,  Jany.  5,  1813. — From  the  French  Mills, 
this  morning.  I  am  greatly  concerned  for  the  St.  Regis  Indians. 
The  British  governor  threatens  to  annihilate  them,  but  the  Ameri 
can  part  are  determined  to  resist  him.  Sir  John  Johnson  is  active  in 
persuading  them  to  join  the  English  forces.  Col.  Scott,  the  com 
mandant  at  Couteau  du  Lac,  has  issued  an  order  for  my  arrest,  if 
possible.  I  have,  this  evening,  issued  an  order  to  the  whole  secret 
corps  of  our  Rangers — and  that  in  positive  terms,  in  case  of  my 
arrest  by  the  enemy,  to  take  and  make  prisoners  of  as  many  as  it 
may  be  in  their  power,  of  the  high  officers  of  the  British  army, 
and  even  Sir  Geo.  Provost.  The  faithful  and  brave  H.,  captain  of 


232  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

the  corps,  accepted  the  order  with  joy,  and  promised  it  shall  be 
performed  to  the  full  extent.  '  Now,'  said  he,  '  life  and  death  are 
with  us.'  This  is  the  first  desperate  order  I  have  issued  to  the 
corps,  but  there  is  no  alternative  in  the  case. 

"  Platteburg,  Jany.  6, 1813. — Left  Chautegay  early  this  morning, 
but  not  without  fears  that  I  may  be  waylaid  and  caught  in  some 
extensive  woods  I  had  to  pass.  I  apprised  my  waiter  of  this,  who, 
like  a  brave  soldier,  prepared  his  rifle  for  resistance,  but  reached 
safe,  and  suffered  no  inconvenience  but  the  cold.  The  sun  was 
bright,  the  sky  clear,  but  the  air  piercing.  I  have  a  heavy  cough 
upon  me,  and  am  somewhat  feverish  this  evening.  At  Robinson's 
Inn,  I  was  informed  by  a  person  who  came,  yesterday,  from  the 
lines,  that  the  enemy  were  reinforcing  the  garrison  at  Isle  Aux 
Noix,  and  a  party  of  Indians  were  stationed  at  La  Cole. 

"  Plattsburg,  Jany.  7,  1813. — I  sent  my  report  to  Col.  Lamed, 
this  morning,  at  Burlington,  as  I  am  not  able  to  go  myself  thither, 
being  much  indisposed.  The  garrison  physician  is  in  attendance. 

"  Evening. — Gen.  Mooers  called  upon  me,  and  I  communicated  to 
him  the  substance  of  my  report  to  Col.  Larned.  Rev.  Mr.  Weeks 
also  called,  with  whom  I  had  an  interesting  conversation  upon  the 
subject  of  religion.  He  is  a  pious  and  godly  man.  My  religious 
meditations  have  been  greatly  interrupted  from  the  many  duties 
which  are  just  now  pressing  upon  me.  Oh,  let  me  not  forget  my 
duty  to  God,  but  may  I  walk  more  closly  with  him,  and  that  daily, 
as  one  who  loves  him  with  all  the  heart.  Let  me  not  forget  thee, 
O  my  God,  in  whom  I  live,  move,  and  have  my  being.  O 
Heavenly  Father,  have  mercy  on  thy  unworthy  servant,  forgive  all 
his  sins  for  Christ's  sake.  Give  him  grace  to  love  thee  more — 
make  him  by  faith  to  be  united  to  thee,  and  enable  him  by  grace 
to  walk  in  the  ways  of  thy  commandments. 

"  January  10,  Plattsburg,  1813.— It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the 
northern  army  is  in  a  sick  condition — ten  or  twelve  men  are  daily 
buried.  Dysentery  and  diarrhoea  are  the  principal  diseases,  which 
are  often  combined  with  typhus  fever.  Colonel  Pike,  who  com 
mands  this  post,  is  doing  all  in  his  power  to  assuage  the  sufferings 
of  his  troops,  by  making  the  medical  department  do  its  duty — the 
noted  Dr.  Mann  being  at  its  head. 

u  Plattsburg,  January  29. — The  order  issued  on  the  4th  instant 
by  me,  at  Chautegay,  upon  the  whole  corps  of  Rangers,  I  am  happy 
to  say  has  been  responded  to  with  the  greatest  cheerfulness ;  and 


THE    WAIi   JOURNAL.  233 

they  will  exert  themselves  to  the  utmost,  to  fulfil  the  import  of 
the  order.  B.  II.  and  L.  have  engaged  to  take  the  Governor-General 
a  prisoner,  and  bring  him  safely  into  the  United  States. 

"  February  3,  1813. — Information  has  been  received  that  the 
enemy  has  been  concentrating  his  disposable  force  at  Kingston, 
Upper  Canada,  distant  thirty  miles  from  Sacketts  Harbor,  with  a 
view  to  attack  that  place,  upon  which  I  ordered  the  Kangers  to  bo 
on  the  alert.  For  further  information,  one  was  despatched  for 
that  place.  Three  days  after,  another  was  despatched  to  Ganon- 
naque. 

"Burlington  (Vt.\  February  10,  1813. — I  came  here  to  have 
an  interview  with  Brigadier-General  Chandler,  and  communicated 
to  him  a  certain  intelligence  ,which  caused  him  to  delay  his  former 
intentions  in  regard  to  his  military  operations  in  this  quarter. 
Here  I  received  further  information  from  the  Eangers,  that  the 
enemy  were  sending  troops  to  Kingston,  and  that  some  troops  have 
been  sent  from  Quebec  to  Montreal,  and  more  are  expected. 

"  Plattsburg,  February  17. — I  am  fully  persuaded,  by  the  infor 
mation  of  the  Eangers,  near  Montreal,  that  the  enemy  is  contem 
plating  to  attack  Sacketts  Harbor.  I  shall,  at  all  events,  apprise 
General  Dearborn  this  day. 

"  Plattsburg,  February,  1813.— We  are  informed  that  Major  For- 
sythe,  from  Ogdensburg,  crossed  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  surprised 
the  guard  at  Elizabethtown ;  took  fifty-two  prisoners,  one  major, 
three  captains,  and  two  lieutenants. 

"  Plattsburg,  February  20. — The  preparation  of  the  enemy,  at 
Kingston,  is  very  certain.  The  Rangers  have  returned.  Their 
reports  are  corroborated  from  other  respectable  sources.  My  duty 
requires  me  to  make  a  formal  communication  to  Major-General 
Dearborn,  at  Albany,  who  will,  I  trust,  duly  appreciate  the  alarm 
ing  intelligence.  I  have  also  ventured  to  apprize  the  commanding 
officer  at  Sacketts  Harbor,  of  the  intentions  of  the  enemy  upon  that 
post. 

"Plattsburg,  March  6,  1813.--We  are  informed  that,  on  the  21st 
ultimo,  the  enemy  attacked  Major  Forsythe,  at  Ogdensburg,  and 
succeeded  in  expelling  him  from  the  town,  after  a  short  conflict. 

"  Plattsburg,  March  9,  1813. — General  Dearborn  has  duly  appre 
ciated  the  intelligence  conveyed  to  him,  in  relation  to  the  enemy's 
movements  and  intentions  on  the  port  of  Sacketts  Harbor.  He 
will  make,  or  has  already  made,  a  quick  movement  for  that  post. 


234  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

Both  sides  appear  to  be  preparing  for  some  heavy  stroke  upon  each 
other,  in  the  ensuing  campaign. 

"  Plattsburg,  14th  March. — I  am  informed  it  is  in  contemplation 
for  Colonel  Pike's  regiment  to  repair  to  Sacketts  Harbor,  without 
delay. 

u  Evening. — The  colonel  has  called  on  me  for  information  of  the 
route  he  intends  to  take  on  his  way  to  the  Harbor.  I  am  ordered, 
immediately,  to  repair  to  Malone,  and  French  Mills.  So  I  will  pro 
ceed  to-morrow  morning ;  my  waiter  will  accompany  me. 

"  Chautegay,  Four  Corners,  March  15. — French  news  from 
Canada  by  one  of  the  Hangers.  Sent  on  an  express  to  Colonel 
Pike,  at  eleven  o'clock,  with  intelligence  I  have  received. 

"  French  Mills,  March  17. — Heard  much  of  the  movements  of 
the  enemy.  Saw  the  Indian  chiefs.  Their  future  conduct  was 
explained  to  them. 

"  Plattsburg,  March  19. — I  made  my  report  to  Colonel  Pike. 
He  appeared  to  be  satisfied.  He  has  himself  received  his  instruc 
tions  to  proceed  with  his  regiment  to  Sacketts  Harbor.  I  am 
informed  that  General  Dearborn  has  gone  thither. 

"  I  had  a  long  conversation  this  evening  with  one  of  the  officers 
of  artillery  upon  religion,  who  is  to  all  appearance  an  infidel. 

"  Plattsburg,  March  27. — Colonel  Pike  has  gone  with  his  regi 
ment,  by  way  of  Malone.  I  regret  much  that  this  amiable  and 
accomplished  officer  is  taken  from  this  post.  His  whole  regiment 
were  conveyed  in  sleighs.  The  inhabitants  were  pressed  for  their 
teams.  It  was  a  strange  sight  to  see  so  many  of  them  together. 

"Plattsburg,  March  30,  1813.— By  the  Eangers  I  have  heard 
that  since  the  arrival  of  General  Dearborn,  at  the  Harbor,  and  the 
movement  of  Colonel  Pike,  the  enemy  themselves  are  alarmed  lest 
they  be  invaded  by  the  American  force. 

"Burlington  (Fit.),  April  4,  1813. — I  came  here  to  confer  with 
Colonel  Clarke,  who  commands  this  post,  about  some  money  con 
cerns.  The  Deputy-Paymaster,  Mr.  Hatch  and  Mr.  Sheldon,  aro 
concerned  in  the  matter.  The  expenditures  in  my  department  are 
rendered  and  settled.  The  secret  service-money  of  the  government 
is.  wholly  expended.  Orders  are  made  out,  to  the  quarter-master- 
general,  for  more. 

"  I  had  a  pleasant  interview  with  the  Eev.  Mr.  Haskell,  of  this 
place,  who,  with  President  Sanders,  has  directed  my  theological 
studies.  I  have  read  Stackhouse's  Body  of  Divinity — Hopkin's 


THE   WAR   JOURNAL.  235 

System — Edward's  on  Redemption,  and  other  theological  works 
which  they  have  placed  before  me.  I  have  read  much  for  this  two 
years  past.  The  Rev.  Mr.  Weeks,  of  Plattsburg,  has  assisted  me  in 
obtaining  books,  &c.  Indeed,  all  the  Congregationalist  clergy  in 
this  quarter  seemed  to  be  interested  in  my  welfare. 

"  Charlotte  ( Vt.\  April  12.— At  the  hotel  of  Colonel  Wil 
liams,  I  have  made  my  head-quarters.  It  is  my  home.  I  have  a 
retired  room,  where  I  have  spent  many  pleasant  hours  in  reading 
the  Scriptures,  and  meditations  upon  that  sacred  volume.  Prayer 
and  praise  have  been  offered  to  my  Creator  and  bountiful  benefac 
tor.  O,  thanks  be  to  God  for  those  happy  hours  I  have  enjoyed  in 
communion  with  him.  At  the  same  time,  many  unhappy  hours 
have  I  passed,  because  my  sins  were  set  before  me.  I  saw  that  I 
was  a  sinner.  I  was  made  to  see  and  feel  that  unless  my  heart  was 
sanctified  by  the  Spirit  of  God,  I  was  none  of  his.  But,  by  prayer 
and  supplication,  I  was  made  joyful  in  the  Lord. 

"  Charlotte,  April  13,  1813. — My  mind  has  been  in  a  very  com 
fortable  state  since  my  return  to  my  solitary  room — here  I  would 
wish  to  be  in  communion  with  my  God. 

"  The  two  great  contending  parties  appear  to  be,  for  the  present, 
in  a  tranquil  state ;  preparing,  however,  for  a  severe  and  bloody 
conflict.  O,  that  God  would  be  pleased  to  put  an  end  to  all  wars, 
and  advance  the  spiritual  kingdom  of  Christ  upon  earth. 

"  I  am  again  called  on  by  the  war  department  to  perform  certain 
duties  which  are  delicate  and  dangerous  in  the  extreme.  I  have 
issued  my  orders  to  the  whole  corps  of  Rangers,  to  be  in  readiness 
to  perform  the  duties  assigned  to  each  of  them.  This  is  a  terrible 
and  efficient  corps  in  the  service  of  the  government.  No  move 
ment  is  made  by  the  enemy  but  it  is  known  to  them.  They  are 
constantly,  as  it  were,  within  the  enemy's  camp,  or  on  every  side 
of  them.  This  corps  was  embodied  by  Col.  Isaac  Clark,  of  llth 
Regt.,  in  connection  with  the  secretary  of  war.  As  to  my  position 
with  them,  my  order  is  final.  No  appeal  can  be  made  from  it. 
They  are  constantly  exposed  to  martial-law  and  to  death.  Their 
courage,  bravery,  and  fidelity  save  them,  the  war  department 
often  applauds  their  daring  conduct,  and  rewards  their  services 
with  high  wages.  They  are  faithful  to  the  government.  My 
orders  they  are  always  ready  to  obey,  at  which  I  have  often  been 
surprised.  When  I  am  absent  from  the  department,  Major-Gen. 


236  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

Mooers  takes  my  place.  He  was  an  officer  during  the  Ee volution, 
under  his  uncle,  Col.  Hazen. 

"  Plattsburg,  April  16. — By  the  request  of  the  deputy  quarter 
master,  I  am,  to-morrow,  to  proceed  to  Albany. 

"Albany,  April  19. — 1  had  an  interview  with  Governor  Tomp- 
kins,  who  laid  a  certain  communication  before  me  from  the  war 
department,  to  which  I  answered,  with  the  assistance  of  Mr. 
Yanderhayden.  It  is  secret  and  confidential  in  its  nature. 

"Albany,  April  20. — To-day,  again,  I  had  a  long  conference 
with  the  governor,  who  committed  to  writing  much  of  my  commu 
nication,  and  was  highly  pleased  with  my  management  of  certain 
manoeuvres  of  the  enemy.  The  quarter-master-general  has  once 
more  replenished  the  secret  service  money.  I  am  to  return 
to-morrow.  I  called  upon  the  Rev.  Mr.  Clowes,  and  had  an 
agreeable  interview  with  him.  He  presented  me  some  books. 

"  Poultney,  April  21. — I  came  to  Troy  yesterday  afternoon,  and 
called  upon  the  Rev.  Mr.  Butler,  an  Episcopal  clergyman,  who 
labored  with  me  to  study  the  claims  of  the  Episcopal  church.  It 
was  wholesome  advice.  I  shall  attend  to  his  directions. 

"  Middleburg,  April  22. — I  was  visited  by  several  officers,  and 
spent  the  evening  pleasantly  with  them.  Paymaster  Sheldon 
joined  our  company.  He  is  an  amiable  young  gentleman. 

"  Burlington,  Vt.,  April  25. — The  conference  with  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Haskel  and  President  Sanders  was  serious  and  affecting.  0  may  I 
improve  them. 

"  Plattsburg,  May  15. — We  have  a  melancholy  intelligence 
to-day,  that  on  the  attack  upon  Toronto,  Upper  Canada,  Col.  Pike 
was  slain,  but  that  the  place  was  carried  and  taken  on  the  27th 
April.  I  lament  the  loss  of  the  amiable  and  brave  Col.  Pike. 

"  Plattsburg,  May  18. — I  was  called  upon  this  afternoon  by 
Lieut.  Montieth,  of  the  navy,  with  a  note  from  Commodore 
McDonough,  to  meet  him  and  other  officers  of  his  station,  to-mor 
row,  at  3  o'clock,  in  a  council  of  war.  Gen.  Mooers  is  unwell.  I 
have  had  no  reports  from  the  Rangers,  and  I  am  somewhat  con 
cerned.  I  have  sent  on  an  express  to  Champlain,  to-day.  There 
are  various  reports  in  circulation  of  the  movements  of  the  enemy. 
The  duties  assigned  to  me  by  the  government  are  arduous  and  diffi 
cult — to  the  actors,  dangerous  in  the  extreme.  May  they  escape 
detection.  If  detected  they  are  lost.  One  of  the  enemy's  secret 


THE    WAR   JOURNAL.  237 

agents  is  now  confined  and  strongly  guarded.  He  must,  I  fear,  suf 
fer  death  in  accordance  with  martial-law. 

"  Plattsburg,  May  19. — My  communications  in  the  council,  yes 
terday,  were  received  with  attention.  Gen.  Smith  was  highly 
gratified,  and  ordered  something  extra  to  the  Bangers,  to 
encourage  them  in  their  fidelity  to  the  government.  The 
extensive  power  invested  in  me,  I  have  endeavored,  constantly,  to 
exercise  with  the  greatest  moderation.  The  great  and  glorious 
principles  of  religion  have  governed  all  my  acts,  as  I  trust.  Thus 
far  the  war  department  have  approved  my  acts,  and  also  the  offi 
cers,  with  whom  I  have  been  immediately  connected  in  these 
frontiers.  Major-Gen.  Mooers  and  Mr.  Sailly,  of  the  custom  depart 
ment,  have  been  very  useful  to  me  in  my  movements. 

"  Plattsburg,  May  21. — Received  communication  from  the  west 
to-day,  which  has  the  appearance  that  the  enemy  is  meditating  an 
attack  upon  some  posts  on  Lake  Ontario — Oswego  or  Sacketts 
Harbour  perhaps. 

"  Plattsburg,  May  23. — I  learn,  by  the  Rangers,  that  Sir  George 
Provost  has  passed  Prescott  for  Kingston.  I  have,  by  express, 
communicated  this  to  proper  officers  at  Ogdensburg  and  Sacketts 
Harbour,  and  requested  the  latter  to  alarm  the  officer  at  Oswego. 

"  Plattsburg,  June  1. — As  I  expected,  information  has  just 
reached  me,  by  the  Rangers,  that  the  enemy  made  an  attack  upon 
Sacketts  Harbour,  on  the  29th  ulto.,  and  were  defeated  by  Gen. 
Brown,  with  a  considerable  loss  on  our  side.  Cols.  Backus  and 
Mills  are  among  the  slain.  I  believe  the  timely  information  from 
this  department,  has  saved  Sacketts  Harbour.  Would  to  God  that 
our  officers  were  more  vigilant,  and  the  government  active  in  its 
operations  on  these  frontiers. 

"  Plattslurg,  July  3. — A  heavy  cannonading  is  heard  from  the 
north,  about  10  o'clock  this  morning.  Lieut.  Sidney  Smith,  with  two 
armed  schooners  (the  Growler  and  Eagle),  went  yesterday  to  the 
lines — he  is  undoubtedly  attacked. 

u  Plattsburg,  July  4. — By  the  Rangers  I  am  informed  that  at  the 
extreme  end  of  this  Lake,  Smith  met  some  of  the  enemy's  gun 
boats,  by  whom  he  was  attacked,  and  pursued  so  far  into  the  Nar 
rows  that  he  could  not  return  with  his  vessels  against  the  south  wind, 
other  heavy  gun-boats  from  the  Isle  aux  Noix  attacked  him.  After 
a  severe  resistance,  of  three  hours,  against  a  superior  force,  he  was 
compelled  to  surrender.  By  this  unfortunate  catastrophe  Coinmo- 


238  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

dore  McDonough  is  reduced  to  a  single  schooner  and  a  few  gun 
boats.  Lieut.  Smith  was  imprudent  to  venture  into  the  Narrows — 
he  was  undoubtedly  decoyed  by  the  enemy.  He  is  a  brave  and 
daring  officer.  The  British  are  now  masters  of  the  Lake.  They 
will,  no  doubt,  soon  show  this.  I  was  requested  by  General  Mooers 
to  call  out  the  regular  troops  at  Pike's  encampment  to  make  their 
appearance  on  the  Lake  shore.  They  did  so. 

"  Plattsburg,  July  10. — I  have  information  from  the  Deputy  Quar 
ter  Master,  at  Albany,  that  Gen.  Wade  Hampson  is  to  assume  the 
command  of  the  Northern  Army.  Strange  that  the  government 
should  appoint  southern  men  to  such  responsible  stations  at  the 
north.  Gen.  Mooers  ought  to  have  this  appointment,  Montreal 
would  be  in  his  possession  in  a  month.  He  is  a  brave,  judicious, 
and  prudent  officer,  and,  withal,  extremely  popular  with  his  fellow- 
citizens.  They  would  follow  him  with  the  greatest  cheerfulness. 

"  Plattsburg,  July  16. — Some  of  the  St.  Eegis  Indians  came  in  to 
day.  From  them  we  received  some  interesting  information  of  the 
movements  of  the  enemy.  Col.  Lewis,  an  influential  chief  of  this 
tribe  is  here.  He  was  a  confidential  friend  of  Gens.  Washington 
and  Schuyler  during  the  Revolution.  His  friendship  is  firm  to  the 
Americans.  He  says  that  the  English  will  be  beaten  in  this  war. 

"  Plattsburg,  July  18. — I  have  received  from  the  war  department, 
through  Gov.  Tompkins,  a  communication  which,  to  me,  is  somewhat 
curious,  and  shows  how  little  those  great  men  are  acquainted  with 
northern  affairs.  In  my  communication  to  the  department  I  have 
respectfully  represented  to  the  government  that  the  reduction  of 
Montreal,  if  this  is  in  their  contemplation,  is  to  be  effected  by  con 
centrating  its  whole  force  on  the  Northern  Frontiers,  at  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  and  force  its  way  by  removing  the  abbatis  at  the  river  La 
Cole  to  the  plains  of  La  Arcadia,  where,  undoubtedly,  in  such  a 
case,  the  first  battle  would  be  fought,  between  the  regular  armies, 
on  the  issue  of  which  wrill  depend  the  fate  of  that  city,  the  fortress 
of  Isle  Aux  Noix,  St.  Johns,  and  Chambly,  and  when  Montreal  is 
once  occupied,  by  an  American  army,  the  communication  between 
the  Upper  and  Lower  Canadas  is  cut  off,  the  British  army,  in  the 
upper  province,  must  inevitably  die.  If  it  exist  it  must  fight  through 
the  American  army  at  Montreal,  to  reach  Quebec.  All  this,  and 
much  more  was  respectfully  submitted  to  the  war  department,  as  I 
was  requested  to  give  my  opinion  and  sentiments  on  this  delicate 
subject.  I  was  happy  to  find  that  Gen.  Mooers  and  the  Hon.  Judge 


THE    WAR   JOURNAL.  239 

More,  of  Champlain,  concurred  fully  with  my  opinion,  and  senti 
ments. 

"  Plattsburg,  July  21. — I  have  heard  several  able  discourses  from 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Weeks,  on  the  Decrees  of  God,  concerning  which  I  can 
not  agree  with  him  in  every  respect.  Gen.  Mooers  seems  to  submit 
to  them  as  in  accordance  with  the  Scriptures.  Gen.  Skinner,  my 
particular  friend,  dissents  from  them.  He  pleads  the  agency  of  man. 
He  is  well  versed  in  the  Scriptures,  i.e.,  he  retains  much  in  memory. 
Mr.  Nichols,  a  lawyer,  is  greatly  opposed,  he  is  willing  to  hear  the 
subject  discussed. 

"  Plattsburg,  July  24. — I  am  informed  by  the  Rangers  that  the 
enemy  at  St.  Johns  and  Isle  aux  Noix  appeared  to  be  preparing  for 
an  immediate  expedition,  but  to  what  point,  of  course,  it  is  not 
known. 

"  Plattsburg,  July  25. — I  received  a  note  from  General  Hamp 
ton's  aide-de-camp,  last  evening,  in  which  I  am  requested  to  repair 
to  his  camp,  and  report  myself.  I  am  to  start  to-day  by  way  of 
Essex.  Captain  Stevenson  had  informed  me,  who  had  an  interview 
with  the  General,  that  he  was  in  a  bad  humor  with  my  depart 
ment.  This  hastens  me  to  have  an  interview  with  him.  I  under- 
ctand  that  he  is  by  no  means  popular  with  the  troops.  This  is  most 
unfortunate  for  him  and  the  public  service. 

"  Plattsburg,  July  26. — I  was  unable  to  start  yesterday  on  my 
intended  jaunt  to  Burlington,  in  consequence  of  my  receiving 
despatches  from  the  War  Department  which  required  my  imme 
diate  reply.  General  Mooers  has  called  on  me,  to  inform  me  that 
he  had  an  interview  to-day  with  several  American  merchants,  who, 
by  permission,  left  the  Canadian  provinces ;  and  learned  from  them 
that  the  enemy  were  preparing  for  an  expedition.  This  is  only  a 
corroboration  of  what  I  knew  before.  I  have  apprized  the  Gene 
ral  of  my  intended  jaunt  to  Burlington. 

"Burlington,  July  30. — I  arrived  here,  this  morning,  from  Char 
lotte;  and,  at  eleven  o'clock,  I  had  an  interview  with  General 
Hampton,  who,  at  first,  seemed  very  polite  and  flattering  in  his 
language ;  but,  in  the  discussion  in  regard  to  his  military  opera 
tions  against  Canada,  he  was  out  of  tune.  He  said,  he  knew  the 
course  he  intended  to  take  to  be  successful  in  his  campaign,  that 
he  had  fine  troops  under  his  command,  and  that  they  would  do  all 
that  he  would  ask  them.  But,  he  was  reminded  that  they  were 
raw  troops.  Upon  this  he  uttered  tremendous  oaths,  and  intimated 


240  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

that  any  man  who  would  hint  anything  of  the  kind  was  not  true 
to  the  American  cause.  This  brought  on  an  altercation  between 
the  General  and  myself.  I  was  aware  he  knew  my  position  with 
the  General  Government;  and  I,  knowing  at  the  same  time  that  I 
was  beyond  his  reach,  dared  to  confront  him.  I  frankly  stated  to 
him  that  I  knew  my  duty,  and  should  faithfully  perform  it, 
as  required  by  the  War  Department ;  and  if  he  did  not  wish  to 
avail  himself  of  the  benefits  which  my  department  was  capable  of 
rendering  to  the  government,  its  armies,  and  generals,  I  should  con 
tinue  to  do  my  duty.  When  the  General  found  I  was  firm,  and 
stood  in  no  fear  of  him,  he  lowered  his  tone,  and  said,  '  Well,  I 
suppose  I  must  look  to  you  for  information.'  '  That,'  said  I,  '  you 
may  do  as  you  please.  But,  you  may  expect  to  be  attacked  by  the 
enemy  in  a  few  days.'  '  In  a  few  days,'  he  said,  and  appeared  to 
be  surprised.  '  Yes,  the  enemy  are  certainly  preparing  for 
some  expedition.  I  cannot  say  to  what  point.'  '  If  so,'  said  he, 
4  you  will  prove  to  be  a  true  prophet.'  With  this,  I  took  my  leave 
of  the  most  unpleasant  commander  of  the  American  army  I  have 
met  with. 

"  Charlotte,  July  31. — This  morning  I  started  to  return  to  Platts- 
burg,  and  went  as  far  as  Grand  Isle,  at  the  Bar;  there  I  met,  about 
twelve  o'clock,  Mr.  Myers,  who  informed  me  it  would  be  danger 
ous  to  proceed,  as  the  enemy  were  in  force,  advancing  by  water  to 
Plattsburg,  and  he  presumed  they  were  already  in  possession  of  the 
place.  I,  therefore,  returned  to  Burlington  and  Charlotte. 

"  Plattsburg,  August  2. — I  returned  last  evening  to  my  post,  and 
found  that  the  enemy  had  been  here,  and  no  resistance  was  made 
to  their  landing.  Their  force  was  twelve  hundred  men,  under  the 
command  of  Colonels  Murray  and  Williams,  who  destroyed  all 
public  property,  and  then  wantonly  burnt  store-houses  and  the 
residences  of  several  of  the  inhabitants.  The  same  day  the  British 
flotilla  passed  Burlington,  and  threw  some  shots  into  the  town; 
and  General  Hampton  had  his  five  thousand  men  in  battle  array, 
on  the  bank  of  the  lake,  as  if  he  was  to  be  attacked  by  land.  He 
ought  to  have  had  at  least  a  part  of  his  force  at  Plattsburg ;  but 
this  is  one  of  the  many  blunders  he  has  already  made  in  the  com 
mand  of  the  northern  army. 

"  My  report  of  this  affair  to  the  Department  of  War,  and  that  of 
Governor  Tompkins,  were  drawn  up  in  cautious  language ;  but  yet 
I  spoke,  somewhat  plainly,  of  my  fears  in  regard  to  General  Hamp- 


THE    WAR   JOURNAL.  241 

ton.  I  am  informed  that  the  Secretary  of  War  will  soon  be  at 
Sacketts  Harbor,  to  see,  himself,  the  preparations  of  the  grand 
army,  before  its  descent  to  the  St.  Lawrence. 

"  Plattsburg,  August  10. — There  is  another  important  communi 
cation  ;  I  say  this,  although  I  do  not  know  precisely  its  language,  yet 
I  know  its  import.  I  forwarded  it  to-day,  by  one  of  the  confiden 
tial  Rangers,  to  its  destination.  I  am  politely  requested  to  pay  no 
regard  to  General  Hampton's  rough  language — but  to  aid  him  to 
the  full  extent  which  my  department  is  capable,  which  ma}'  be  of 
great  benefit  to  the  public  service. 

"  Plattsburg,  August  16. — An  officer  from  General  Hampton  has 
been  with  me  to-day,  and  I  have  received  a  certain  requisition  at 
his  hand.  It  is  somewhat  curious,  but  shall  be  performed  as  far  as 
this  Department  is  able  to  execute  it. 

"  Plattsburg,  August  22. — I  have  made  out  a  communication  for 
General  Hampton,  which  I  have  forwarded  to  him  to-day.  The 
chiefs  from  St.  Regis  have  been  here,  and  received  their  annuity 
from  the  people  of  the  State  of  New  York.  "We  received  from 
them  some  important  intelligence,  in  corroboration  of  that  received 
from  the  Rangers.  They  have  had  a  communication  from  the 
Caughnawaga  chiefs,  which  is  friendly  in  its  import.  The  chiefs 
expressed  to  General  Mooers  their  sincere  attachment  to  the 
American  cause. 

" Plattsburg,  September  6. — By  communication  from  the  Adjutant 
General,  I  perceive  General  Hampton  is  soon  to  make  a  move  from 
Burlington,  for  the  lines.  I  am  requested  by  him  to  reconnoitre 
the  position  at  La  Cole  river,  and  examine  the  possibility  of  his 
penetrating,  with  the  army,  from  Chautegay  Four  Corners  into 
Canada.  I  shall  consult  with  those  who  are  best  acquainted  with 
that  section  of  the  country.,  and  send  some  of  the  Rangers  thither. 
Governor  Tompkins  has  no  confidence  in  General  Hampton  as  a 
general  to  command  an  army. 

"  Plattsburg^  September  8. — General  Mooers  has  had  an  interview 
with  General  Hampton.  Commodore  McDonough's  flotilla  is  on 
the  lake.  Evening. — I  understand  that  General  Hampton  is  about 
to  move  with  his  army  from  Burlington.  I  am  ordered  by  him  to 
meet  him  on  his  arrival  at  Cumberland  Head. 

"  November  9,  1813. — In  consequence  of  a  fall  from  my  horse,  I 
have  been  unable  to  write  until  now.  Recapitulation. — As  requested, 
I  had  an  interview  with  General  Hampton,  at  Cumberland  Head. 

11 


242  THE    LOST 

Through  him,  I  was  requested  by  General  Wilkinson,  from  Sacketts 
Harbor,  to  advance  within  six  miles  of  Ogdensburg,  and  there 
remain  until  further  orders — that  is,  till  his  arrival,  with  his  army, 
at  that  place.  To  this  General  Hampton  made  no  objection,  but 
refused  that,  when  there,  I  should  be  subjected  to  the  orders  of 
General  "Wilkinson,  and,  finally,  opposed  my  going  at  all.  When 
he  saw  that  the  public  service  required  it,  he  gave  me  orders  to 
proceed,  with  positive  instructions  not  to  remain  there  two  hours 
after  accomplishing  the  duty  assigned  me.  In  this  interview  I 
learned  from  him  the  route  he  intended  to  take  to  enter  into  the 
British  Province — the  difficulties  of  which,  as  well  as  the  many 
obstacles  he  would  encounter,  were  he  to  attempt  to  reach  Mon 
treal  by  that  route,  were  pointed  out  to  him.  He  was  also,  in 
vain,  told  that  the  enemy  were  weak  in  his  front,  and  that  the 
great  road  from  the  river  La  Cole  to  the  La  Acadia  plains,  and  St. 
Johns,  was  the  only  practicable  route,  at  this  time,  for  his  army  to 
pass,  and  the  abbatis  might  be  removed  by  one  hundred  and  fifty 
axemen,  protected  by  a  sufficient  corps.  If  he  met  any  opposition 
in  these  woods,  it  would  only  be  by  the  Canadian  militia  and 
Indians.  After  reaching  the  plains,  he  would  contest  only  with 
the  regulars,  which  were  few,  while,  by  his  cannons,  he  could  keep 
the  militia  and  Indians  at  a  respectful  distance  from  him.  By 
taking  this  route,  he  would  distract  the  enemy,  and  divide  their 
forces  so  as  to  favor  the  descent  of  the  grand  army  down  the  St. 
Lawrence,  from  Sacketts  Harbor.  I  informed  him  that,  according 
to  the  reports  of  the  Rangers,  there  were,  at  this  time,  at  Mon 
treal,  about  two  hundred  sailors,  and  three  hundred  and  fifty 
marines.  The  numbers  of  the  militia  were  not  known,  and  some 
regulars  were  expected  from  Quebec.  As  for  the  Isle  Aux  jSToix, 
it  might  be  left  untouched,  and  kept  in  awe  by  a  strong  mijitia 
force.  It  is  contrary,  indeed,  to  military  rule,  to  leave  an  enemy 
in  the  rear,  yet  its  position,  and  the  necessity  of  the  case,  may  jus 
tify  its  infraction.  The  garrison  would  be  cooped  up  in  the 
fortress,  offer  us  no  hinderance,  and,  if  the  attack  on  Montreal  be 
successful,  must  ultimately  surrender.  I  also  told  him  that  great 
efforts  were  made  to  distract  the  Indians,  and  that  they  had  been 
informed  by  some  of  the  Rangers,  that  Montreal  is  about  to  expe 
rience  the  fate  which  happened  to  it  in  1760,  when  it  surrendered 
to  two  armies,  under  Generals  Amherst  and  Haviland,  one  of  which 
advanced  by  way  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  the  other  by  that  of 


THE    WAK    JOURNAL.  243 

Lake  Champlain — that  the  Americans  have  no  desire  to  shed  their 
blood,  nor  do  they  even  ask  them  to  espouse  their  cause  ;  but  their 
object  is  to  save  them,  if  they  continue  neutral,  from  the  horrors 
of  war,  educate  their  children,  and  make  them,  like  themselves, 
happy,  through  the  influence  of  Christianity  and  civilization,  while 
the  British  Government  occupy  their  land,  but  give  them  no  pay 
ment  for  the  same.  They  were  staggered  by  this  intelligence,  and 
great  dissension  was  produced,  in  the  midst  of  which  the  Rangers 
made  a  narrow  escape. 

"  Having  communicated  all  this  to  the  General,  I  left  him  and 
his  army  near  Champlain,  I  proceeded  to  the  place  of  my  des 
tination.  I  called  upon  the  Hon.  Pliney  Moore,  and  consulted 
with  him  upon  certain  points.  The  information  he  gave  was  very 
useful.  He  is  one  of  the  most  honorable  gentlemen  in  these  parts, 
although  his  political  sentiments  may  be  different  from  those  of  the 
present  administration,  yet  he  is  a  true  friend  to  his  country,  and 
will  do  all  in  his  power  to  maintain  its  honor.  At  Chautegay  4 
Corners,  I  was,  for  the  first  time,  since  my  coming  on  these  fron 
tiers,  alarmed  for  my  safety.  By  a  confidential  friend  I  received 
information,  that  the  enemy's  scouts  were  frequently  seen  on  the 
lines  in  that  quarter,  and  had  occasionally  approached  the  great 
road  from  Plattsburg  to  Malone — the  commander  had  also  inadver 
tently  hinted  the  object  of  his  being  in  that  neighborhood,  and 
actually  employed  one  of  the  inhabitants  to  inform  him,  should  I 
again  appear  there — but  the  person  being  faithful  to  his  country,  to 
prevent  any  mischief  happening  to  me,  communicated  the  intelli 
gence  to  one  of  the  Rangers,  and  sent  also  the  news  to  Plattsburg, 
which  I  had  not  received.  It  was  supposed,  at  the  time,  that  the 
scouts  were  then  in  my  front,  and  to  avoid  coming  in  contact  with 
them,  I  lost  no  time  in  procuring  a  hunter  or  woodsman,  as  he 
styled  himself,  for  a  guide.  With  him  and  my  waiter  I  took  a 
pathless  route  through  a  dreary  wilderness,  and  at  night,  like  a 
true  son  of  the  forest,  made  my  lodging  beside  a  log,  with  my 
cloak  for  my  covering,  and  my  valise  for  a  pillow.  Next  day,  by 
ten  o'clock,  I  was  beyond  reach  of  those  who  sought  my  life. 
From  the  French  Mills  I  sent  a  confidential  agent  to  Prescott,  to 
obtain  information  of  the  movements  of  the  enemy.  I  then 
discovered,  as  I  supposed,  one  of  the  enemy's  emissaries,  but  on 
examination  I  found  he  was,  more  or  less,  connected  with  one  of 
our  Rangers.  I  exhorted  him  to  be  faithful  or  his  life  would  be 


244  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

forfeited.  I  went  to  Malone  and  back  to  the  French  Mills.  The 
British  agents  were  temporizing  with  our  Indians.  Capt.  David 
Irwin,  who  commands  the  post  at  the  French  Mills,  does  what  he 
can  to  keep  the  Indians  faithful  to  the  United  States.  They  are 
fed,  and  draw  rations  from  the  post,  an  arrangement  which  I  had 
much  difficulty  to  effect  in  1812,  with  the  government,  but  finally 
accomplished  it,  with  the  assistance  of  Gens.  Dearborn,  Mooers, 
and  Tompkins. 

"  On  my  return  from  the  west,  I  found  Gen.  Hampton  and 
his  army  at  Chautegay.  As  the  duty  assigned  me  rendered  it 
necessary  that  I  should  be  at  Plattsburg,  at  a  certain  time,  I  left 
him,  having  received  orders  to  join  him  in  four  days. 

"  At  Kobinson's  Inn,  within  twelve  miles  from  Plattsburg,  one  of 
the  Eangers  reported  to  me  that,  Gen.  Hampton  had  already  made 
demonstration  of  entering  Canada,  at  Champlain,  but  that  his 
movements  were  yet  a  subject  of  mystery  to  the  enemy,  who 
watched  him,  and  that  in  anticipation  of  his  entering  somewhere 
at  the  west  into  the  province,  Sir  George  Provost  was  throwing 
his  forces  into  St.  Louis,  on  the  south  side  of  the  St.  Lawrence, 
and  that  the  Canadian  militia  were  called  out  in  mass,  to  oppose 
the  American  army — that  the  Indians  were  not  to  be  relied  on  by 
the  British,  though  Sir  John  Johnson  had  lately  held  a  council 
with  them,  and  exhorted  them  to  be  faithful  to  His  Majesty's 
cause,  and  co-operate  with  their  forces  against  the  common 
enemy.  I  have  information  as  to  the  strength  of  the  regular 
troops  at  Montreal  and  La  Prairie.  I  communicated  the  news  to 
Gen.  Hampton.  On  account  of  duty  I  was  not  able  to  join  him 
till  10th  October.  The  St.  Regis  Indians  were  in  his  army  on 
20th  August,  had  been  ordered  to  be  in  readiness  to  serve  the 
government.  On  25th,  it  was  reported  to  him  that  they  were 
under  arms,  and  ready  to  march  to  meet  the  enemy. 

Capt.  Irwin,  of  the  F.  Mills,  opposed  the  requisition  of  the  Gene 
ral,  on  the  ground  that  the  government  did  not  wish  them  to  inter 
fere  in  the  contest,  but  was  strong  enough  to  handle  the  enemy 
herself.  She  wished  them  to  stay  at  home  in  peace,  and  protect 
their  wives  and  children,  and  she  would  feed  them.  But  it  was 
overruled.  The  plea  was  retaliation.  The  British  had  employed 
the  Indians  in  the  west,  and  their  cruelties  called  for  vengeance ; 
besides,  the  friendly  part  of  the  St.  Regis  Indians  were  anxious  to 
co-operate  with  the  American  army.  When  this  subject  was 


THE   WAR  JOURNAL.  245 

brought  before  me,  my  situation  was  delicate  in  the  extreme,  as  I 
knew  the  sentiments  of  the  government  in  1812,  and  had  no  inti 
mation  of  any  change.  Gen.  Hampton  had  given  me  no  informa 
tion  of  his  intentions  to  arm  the  Indians.  I  immediately  made 
inquiry  of  Gov.  Tompkins  and  the  war  department.  The  answers 
put  an  end  to  my  anxiety.  The  Indians  were  permitted  to  co 
operate  with  the  American  army,  and  did  so  as  scouts.  On  the 
mine  day,  19  Oct.,  as  before  stated,  I  found  the  General.  It  was 
reported  there  was  a  detachment  of  the  enemy  at  Cornwall,  ready 
to  fall  upon  his  rear,  which  the  enemy  could  do  within  thirty-six 
hours.  To  ascertain  the  truth  I  was  despatched,  on  the  20th, 
towards  St.  Regis,  and  an  officer  to  another  part.  The  General 
intends  to  enter  into  Canada  once  more.  I  perceive  he  regrets  that 
he  did  not  enter  Canada  by  way  of  La  Cole  and  La  Arcadia,  as  he 
was  recommended  by  this  department.  He  little  understands  the 
many  difficulties  he  will  encounter.  He  sees  now  the  obstacles 
which  were  formerly  represented  to  him,  by  the  route  he  is  now 
taking.  He  appears  to  have  little  reliance  on  the  discipline  and 
perseverance  of  his  troops.  On  my  return  to  the  Four  Corners,  on 
the  26th,  a  note  was  handed  me  from  the  General,  requesting  mo 
to  join  him  without  delay ;  so,  after  having  obtained  fresh  horses,  I 
proceeded  with  all  speed  in  search  of  him.  On  my  arrival  at  head 
quarters,  I  found  there  had  been  a  sharp  skirmish  between  his 
advanced  corps  and  the  enemy.  About  this  time  a  council  of  war 
was  held,  where  several  communications  were  presented  to  the 
council  for  their  consideration,  which  eventuated  in  the  falling  back 
of  the  army  to  its  former  position.  The  disclosures  were  somewhat 
extraordinary,  from  the  tone  and  temper  of  the  commanders  towards 
each  other.  There  was  great  discord  in  their  views  with  regard  to 
their  military  operations,  which  was  highly  detrimental  to  the  pub 
lic  service.  In  the  close  of  the  day  succeeding  that  on  which  I 
joined  the  army,  I  was  informed  that  an  express  had  just  come  in 
from  the  west,  and  it  was  not  long  before  I  was  requested  to 
appear  before  the  General.  After  an  hour's  conference,  I  left  him, 
to  meet  Gen.  "Wilkinson,  according  to  his  orders,  at  Morristown  and 
Ogdensburg.  For  this  purpose,  at  11  o'clock  at  night  I  left  the 
camp  with  a  dragoon  and  my  waiter.  On  the  6th  Nov.  I  met  Gen. 
"Wilkinson  and  his  army  above  Ogdensburg,  by  whose  orders  I 
returned  the  same  day  down  the  river  as  far  as  St.  Regis.  Some  of 
those  Indians  who  had  put  themselves  Tinder  the  protection  of  the 


246  THE    LOST   PRINCE. 

United  States,  were  employed  by  him  to  act  as  pilots  to  his  numerous 
boats,  on  their  passage  down  the  Long  Sault  Rapids,  and  by  whose 
guidance  not  a  single  boat  miscarried.  Mr.  W.  Gray,  the  interpreter, 
aided  me  in  this  matter  and  came  up  with  them.  On  the  10th 
instant,  at  night,  I  returned  to  the  Long  Sault,  and  so  on,  and,  early 
the  next  morning,  had  an  interview  with  the  General,  who  was  at 
this  time  confined  to  his  barge,  by  indisposition.  Just  at  the  close 
of  the  conference  the  cannonading  commenced  between  the  British 
and  American  gun-boats,  upon  which,  after  receiving  his  instruction, 
I  retired.  The  battle  of  Ohrystlers  Farm,  as  it  is  called,  soon  after 
commenced  on  the  opposite  shore.  The  sight  was  grand  as  well  as 
terrific.  The  cannonading  on  the  water,  and  the  musketry  on  land 
was  kept  up  for  a  time  with  great  spirit  and  resolution  on  both 
sides. 

u  Agreeably  to  my  instruction  I  hastened  to  Plattsburg,  and  took 
the  French  Mills  on  my  way,  where  I  remained  time  enough  to 
complete  certain  arrangements  which  were  necessary  to  be  made  for 
the  benefit  of  the  St.  Regis  Indians. 

"  On  my  arrival  at  Plattsburg  I  found  the  place  was  already  occu 
pied  by  a  portion  of  the  Northern  army. 

"  Plattsburg,  Nov.  29. — I  have  made  an  arrangement  with  Gen. 
Mooers,  in  relation  to  my  department,  and  I  am  preparing  once 
more  to  cross  the  Lake,  for  my  old  quarters  at  Charlotte.  The 
enemy  is  rejoicing  to  see  that  our  armies  are  going  into  winter-quar 
ters.  Peace  be  with  him. 

"  Charlotte,  Dec,.  2. — I  am  informed  by  several  officers  to-day,  from 
Wilkinson's  army,  that  Col.  N".  Pirikney  was  sent  to  arrest  Gen. 
Hampton,  but  timely  information  was  given  him  by  a  confiden 
tial  friend,  at  the  French  Mills,  which  enabled  him  to  elude  the 
above  officer.  The  moment,  as  it  were,  he  received  the  intelligence, 
he  resolved  to  decamp,  and,  fortunately  for  him,  a  steamer  had  just 
come  into  the  port,  which,  without  delay,  he  pressed  into  the  public 
service,  and  was  soon  on  his  way  for  Whitehall.  Thus,  he  escaped 
from  being  arrested,  his  sword  taken  from  him,  and  the  northern 
climate  which,  it  is  said  (as  a  southern  man),  he  dreads  more  than 
the  enemy . 

"  The  General  is  a  gentleman  of  warm  temperament,  on  account 
of  which,  he  may  have  sometimes  given  unnecessary  offence  to  those 
who  have  a  jaundiced  eye  upon  his  private  acts  and  military  opera 
tions.  He  has,  undoubtedly,  erred  in  the  latter,  and  this,  not  from 


THE    WAR    JOURNAL.  247 

the  heart,  but  in  judgment,  and  for  adhering  too  much  to  igno 
rant  and  evil  advisers,  but  he  is  a  brave  and  good  officer,  who  sin 
cerely  wishes  to  sustain  the  honor  of  his  country.  May  his  noble 
son  (who  is  acting  as  his  aide-de-camp),  imitate  his  honored  father, 
in  his  patriotism. 

"  Charlotte,  Dec.  4. — The  cold  weather  has  commenced  with  all 
its  severity,  in  this  northern  climate.  My  health  is  extremely  feeble 
— this,  I  trust,  is  for  my  good — it  reminds  me  of  the  uncertainty  of 
my  existence  here — and,  oh,  that  I  may  improve  my  time  in  prepa 
ration  for  the  world  to  come.  O  merciful  God,  fit  and  prepare  me 
for  death  and  judgment.  My  father  and  brother  are  with  me  here 
— Col.  Williams  has  just  returned  from  his  command,  at  the  Lines, 
several  officers  are  with  him. 

"  Charlotte,  Dec.  8. — I  have  been  at  Burlington,  and  met  with 
one  of  our  Rangers,  and  I  have  his  report,  which  is  so  important 
that  I  have  communicated  it  to  the  war  department,  and  partially  to 
the  commanding  officer  at  Burlington,  who  will  communicate  the 
same  to  the  officer  at  Plattsburg.  I  have  received  a  letter  from 
Judge  Ford  of  Ogdensburgh,  who  makes  certain  inquiries  of  me,  about 
which  I  am  unable,  at  present,  to  give  him  information.  I  have 
received  also  a  letter  from  Mr.  Hastings  at  the  French  Mills,  in  rela 
tion  to  the  rations  issued  by  him.  I  shall  write  to  the  Commissary- 
General. 

"  Charlotte,  Dec.  11. — I  have  written  to  Mr.  Hastings  to  delay  his 
determination  until  I  can  hear  from  the  commissariat  department. 

"  Charlotte,  Dec.  14. — I  am  requested  by  Gov.  Tompkinsto  repair 
to  Albany,  and  shall  go  thither  as  soon  as  my  present  engagements 
permit.  Captain  McNeil,  of  the  llth  Regt.,  and  Col.  Fassett  called 
upon  me,  and  had  a  pleasant  interview. 

"  Charlotte,  Dec.  15. — I  am  requested  by  the  commanding  officer 
at  Plattsburg,  and  Gen.  Mooers,  to  visit  that  post  without  delay.  I 
start  to-day,  although  I  am  somewhat  feeble,  yet  the  urgency  of  the 
request  impels  me  to  go. 

"  Plattsburg,  Dec.  17. — Had  an  interview  with  the  commanding 
officer,  in  presence  of  Gen.  Mooers  and  Mr.  Sailly.  The  object  of  my 
call  was  arranged,  and  I  hope  it  will  be  beneficial  to  the  public 
service. 

"  Charlotte,  Dec.  18. — Just  returned  from  Plattsburg.  I  am 
greatly  fatigued,  and  have  suffered  much  from  the  cold,  being  on 
horseback.  My  waiter  is  sick.  My  father,  Col  "Williams,  and  Major 


248  THE    LOST    PRINCE, 

Stone,  are  in  high  spirits — they  have  been  out  on  a  chase,  and  killed 
two  foxes.  There  is  to  be  a  ball  this  evening,  I  am  invited  to  attend 
— but  no  I  My  Bible  shall  be  my  company  this  evening,  and  may 
God  give  me  a  heart  to  understand  His  holy  word. 

"  Charlotte,  Dec.  11 — I  intend  to  start  for  Albany  to-morrow 
morning  in  a  stage.  How  many  things  at  present  come  in  my  way, 
which  disturb  my  feeling?,  in  my  religious  meditations.  Much  of 
it  is,  perhaps,  my  own  fault,  that  my  communion  with  my  Heavenly 
Father  is  not  so  close  as  it  might  be.  O,  how  sweet  it  is  when  I 
am  with  Him  by  prayer  and  in  reading  His  holy  word.  Come,  thou 
Holy  Spirit,  take  possession  of  my  soul,  kindle  there  Thy  sacred  fire 
— warm  my  cold  heart — stir  me  up  to  devote  my  whole  self,  and  all 
my  time  and  talents  to  the  glory  of  my  God  and  Saviour.  Sanctify 
my  heart  by  Thy  divine  influence,  and  make  me  a  true  child  of  God. 

0  my  God  I  once  more  give  up  myself  to  Thee,  and  wilt  thou  accept 
of  me,  unworthy  as  I  am,  but  for  Christ's  sake  have  mercy  upon  me 
and  mine  in  the  Saviour. 

"  I  had  a  long  conversation  with  my  father  upon  religion,  this 
evening — it  was  pleasant  to  me. 

"  Albany,  December  23,  1813. — I  arrived  here  greatly  fatigued. 

1  had  a  pleasant  interview  with  the  Rev.  Mr.  Clowes.     Our  con 
versation  was  much  upon  the  church,  its  discipline,  and  govern 
ment.    Lieutenant-Governor  Taylor  came  in  the  course  of  the  even 
ing,  and  was  somewhat  urgent  upon  me  to  attach  myself  to  the 
Episcopal  Church. 

^Albany,  December  24. — I  had  an  interview  with  Governor 
Tompkins,  who  had  received  communications  from  the  War  Depart 
ment,  in  relation  to  my  corps,  which  were  flattering  to  my  depart 
ment,  and  urging  its  continuance.  But  this  is  uncertain,  as  the 
corps  complain  for  want  of  more  pay,  and  I  have  not  been  able  to 
give  them  a  satisfactory  answer.  It  is  a  wonder  thus  far  that  they 
have  not  been  caught  by  the  enemy — their  life  is  in  their  own 
hands.  They  know  their  fate,  if  taken. 

"Albany,  December  25. — I  heard  a  Christmas  discourse  from  the 
Eev.  Mr.  Clowes — it  was  an  excellent  sermon — took  a  Christmas 
dinner  with  Lieutenant-Governor  Taylor.  In  the  evening  went 
to  Mr.  Walsh's,  and  spent  the  evening  pleasantly  with  a  small 
party. 

"December  30. — I  had  an  interview  with  the  Commander-in- 
chief,  and  several  officers. 


THE    WAR   JOURNAL.  249 

"  December  31. — Made  my  report  as  I  received  it  from  the  Ran 
gers.  In  the  evening,  Governor  Tompkins  revealed  to  me  the 
intentions  of  the  government,  either  to  attack  Prescot  or  Montreal. 
There  was  a  long  discussion  on  this  delicate  point.  By  the  reports 
of  the  Rangers,  Prescot  was  a  strong  fortress,  and  to  succeed  in 
taking  it  there  must  be  a  regular  siege,  perhaps,  it  will  take  ten  or 
fifteen  days ;  whereas,  Montreal  was  much  weaker,  and  it  being  the 
second  city  in  the  lo\ver  province,  if  conquered,  would  redound 
more  to  the  honor  of  the  American  jfrms,  than  the  conquest  of 
Prescot.  It  was  left  to  the  Commander-in-chief  of  the  New  York 
forces  to  make  his  choice  in  regard  to  an  attack. 

"  December  31. — I  am  to  start  for  Plattsburg  this  afternoon. 

"Burlington,  January  3,  1814. — Reached  here  this  evening, 
greatly  fatigued  from  the  roughness  of  the  roads  and  the  cold  I 
experienced  on  the  way.  I  have  great  reason  to  bless  God  that  I 
am  still  in  the  land  of  the  living,  and  see  the  commencement  of 
another  year.  May  I  live  a  new  year  unto  righteousness. 

"January^. — Had  an  interview  with  the  commandant  of  the 
post,-  who  appeared  to  be  alarmed  at  the  movements  of  the  enemy, 
on  the  lines.  But,  by  the  reports  of  the  Ranger,  who  met  me  here, 
I  learn  that  the  detachment  hovering  on  the  lines  is  a  corps  of 
observation. 

"  Plattsburg,  January  6. — Several  of  the  Rangers  have  come  in, 
whose  reports  are  not  worth  observation.  The  enemy  is  strength 
ening  his  fortress  at  the  Isle  Aux  Noix ;  forty-five  Indians  are 
encamped  in  the  neighborhood. 

"  Plattsburg,  January  8. — The  troops  here  are  at  their  ease. 
They  have  now  good  quarters.  Colonel  Smith  commands  the  post. 

"Plattsburg,  January  13. — I  had  an  interview  with  General 
Mooers.  I  have  received  an  important  communication  from  the 
Department  of  War,  which  impells  me  to  .repair  to  the  French 
Mills. 

"French  Mills,  January  15. — General  Wilkinson's  army  have 
occupied  this  post,  a  portion  of  which  have  already  moved  to 
Malone,  and  others  will  soon  follow  them.  This  was  an  unfortu 
nate  campaign.  For  a  southern  man  to  be  put  at  the  head  of  the 
northern  army,  is  considered  by  the  public  prints  to  be  one  among 
the  many  errors  that  the  present  administration  have  committed. 
To  put  this  army,  on  the  1st  November,  in  motion  for  a  campaign, 
was  preposterous  beyond  calculation.  The  Secretary  of  War,  on 

11* 


250  THB    LOST    PRINCE. 

his  visit  to  Sacketts  Harbor,  was  duly  apprized  of  this — but  no 
attention  was  paid  to  the  representations  of  my  department.  The 
hints  I  have  received,  that  the  remarks  made  upon  them  were,  that 
government  was  determined  to  commence  the  campaign — as  its 
army  was  organized,  and  its  transportation  was  ready — and  more, 
it  must.  In  vain,  the  lateness  of  the  season  was  represented,  and 
the  difficulty  of  conveying  such  an  army  down  the  St.  Lawrence, 
on  account  of  the  many  and  dangerous  rapids  it  had  to  pass.  It 
was  apprehended  that  by  these  and  the  climate,  more  men 
would  be  destroyed  than  by  the  sword  of  the  enemy — as  was  the 
case  in  Bonaparte's  campaign  to  Kussia.  As  was  expected  by 
this  department,  the  campaign  ended  without  accomplishing  its 
object. 

u  Plattsburg,  Jany.  20. — By  the  request  of  Gen.  "Wilkinson,  the 
fortress  at  Isle  Aux  Noix,  is  more  closely  to  be  examined,  and  its 
strength  ascertained.  In  accordance  with  this,  I  have  issued  my 
orders  to  the  Hangers — also  the  Stone  Mill,  on  the  river  La  Cole, 
which  the  enemy  occupied  as  a  guard-house,  is  to  be  examined. 

"  Plattsburg,  Jany.  24. — Although  I  am  in  the  midst  of  the  din 
of  war,  yet  I  do  not  forget  my  duty  to  my  God.  This  day  has 
been  consecrated  by  me  as  a  day  of  humiliation,  fasting,  and 
prayer,  for  my  sins  of  omission  and  commission.  It  has  been  a 
blessed  day  with  me — what  can  be  more  happy  to  a  sinful  creature 
than  a  close  communion  with  God  ?  I  have  found  one  officer  only 
who  can  and  does  pray — he  spent  the  evening  with  me  in  prayer 
and  praise  to  Almighty  God,  for  his  merciful  care  of  us,  and  the 
religious  privileges  that  we  enjoyed.  All  sorts  and  conditions  of 
men  were  remembered. 

"Plattsburg,  Jany.  26. — Eeceived  a  letter  from  Col.  Brady,  at 
Sacketts  Harbor,  who  distrusts  the  fidelity  of  the  St.  Regis 
Indians  to  this  government — I  have  referred  him  for  his  satisfac 
tion  to  the  commandant  of  the  post  at  French  Mills.  I  am  not 
aware  of  the  cause  of  his  mistrust,  but  it  shall  be  attended  to,  and 
I  have  hinted  it  to  the  Commissary  Hastings,  at  the  place. 

"  February  4. — By  the  orders  of  the  General,  I  am  to  repair  to 
Burlington — thence  to  Swanton  Falls,  and  approach  Mississiquoi 
Bay,  as  far  as  it  may  be  practicable  and  safe  to  my  person. 

"February  8,  Grand  Isle.— I  have  thus  far  returned  from  a 
jaunt  of  observation — passed  last  midnight  at  Aburgh,  where  we 
were  fired  upon,  but  received  no  injury  from  it.  Our  horses 


THE   WAR   JOURNAL.  251 

suffered  much,  as  they  were  pushed  at  a  great  rate  on  the  ice,  to 
avoid  our  being  overhauled  by  the  enemy's  dragoons.  We  were 
too  fleet  for  them,  as  we  had  the  start. 

"  Plattsburg,  February  9. — Made  rny  report  to  the  General,  who 
was  satisfied.  I  perceived,  in  this  interview,  he  intends  to  invade 
Canada  this  winter. 

"  Plattsburg,  February  13. — There  was  a  council  of  war.  Gen. 
Mooers  was  requested  to  attend.  I  was  called  upon  to  make  cer 
tain  statements,  which  I  did.  The  council  were  divided.  Invasion 
of  Canada  was  the  subject  of  this  discussion.  Three  routes  were 
pointed  out  to  the  council.  It  was  finally  concluded,  to  attack  the 
Stone  Mill  on  river  La  Cole. 

u  Plattsburg,  February  27. — I  was  called  by  the  secretary  of  war 
to  state  the  strength  of  the  fortress  at  Isle  Aux  Noix,  and  the 
practicability  of  its  being  forced  if  an  attack  was  made  immediately, 
and  when  the  information  is  obtained  to  communicate  the  same  to 
General  Wilkinson.  The  information  desired  was  soon  obtained — 
although  the  strength  of  that  fortress  was  well  known  before — yet 
in  compliance  with  the  requisition  of  the  war  department, 
re-examination  was  made,  and  further  information  gained  as  to  the 
force  of  the  enemy  at  that  place — St.  Johns,  Chambly,  La  Prairie, 
and  Montreal.  On  the  occasion,  one  of  the  Eangers  was  taken 
upon  suspicion  of  the  object  of  his  visit,  but,  fortunately  for 
him,  escaped. 

"  Plattsburg,  March  5. — A  partial  report  was  made  to  the 
General.  By  this  he  was  sure  of  his  game.  Many  detachments 
had  been  preparing  for  some  days  for  an  expedition. 

"March  {he  6th. — The  final  report  was  made  of  the  information 
received  of  the  Rangers.  There  was  a  discussion  between  the 
General  and  myself,  as  to  the  expediency  of  the  immediate  attack 
of  the  aforementioned  fortress.  The  General  was  referred  to  the 
reports,  and,  at  the  same  time,  reminded  of  the  difficulties  and 
obstacles  he  and  his  army  might  encounter  should  he  attempt  it. 
He  contemplated  an  attack  upon  the  Stone  Mill,  whose  walls  were 
strong,  and  would  resist  the  six  pounders  he  intended  to  take — so, 
to  succeed,  it  would  be  necessary  for  him  to  take  several  pieces  of 
heavier  calibre,  say,  eighteen  and  twenty -four  pounders  to  batter 
down  the  walls  of  the  Mill,  and  those  pieces  of  ordnance  ought  to 
be  mounted  upon  sleds,  to  make  it  easy  for  their  transportation, 
and  to  have  their  carriages  accompanying  them,  and  used  when 


252  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

necessary.  To  this  the  General  remarked,  that  he  had  ordered 
one  eighteen  pounder  on  a  carriage,  and  several  field  pieces  to 
accompany  the  detachment.  He  was  again  reminded,  that  if  suc 
cessful  in  his  intended  attack  upon  the  Stone  Mill,  as  he  would  be 
then  in  the  neighborhood  of  Isle  Aux  Noix,  it  was  presumed,  his 
next  attack  would  be  upon  that  fortress — and  if  so,  it  was  of  the 
greatest  importance  to  his  success  there,  that  his  fire  of  artillery 
should  be  superior  to  the  enemy.  The  fort  must  be  destroyed  by 
his  artillery,  as  it  would  be  preposterous  to  attempt  to  take  it  by 
storming,  since  it  was  doubly  fortified  at  present — as  the  fort 
stands  on  the  island,  and  care  is  taken  every  day  that  the  ice  is 
broken,  and  moved  for  thirty  feet  all  round  the  island,  and  this 
must  be  surmounted  before  the  ramparts  of  the  fort  can  be  reached 
and  attacked.  Its  ramparts  are  well  protected  by  heavy  guns  and 
three  small  batteries.  The  General  appeared  to  be  somewhat  dis 
concerted  with  the  first  obstacle,  viz.  the  water  all  round  the  fort. 

"  It  was  again  represented,  if  a  regular  siege  was  intended  upon 
that  fort,  he  would  meet  many  difficulties — and  that  if  the  place 
was  not  taken  by  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  it  must  be  by  a  heavy 
cannonading — to  raise  redoubts,  at  present,  for  his  heavy  pieces, 
would  be  a  great  labor,  as  the  ground  was  then  in  a  frozen  state. 
But  the  General  could  not  see  there  were  any  hi'nderances  to  his 
intended  invasion.  The  honor  of  the  army  must  be  retrieved. 

11  Plattsburff)  March  7. — To-day  I  communicated  to  the  War  Depart 
ment  the  hints  which  were  given  to  General  Wilkinson,  and  one,  in 
short,  to  Governor  Tompkins.  I  am  happy  to  find  that  General 
Mooers'  sentiments  coincide  entirely  with  mine,  in  every  point 
which  was  suggested  to  General  Wilkinson.  If  I  am  not  mistaken, 
the  General  will  find  there  were  some  truths  in  the  friendly  sug 
gestions  made  to  him. 

"  Plattsburg,  March  8.— I  am  indisposed  to-day,  and  as  this 
indisposition  has  been  increasing  for  more  than  two  months,  I  have 
concluded  to  visit  Dr.  Pomeroy,  at  Burlington. 

"  Burlington,  28. — I  am  now  convalescent,  my  nerves  have  been 
deeply  affected  by  a  cold  I  took  at  Plattsburg.  My  nervous  system 
is  in  a  feeble  state,  and  my  eyes  are  so  weak  that  I  am  unable  to 
read.  Grant,  merciful  God,  that  this  sickness  may  have  the  effect 
of  weaning  me  from  the  world,  and  bringing  me  in  deep  humility 
and  repentance  to  thee.  Kestore,  O  Lord,  my  health  to  me,  and 
may  my  future  life  be  devoted  to  thy  glory.  My  friends  from 


THE   WAR  JOURNAL.  253 

Charlotte  have  been  kind  and  attentive.  The  Rev.  Mr.  Haskell,  of 
that  place,  has  been  attentive  as  a  good  pastor.  I  bless  God  for 
his  goodness  and  loving-kindness  to  me,  his  unworthy  creature. 

u  Burlington,  April  3. — I  have  watched,  with  intense  anxiety, 
all  the  movements  of  General  "Will^cson.  lie  failed  in  his  adven 
ture  of  the  Stone  Mill,  at  the  river  La  Cole.  Without  a  military 
eye,  and  due  preparation  in  the  artillery,  &c.,  it  could  not  be  other 
wise  than  a  defeat.  They  had  a  sufficient  force  in  the  field  to  have 
taken  the  Mill,  at  least,  but  were  discoinfitted  and  compelled  to 
retreat  before  an  inferior  number  of  the '  enemy.  Much  praise  is 
due  to  Major  Hancock,  of  the  British,  for  his  noble  defence  of  the 
post  assigned  him.  This  is  the  second  disgrace  General  "Wilkinson 
has  brought  on  the  American  arms.  If  court-marshalled,  he  would 
not  escape  from  being  cashiered.  The  government  may  assist  to 
screen  him  from  a  public  censure. 

"  Plattsburg,  April  12. — General  Izard,  I  understand,  19  to 
assume  the  command  of  the  northern  army ;  a  goodly  number  of 
troops  are  here.  Saw  General  Mooers  but  a  few  minutes.  I  am  to 
call  upon  him  to-morrow. 

"  Plattsburg,  29. — I  have  been  on  the  lines,  by  the  request  or 
the  commandant  of  the  post.  I  have  been  absent  six  days.  I  moved 

much  with  the  movements  of  the  enemy.    Sent  despatches  to , 

confidential  in  their  nature. 

"  Plattsburg,  May  4. — I  have  been  indisposed  for  a  considerable 
time,  yet  I  am  able  to  perform  my  duties. 

"May  13. — Had  an  interview  with  General  Izard,  and  was 
pleased  to  learn  from  him  that  he  would  rely  on  any  information 
that  may  be  communicated  to  him  from  my  department.  The 
Ranger  was  introduced  to  him,  whom  he  exhorted  to  be  faithful 
to  his  duty. 

"  Plattsburg,  May  16. — Dined  with  General  Mooers,  Judge  More, 
General  Woolsey,  and  Mr.  Sailly.  There  was  a  long  discussion 
among  the  gentlemen,  of  the  past  military  operations  on  these 
frontiers. 

"  These  gentlemen  are  my  confidential  friends,  and  much  praise 
is  due  to  them  for  their  patriotism  to  their  country.  They  were 
of  great  service  to  me,  on  various  occasions,  aud  in  some  instances 
their  advice  was  of  the  greatest  importance  to  my  department. 

"  Plattslurg,  May  20. — The  same  gentlemen  mentioned  on  the 
16th,  met  me  at  the  house  of  General  Woolsey,  and  half  the  day 


254  THE    LOST    PRINCTE. 

was  spent  in  discussion  upon  the  future  military  operations  on  these 
frontiers.  With  ray  approbation,  a  long  document  was  produced 
and  read,  showing  the  present  commander  of  the  northern  army 
his  course,  and  the  only  one  which  was  considered  to  be  feasible  for 
him  to  pursue,  in  order  to  Ms  success  over  the  enemy.  I  must 
confess  the  document  was  an  admirable  one,  and  well  calculated  to 
call  the  attention  of  the  General  to  many  important  points  which 
were  suggested  therein.  I  readily  concluded  it  was  the  united  opi 
nion  of  the  gentlemen  present,  as  they  highly  recommended  the 
sentiments  and  suggestions  expressed  in  the  document;  I  myself 
joined  with  them  in  the  propriety  of  adhering  to  it.  It  was 
finally  hinted,  whether  I  did  not  think  it  would  be  for  the  good  of 
the  public  service,  and  the  honor  of  the  American  arms,  to  present  the 
same  to  Gen.  Izard,  for  his  inspection  and  consideration.  I  replied, 
'  Gentlemen,  you  are  northern  men.  You  have  critically  observed 
the  movements  of  the  former  disastrous  campaigns.  You  have 
seen  with  pain  the  great  faults  that  were  committed  by  those  to 
whom  the  American  armies  were  intrusted.  Your  patriotism  to 
your  country  and  anxiety  to  sustain  her  honor,  has  led  you  to  sug 
gest  many  important  points  which  may  prove  to  be  of  great  service 
to  the  General.  The  document  not  only  reveals  the  errors  that 
were  committed  by  the  former  commanders,  but  most  judiciously 
points  out  the  course  that  may  be  pursued  by  the  present  commander, 
in  order  to  his  success.  I  shall  with  pleasure  present  the  paper  to 
General  Izard,  if  I  am  permitted  to  do  so.  I  presume,  gentlemen, 
he  will  duly  appreciate  its  contents,  and  he  may  be  benefited  by 
them.' 

"The  document  was  presented  at  a. proper  time. 

"  May  26. — I  was  called  upon  by  the  General,  in  relation  to  the 
paper  which  I  had  presented  him,  with  which  he  was  pleased. 

"  Plattsburg,  June  3. — There  is  a  report  that  General  Izard  will 
move  a  portion  of  his  army  to  Ohazy  or  Champlain.  I  have  no 
intimation  of  the  kind,  as  yet,  from  him. 

"  June  8. — I  have  forwarded  a  certain  communication  to  the  war 
department,  which  is  confidential  in  its  import. 

"June  12. — I  have  received  a  communication  from  Governor 
Tompkins,  asking  for  an  information  in  relation  to  the  St.  Regis 
Indians.  I  perceive  an  attempt  is  made  to  stop  the  rations  which 
have  been  issued  to  them  by  the  General  Government.  The 
Governor  is  friendly  to  them.  I  called  upon  Gen.  Hooers  and  Mr. 


THE    WAR   JOURNAL,  255 

Sailly,  to  sustain  me  in  this  matter,  and  they  have  clone  it  to  my 
satisfaction. 

"  June  14. — Commissary  Hastings,  from  the  post  at  the  French 
Mills,  called  upon  me  this  afternoon,  who  is  somewhat  alarmed  lest 
his  issuing  the  rations  to  the  Indians  should  be  discontinued  by  the 
government.  He  was  informed,  that  an  exertion  was  making  for 
its  continuance.  I  advised  him  to  repair  to  Albany,  and  have  an 
interview  with  the  general  of  the  commissariat  department,  whom 
I  addressed  once  more  upon  the  subject.  Mr.  Hastings  has  gone 
to  Albany. 

"June  21. — Some  of  the  St.  Eegis  Indians  came  in  yesterday. 
The  intelligence  they  have  communicated  is  somewhat  exaggerated. 
The  enemy  is,  no  doubt,  active  in  his  preparation,  either  for  the 
invasion  or  self-defence. 

"  The  gun-boat,  on  the  Lake  of  St.  Francis,  is  somewhat  trouble 
some  to  the  American  inhabitants  on  the  shores  of  the  St. 
Lawrence.  This  department  has  recommended  its  being  taken  or 
destroyed.  It  is  now,  as  I  understand,  in  preparation  of  being 
effected.  The  volunteers  from  the  post  at  the  French  Mills,  may  be 
drafted  for  this  expedition.  One  of  the  lieutenants  from  the  navy 
of  Lake  Champlain,  will  be  put  at  the  head  of  the  detachment.  I 
have  had  several  interviews  with  the  Commodore  McDonough 
upon  the  subject,  who  approves  the  plan.  May  the  expedition  be 
as  successful  as  Major  Young  was  upon  St.  Regis,  in  1812. 

" Plattiburff)  July  4. — This  has  been  a  festival  day  with  the 
citizens  here.  I  dined  with  them ;  Capt.  Sperry,  appeared  conspicuous 
on  the  occasion.  Mr.  Sailly,  of  the  revenue  department,  delivered  a 
handsome  and  eloquent  speech  at  the  table,  which  was  highly 
applauded.  He  is  a  French  gentleman  of  great  respectability. 

'•'•July  10. — I  am  preparing  to  visit  the  lines.  Three  Indians  are 
to  accompany  me. 

'•'•Evening. — I  visited  the  American  camp  at  Chazy,  and  was 
treated  politely  by  the  officers — passed  to  Mooerstown,  and  am 
now  lodging  in  the  woods  or  wilderness.  Here  I  met  a  certain 
messenger,  and  received  from  him  despatches,  and  obtained  from 
him  many  particulars  of  the  movements  of  the  enemy,  &c., 
among  others,  that  they  are  daily  expecting  to  receive  reinforce 
ment  from  Europe,  as  Bonaparte  has  ceased  to  be  a  terror  to  the 
European  powers,  so  that  the  troops  can  now  be  spared  from  the 
continental  service.  Thus  we  may  now  expect  to  contend  with 


256  THE    LOST   PRINCE. 

the  Duke  of  Wellington's  heroes — but  the  American  army  is  now, 
in  a  measure,  organized,  and  they  will  meet  them,  as  they  did  in 
the  Revolutionary  War.  There  will  be  hard  battles  fought  this 
season  on  these  frontiers.  The  army  is  now  in  fine  order,  and 
eager  to  meet  the  enemy. 

"  July  20. — A  communication  has  been  presented  to  me  from 
Gen.  Izard,  which  has  greatly  disturbed  my  feelings.  I  immedi 
ately  sent  to  the  General,  requesting  him,  to  have  the  goodness  to 
give  me  the  name  of  the  author,  or  he  might  be  seized  under  the 
martial-law,  and  have  him  sent  to  me  for  investigation  of  his 
reports.  I  asked  this  favor  of  the  General,  as  I  considered  the 
subject  came  within  my  department. 

"  July  23. — Gen.  Izard  was  pleased  to  send  the  person,  under 
the  guard  of  two  dragoons.  The  paper  was  placed  before  him 
which  he  had  presented  to  the  General.  He  was  mute,  and  his 
eyes  fixed  upon  the  paper.  He  was  questioned,  but  no  reply.  Ho 
was  told  that  his  life  and  death  was  in  his  own  hands,  as  there  was 
a  strong  suspicion  of  what  he  was,  and  who  employed  him — that 
although  by  the  military  law  of  this  government,  he  was  exposed 
to  death,  if  convicted  of  what  is  charged  upon  him,  or  what  he 
is  supposed  to  be ;  but  if  he  would  candidly  confess  and  declare 
his  object  in  making  such  representations  as  he  does  in  the  paper 
before  him,  he  may  hope  for  mercy. 

"  He  saw  his  escape  was  hopeless,  and  to  save  himself,  there  were 
disclosures  made  of  the  intrigues  of  the  enemy  with  the  American 
citizens  on  the  lines,  which  astonished  this  department.  Certain 
officers,  in  the  Indian  department,  are  seeking  to  seize  my  person, 
&c.  The  disclosures  made,  just  stated,  are  seasonable  and  important 
at  this  period  of  the  war.  The  plan  of  the  enemy,  had  it  been 
effected,  would  have  been  most  mischievous  to  the  military  opera 
tions  of  the  northern  army,  but  the  discovery  was  so  important,  it 
compelled  me  to  have  an  interview  with  the  General,  which  lasted 
about  two  hours.  It  was  a  delicate  and  difficult  subject — although 
his  case  was  remediless  in  the  view  of  martial  law — yet  mercy  pre 
vailed,  for  several  important  reasons  it  was  concluded  it  would  be 
most  politic  and  conducive  to  the  American  cause,  to  dismiss,  as 
easily  and  as  silently  as  possible,  the  person  in  question.  He  was, 
therefore,  permitted  to  depart,  after  receiving  from  him  a  pledge  to 
be  at  peace — with  a  strong  caution,  from  this  department,  to  be  quiet 
and  withhold  his  hands  from  the  concerns  of  the  war.  Names  were 


THE    WAR    JOURNAL.  257 

obtained  of  the  American  citizens  (some  of  these  were  smugglers 
from  Massachusetts),  who  were  actually  in  league  with  the  enemy 
— conveying  to  them  secret  intelligence  of  our  position  and  strength. 
In  consequence  of  the  foregoing,  I  immediately  issued  an  order  to 
the  whole  corps  of  the  Rangers  to  have  a  watchful  eye  upon  the 
persons  named  in  the  order.  Names  also  were  obtained  of  the 
enemy's  secret  agents  in  Canada — they  were  to  be  looked  after,  and 
taken  if  they  were  found  within  the  American  lines. 

'•''July  25. — I  am  much  indisposed  in  consequence  of  the  warm 
weather  we  now  experience.  Commodore  Macdonough  called  upon 
me  for  information  (if  in  my  power),  of  the  naval  force  of  the  enemy 
at  Isle  aux  Noix,  which  I  was  not  able  to  give  him. 

"  I  have  been  just  informed  that  some  troops  have  arrived  at  Que 
bec,  from  Europe,  but  the  report,  however,  is  somewhat  vague. 

'•'•July  30 — Dr.  Moore  has  been  with  me  for  this  three  days  past, 
being  so  much  indisposed.  I  am,  however,  somewhat  better  to-day. 
The  General  and  some  of  his  officers  have  called  upon  me,  and  very 
kindly  tendered  their  services,  for  which  they  have  my  sincere 
thanks. 

"  Plattsburg,  August  3. — By  the  Eangers,  the  enemy's  largest  ship 
is  in  a  fair  way  to  be  soon  completed.  I  have  reported  this  to  Com 
modore  Macdonough.  Mr.  Macdonough  is  the  only  navy  officer,  I 
have  found  who  appears  to  be  pious,  and  attends  upon  the  divine 
institutions. 

"August  9. — There  is  a  report  that  General  Izard  is  soon  to  move 
with  a  portion  of  the  northern  army  to  the  Niagara  frontier  ;  if  so, 
this  will  be  another  blunder  of  the  present  administration.  I  have 
sent  one  of  the  Rangers  to  Gen.  Izard  according  to  his  request. 

u  August  10. — I  have  ascertained  to-day  that  a  portion  of  the 
northern  army  is  to  move  to  the  Niagara  frontier,  to  fill  up  the  loss 
which  Gen.  Brown  had  sustained  at  Chippeway  and  Lundy's  Lane. 

'•'•August  13. — I  have  received  communication  from  the  war 
department  through  Governor  Tompkins,  in  which  I  find  that  the 
determination  of  the  government  in  the  removal  of  the  northern 
army  from  this  quarter,  is  a  most  extraordinary  step  in  the  military 
policy.  It  is  well  known  that  the  enemy  is  receiving  reinforcements 
from  Europe.  Already  it  is  believed  there  is  a  considerable  force 
in  the  vicinity  of  Montreal.  If  our  army  is  withdrawn  from  this 
post,  the  enemy  may  invade  this  section  of  the  country  and  attack 
Plattsburg. 


258  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

"  August  14. — The  General  has  communicated  to  me,  that  it  is 
the  final  order  of  the  government  for  his  taking  a  line  of  march  for 
Sacketts  Harbor — thence  on  board  of  the  fleet  for  Niagara. 

"  Now,  this  is  most  impolitic,  as  well  as  contrary  to  the  military 
tactics,  to  leave  such  an  important  post  as  Plattsburg,  just  at  this 
time,  where  the  government  has  everything  here  to  sustain  the  cam 
paign.  Artillery  of  various  calibre,  abundance  of  munition  of  war, 
provisions  and  arms  for  ten  thousand  men,  700  batteaux  complete 
for  use,  and  a  navy  ready  for  action.  I  am  somewhat  disheartened 
with  the  manoeuvres,  and  errors  of  the  government.  Commodore 
Macdonough  is  greatly  chagrined  at  the  intentions  of  the  government 
in  regard  to  this  matter. 

"August  15. — In  the  warmth  of  my  feelings  to  sustain  the  Ame 
rican  flag,  I  have  addressed  the  war  department,  through  Governor 
Tompkins,  in  which  I  respectfully  remonstrated  against  the  policy  of 
the  government,  in  withdrawing  the  troops  from  this  quarter,  and 
forewarned  them  that  the  enemy  may  besiege  Plattsburg. 

"  August  16. — As  I  have  anticipated,  so  I  am  informed  that  the 
British  are  now  assembling  their  troops  at  La  Prairie  and  La  Acadia 
plains,  and  that  their  object  is  for  the  invasion  of  the  State  of  New 
York.  v 

"August  18. — The  northern  army  is  now  in  motion  to  the  place 
of  its  destination.  I  remarked  to  the  General,  that  I  feared,  that  by 
this  move  of  the  government,  they  were  taking  from  him  all  the 
glory  of  beating  the  enemy — with  this  he  appeared  to  be  greatly 
moved — and  remarked,  he  was  a  soldier,  and  must  obey  his  superiors; 
but  he  observed,  with  a  placid  smile  on  his  countenance,  '  Friend 
Williams,  you  ought  to  be  at  the  head  of  the  war  department,  instead 
of  those  who  now  control  the  army.' 

u  August  19. — General  Macombe  will  be  left  with  one  thousand 
five  hundred  men  to  protect  and  defend  this  important  post.  I  had 
a  long  interview  with  him.  I  did  not  wish  to  alarm  him,  but  hinted 
that  his  post  may  be  in  danger  of  an  attack  from  the  enemy.  He 
thought  there  was  but  little  danger  of  this,  especially  when  the  enemy 
shall  be  informed  of  General  Izard's  march  for  the  west,  and  if  they 
had  any  troops  to  spare  from  Montreal,  they  will  send  them  up  to 
oppose  him  on  the  Niagara  frontier. 

"  Thus  ended  my  first  interview  with  him  as  a  Commander-in-chief 
of  the  post  at  Plattsburg. 

"  August  21. — General  Macombe  called  upon  me  this  morning  to 


THE   WAR  JOURNAL.  259 

ascertain  the  truth  of  what  he  had  learned  from  some  of  the  Ame 
rican  merchants,  who  were  retiring  from  Canada,  under  the  procla 
mation  of  the  Governor-general,  Sir  George  Provost.  '  I  wish  to 
know,  sir,'  said  he,  'from  your  department,  as  to  the  truth  of  the 
information  which  I,  last  evening,  received  from  several  Americans 
from  Canada — that  the  enemy  is  in  force  at  La  Prairie  and  La  Acadia 
plains.'  I  stated  to  the  General  that  I  was  in  possession  of  the  same 
information — as  to  their  numbers,  I  was  unable  to  say — but  that  from 
the  Kangers  I  was  daily  and  hourly  expecting  to  hear  and  learn  on 
this  point,  and  when  I  did  he  would  be  informed ;  with  this  he 
retired.' 

"  August  22. — At  3  o'clock,  P.M.,  a  Kanger  arrived,  and  the  intel 
ligence  he  brought  was  immediately  communicated  to  the  General, 
which  was  somewhat  alarming  in  its  import. 

"  August  23. — At  2  o'clock,  P.M.,  General  Macombe  called  upon 
me,  and  appeared  to  be  somewhat  in  agitation.  '  I  wish,  sir,'  said 
he,  '  to  be  informed  more  correctly  as  to  the  truth,  which  was  com 
municated  to  me,  yesterday,  of  the  enemy's  force  at  La  Prairie  and 
La  Acadia  plains,'  and  with  strong  emphasis,  added,  'if  your 
department  needs  any  money  to  obtain  correct  information  required, 
please  to  make  your  requisition  for  the  sum  upon  the  deputy-quar 
ter-master-general.'  I  took  the  hint  of  the  General's  expression. 
I  retorted  upon  him,  '  General,  the  department  does  not  require  an 
extra  sum  to  obtain  the  information  desired.  The  reports  made  by 
this  department  have  always  been  correct,  so  it  shall  be  now.  Espe 
cial  order  shall  be  issued,  to-day,  to  the  Kangers  for  more  activity 
and  vigilance,  and  for  a  further  information.' 

"August  24. — This  morning  I  had  an  interview  with  General 
Macombe  and  Commodore  Macdonough.  I  am  to  start  for  the  lines, 
this  afternoon,  to  be  accompanied  by  one  of  the  officers  of  the  navy, 
in  a  citizen's  dress.  The  General,  as  I  understand,  has  ordered  the 
whole  garrison  to  labor  upon  the  forts  for  their  completion. 

"August  25. — I  have  just  returned  from  Champlain  (now,  two 
o'clock  at  night),  where  I  arrived  last  night  at  twelve  o'clock,  and 
there  met  some  of  the  Bangers,  and  the  information  received  from 
them,  is  in  corroboration  of  that  which  had  been  received  from  other 
sources,  of  the  force  of  the  enemy  and  their  destination,  viz.  Platts- 
burg.  On  my  arrival  I  had  an  interview  with  the  General,  who,  I 
perceive,  has  decided  to  make  an  effort  to  defend  the  post.  To- 


260  THE   LOST   PRINCE. 

morrow  a  council  of  war  is  to  be  holden,  and  General  Mooers  is 
invited  to  attend. 

u  August  26. — A  council  of  war  was  held  to-day.  My  depart 
ment  was  called  upon  for  informaticya  of  the  strength  of  the  enemy 
and  its  intentions,  as  far  as  it  was  known.  The  information  being 
given,  the  council  was  satisfied  on  this  point,  for  it  could  not  be 
otherwise,  that  the  enemy  was  gradually  advancing  towards  the 
lines,  that  his  intentions  were  to  invade  the  State  of  New*  York, 
and  that  Plattsburg  was  his  object.  General  Mooers  was  requested 
to  call  out  the  militia  en  masse,  and  to  invite  the  Vermonters  to  assist 
in  the  defence  of  Plattsburg,  and  the  patriotic  citizens  to  aid  in  com 
pleting  the  forts.  There  is,  at  present,  a  general  alarm  among  the 
citizens  of  the  place,  and  the  inhabitants  in  this  vicinity,  of  the 
expected  invasion  of  the  enemy.  Some  have  already  began  to  leave 
the  village,  taking  their  effects  with  them.  It  is  not  only  melan 
choly,  but  distressing,  to  see  the  poor  taking  their  all  upon  their 
backs,  and  flying  from  their  peaceful  abodes,  and  seeking  an  asylum 
in  places  where  they  are  unknown. 

"  August  2V. — The  anxiety  of  the  General  is  now  so  great  at  the 
movements  of  the  enemy,  as  to  require  me  for  a  report  once  in  ten 
hours.  I  sent  one  of  the  Eangers  to  the  lines,  who  has  just 
returned.  He  took  a  view,  as  he  said,  of  the  enemy's  fleet,  and 
ascertained,  as  near  as  it  was  possible,  the  calibre  of  his  guns. 
This  requisition  was  made  by  Commodore  McDonough's  request. 
He  took  one  of  the  government  horses,  with  permission  to  sell  it  to 
the  enemy,  to  cover  his  visit. 

"  At  4  o'clock,  P.  M. — A  Ranger  has  just  arrived  with  an  impor 
tant  information,  with  which  I  immediately  repaired  to  the 
General's  quarters — who,  I  found  was  marching  with  his  men, 
with  a  heavy  pine  stick  on  his  shoulders,  which  had  painted  him 
with  its  black  coat,  so  that  I  could  scarcely  know  him.  Every 
department  is  now  all  in  activity.  Several  redoubts  are  raised  as 
batteries.  The  inhabitants  are  flying  from  their  homes. 

"  August  28. — A  great  anxiety  now  prevails  among  us  all.  Gen. 
Mooers  and  his  staff  are  in  the  field.  A  Eanger  has  come  in,  who 
has  been  in  the  enemy's  camp  for  four  days — he  made  a  close 
observation  of  his  forces — viz.  fourteen  thousand  regulars,  most 
of  whom  were  lately  from  Europe ;  two  thousand  Canadians  and 
two  hundred  Indians ;  thirty-six  guns,  and  about  one  thousand 


THE    WAR   JOURNAL.  261 

carts.  Three  thousand  of  the  above  troops  were  thirty-six  miles 
above  Montreal,  on  their  way  into  the  Upper  province.  When  the 
news  reached  Montreal  that  General  Izard  had  left  Plattsburg  with 
his  army  (excepting  a  heavy  guard),  on  his  way  to  the  west,  they 
were  recalled. 

u  Evening,  at  Chazy,  8  o'clock,  P.  M. — After  an  interview  with 
Generals  Macomb,  Mooers,  and  Commodore  McDonough,  I  placed 
mvself  upon  my  horse,  with  my  waiter,  and  in  great  haste  came 
hither.  I  saw  Judge  Treadwell  on  my  way,  from  whom  I 
received  a  certain  intelligence — and  met  here  Judge  More,  from 
Ohamplain,  and  Mr.  Ransom,  of  this  place,  with  whom  I  consulted 
in  regard  to  our  present  peculiar  and  dangerous  situation.  From 
these  intelligent  gentlemen  I  am  relieved  from  the  object  of  my 
present  jaunt  toward  the  lines.  It  would  appear  that  the  enemy 
are  so  confident  of  their  strength  and  our  weakness,  they  do  not 
hesitate  to  declare  openly  that  Plattsburg  was  their  object. 

"  The  reports  of  the  Rangers  are  now  more  frequent,  as  they  are 
now  close  to  me,  and  they  have  nothing  else  to  do  but  to  observe 
the  movements  of  the  enemy  ;  daily,  useful  information  is  now 
received  from  this  brave,  daring,  and  active  corps. 

"  August  29. — The  enemy  are  advancing  gradually  towards  the 
line.  Our  forts,  redoubts,  and  batteries  are  almost  completed — 
should  the  enemy  attempt  to  appear  before  them,  no  doubt,  but 
that  they  will  receive  hard  blows. 

"  As  to  the  naval  force  of  the  enemy,  we  have  ascertained  it, 
and  the  calibre  of  his  guns,  with  which  intelligence  Commodore 
McDonough  is  pleased,  as  he  has  been  somewhat  troubled  in  not 
knowing  the  metal  of  the  enemy's  naval  guns. 

"  Plattsburg,  Sept.  2 — A  portion  of  the  enemy  have  crossed  the 
great  territorial  line,  and  are  encamped  at  Ohamplain. 

"  Sept.  3. — The  enemy  have  crossed  the  Champlain  river,  and 
are  somewhat  in  advance  of  the  village.  The  militia,  under  Gen. 
Mooers,  are  assembling,  and  forming  an  encampment  in  the  rear  of 
the  forts  and  at  Salmon  river. 

"  Sept.  4. — The  enemy's  advance  guard  is  within  eighteen  miles 
from  us.  Some  of  the  bold  and  brave  militia-men  have  exchanged 
shots  with  them. 

"  Sept.  5. — A  council  of  war  was  held  last  evening.  My  depart 
ment  was  again  called  upon  to  state  the  force  of  the  enemy. 
Every  arrangement  was  made  and  settled  how  to  receive  him.  All 


262  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

are  in  activity — every  kind  of  instrument  of  death  is  in  preparation, 
and  our  fleet  in  the  Bay  are  maneuvering — the  gun-boats  are  exer 
cising  near  the  shores,  in  preparation  to  annoy  the  enemy  whenever 
he  may  approach  and  attack  the  village.  All  are  solemn — it  cannot 
be  otherwise,  knowing  as  we  do  our  weakness,  and  the  strength  of 
the  enemy — but  resistance  will  be  made,  whether  to  effect  or  not. 
Gen.  Hull's  surrender  at  Detroit,  is  in  their  minds,  and  spoken  of  by 
the  soldiers — they  are  determined  that  Plattsburg  shall  not  be 
attacked  or  surrendered,  without  the  expense  of  British  and  Ameri 
can  blood.  The  word  Saratoga  is  in  the  mouth  of  many. 

"  Major  Aplying,  with  his  Kifle  corps,  will  occupy  the  bridge,  at 
Dead  Creek,  near  Gen.  Mooers'  house.  This  corps  has  already  seen 
hard  service. 

u  At  night,  12  o'clock. — I  have  just  returned  from  Gen.  Mooers' 
encampment,  at  Calwell's  Hill.  His  position  is  well  chosen  to 
receive  the  enemy,  who  are  now  at  Douglas  Place,  at  the  separa 
tion  of  the  Lake  and  the  Back  Road,  as  it  is  called.  It  is 
presumed  they  will  advance  on  both.  A  small  detachment,  headed 
by  my  brother  John,  have  gone  to  spy  out  the  enemy's  encamp 
ment. 

"  At  Night,  5  o'clock. — A  Ranger  has  just  come  in,  who  left  the 
enemy's  camp  at  two  o'clock ;  and,  at  that  early  hour,  they  were 
in  columns,  ready  to  march.  I  presume  they  will  be  upon  us  to-day. 
Although  I  am  not  strictly  bound,  according  to  my  office,  to  take 
the  carnal  weapon  into  my  hand ;  yet,  connected  as  I  am  with  the 
army,  and  all  the  secret  intelligence  of  the  formidable  preparations 
of  the  enemy,  for  the  invasion  of  the  State  of  New  York,  passing 
through  my  hands — the  feeble  state  of  the  American  force — half  a 
million  of  property  of  the  government  at  the  place — the  extensive 
and  unfinished  works  to  defend — the  distress  of  the  inhabitants, 
who  are  now  deserting  their  houses — the  general  excitement  and 
alarm  on  the  northern  frontiers — and  the  anxiety  manifested  by  the 
commanding  officer,  are  such  as  to  raise  my  war-spirit.  I  have  been 
even  called  upon  several  times  during  the  day  and  night,  for  infor 
mation  of  the  progress  and  movements  of  the  enemy.  I  had  put 
the  whole  corps  of  observers  in  motion  to  watch  him,  who  were  so 
faithful  and  daring  as  to  give  intelligence  from  the  very  centre  of 
the  enemy's  army,  in  less  than  thirty  hours;  the  import  was 
frightful,  that  the  enemy  was  fourteen  thousand  strong,  with  a  for 
midable  train  of  artillery — fearful  odds  against  the  American  army 


THE    WAR    JOURNAL.  263 

of  fifteen  hundred  men.  Under  these  exciting  and  distressing  cir 
cumstances,  and  at  the  same  time,  with  strong  but  respectful 
request  from  General  MeComb  and  Mooers  for  my  co-operation,  I 
am  thus  at  length  under  the  necessity  of  putting  on  my  armor  and 
buckler,  to  sustain  the  honor  of  the  American  Government. 

u  To  repel  the  invaders,  who  are  now  about  twelve  miles  from 
Plattsburg,  General  Mooers  advanced  this  afternoon  with  seven 
hundred  men  to  Beokraantown,  and,  in  the  evening,  Major  Wool 
followed,  with  two  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  regulars. 

"Evening,  September  6,  at  10  o'clock. — The  enemy  had  been 
making  gradual  approaches  upon  Plattsburg,  until  this  morning,  he 
made  a  rapid  advance  in  two  columns  upon  two  distinct  points,  and 
an  engagement  immediately  followed,  between  Major-General 
Powers'  brigade,  supported  by  a  demi-brigade  of  General  Robinson 
and  General  Mooers,  of  the  ISTew  York  militia,  supported  by  a 
detachment,  under  Major  Wool,  who  set  the  militia  an  example  of 
firmness,  for  the  regulars  disputed  the  road  with  great  obstinacy  ; 
but  the  militia  could  not  be  prevailed  on  to  stand  for  any  length  of 
time,  notwithstanding  the  exertions  of  their  general  and  staff- 
officers.  The  State  Dragoons,  of  New  York,  wore  red  coats ;  and 
they,  being  on  the  heights  to  watch  the  enemy,  gave  considerable 
alarm  to  the  militia,  who  mistook  them  for  the  British,  and  feared 
lest  they  would  be  getting  in  their  rear.  The  field-pieces,  how 
ever,  did  considerable  execution  among  the  enemy's  column ;  and 
so  undaunted  were  they,  that  they  never  deployed  in  their  whole 
inarch,  but  continued  pressing  in  close  column,  with  the  exception  of 
a  cloud  of  skirmishers  on  their  right  and  left.  The  field-pieces  were, 
finally,  ordered  to  retire  across  the  bridge,  and  form  a  battery  for 
its  protection,  and  to  cover  the  retreat  of  the  infantry,  which  was 
accordingly  done.  It  was  here,  for  the  first  time,  I  was  initiated 
how  to  manage  heavier  guns  than  rifles.  The  cannonade  was  kept 
up  upon  the  enemy  with  great  spirit  until  sunset.  This  had  been 
a  day  of  anxiety  and  gloominess  in  the  little  American  army. 
There  was  no  prospect  of  retaining  their  position  against  such 
overwhelming  force  as  that  of  the  enemy.  They  had  been  com 
pelled  to  recede  about  six  miles  before  such  a  cloud  of  skirmishers 
and  a  heavy  column  of  the  enemy,  as  to  impress  them  with  an  idea 
of  their  own  weakness,  and  their  inability  to  withstand  the  inva 
ders.  This  was  not  only  extremely  disheartening,  but  humiliating 
to  the  American  soldiery.  General  Macoinb  was  silent  and 


264  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

thoughtful — he  saw  too  much,  no  doubt,  of  his  dangerous  position 
— but  the  garrisons  were  committed  to  him  for  safe  keeping,  and 
he  would  defend  them  to  the  last  extremity,  or  be  buried  under  them. 
In  the  council  of  war,  which  was  held  on  the  night  of  the  7th,  at 
their  recommendation,  I  concluded  to  place  myself  at  the  head  of  the 
artillery,  with  such  volunteers  as  might  be  collected.  The  Ranger 
I  -had  sent  to  ascertain  the  strength  of  the  enemy's  fleet,  returned 
at  two  o'clock ;  and  I  went  with  him  immediately  to  our  fleet.  I 
had  an  interview  with  Commodore  Macdonough.  He  was  pleased 
with  the  communication,  and,  no  doubt,  he  will  make  good  use 
of  it.  At  intervals  during  the  day,  we  have  cannonaded  at  the 
enemy's  works,  and  had  skirmishing  at  the  bridge. 

"  General  Mooers'  division  are  bivouacked  at  Salmon  river.  His 
advance-guard  extends  to  Pike's  encampment  on  the  Saranac.  His 
scouts  are  vigilant  and  active ;  and  there  is  no  corps  more  useful 
and  watchful  than  the  one  under  the  command  of  Captain  Aikens 
and  Lieutenant  Flagg.  All  the  Rangers  are  in,  excepting  two,  for 
whose  safety  I  am  somewhat  anxious. 

u  September  8. — The  Vermont  militia  have  began  to  come.  Cap 
tain  Fars worth,  of  St.  Albans,  with  his  rifle  company,  ninety-six 
strong,  have  just  arrived.  This  is  a  fine  and  noble  corps. 

"  Evening. — Generals  Macomb  and  Mooers,  and  Commodore 
Macdonough  were  together  this  evening,  in  consultation,  the  result 
of  which  is,  that  I  am  once  more  compelled  to  put  the  whole  corps 
of  Rangers  in  motion. 

"  September  9,  Friday. — We  again  cannonaded  at  the  enemy's 
works.  I  am  quite  deaf  this  evening.  A  detachment  of  the 
enemy  attempted  to  cross  at  the  upper-bridge,  but  were  repulsed 
by  Captain  Vaughan's  corps.  This  corps  is  one  of  the  finest  in 
General  Mooers'  division.  On  the  Gth,  although  compelled  to 
retreat,  yet  they  did  so  in  good  order,  and  disputed  the  ground  with 
the  enemy  for  five  miles. 

"  The  volunteers  from  Vermont  are  now  arriving  by  companie? 
and  regiments.  Col.  "Williams,  of  Charlotte,  eight  hundred  strong, 
landed,  this  afternoon,  at  Peru.  Several  of  our  men  were  killed 
and  wounded  in  a  skirmish  at  the  lower  bridge.  By  the  request 
of  Generals  Macornb  and  Mooers,  this  Department  was  compelled 
to  issue  an  order  to  the  Rangers,  on  the  8th  inst.,  to  take  an  officer 
of  the  enemy.  Accordingly,  an  officer  of  the  artillery  was  taken, 
and  brought  in  this  evening,  and  presented  to  the  Generals. 


THE    WAR   JOURNAL.  265 

"  I  have  just  received  a  note,  in  reply  to  mine,  from  Colonel 
Fasset,  commanding  at  Burlington,  in  which  it  is  proposed  to  play 
a  coup  de  main  upon  the  British  General.  Preparations  will  bo 
made  to  carry  this  matter  into  effect.  The  same  have  been  sub 
mitted  to  Generals  Maconab  and  Mooers,  which  was  approved. 
The  most  active  and  bravest  of  the  Rangers  is  selected  to  perform 
this  difficult  and  dangerous  duty.  He  accepts,  with  cheerfulness, 
the  hazardous  task. 

"  September  10. — Last  night,  a  corps  of  the  regular  troops,  under 
Captain  MacGlassin,  about  11  o'clock,  crossed  the  Saranac,  and 
stormed,  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  a  bomb-battery  of  the 
enemy,  near  Weight's  printing  office.  My  brother  John  was  the 
leader  of  this  detachment,  and  was  the  cause  of  the  death  of  the 
engineer  of  the  battery.  Having  accomplished  the  duty  assigned 
them,  they  returned  to  the  forts  whence  they  had  issued,  with 
honor  and  victory. 

"  A  rifle  company,  under  Captain  Aikens  and  Lieutenant  Flagg 
(composed  of  the  young  gentlemen  of  Plattsburg),  are  not  only 
useful  in  watching  our  front  line,  but  they  are  brave  and  daring  in 
skirmishing  with  the  enemy.  Yesterday,  three  of  this  noble 
corps  came  nigh  being  taken  or  destroyed  by  the  enemy,  viz. 
Allen,  Traverse,  and  Williams.  The  daring  spirits  of  these  young 
warriors  carried  them  beyond  prudence.  They  crossed  the  river 
Saranac  to  spy  out  the  enemy,  as  well  as  to  supply  themselves 
with  certain  articles  which  they  knew  were  deposited  in  a  barn, 
and  the  house  was  not  far  from  it  which  was  occupied  by  the 
guard  of  the  enemy.  Just  at  the  moment  they  were  supplying 
themselves  with  such  articles  as  they  would  take,  volley  after  volley 
of  musketry  was  poured  upon  them,  but  they  fortunately  escaped 
uninjured.  But  it  is  said  that  the  enemy  paid  dear  for  this.  The 
youthful  band  had  anticipated  this  opposition,  and  were  prepared 
to  defend  their  comrades.  The  whole  corps  answered  the  enemy's 
fire  with  such  firmness  and  precision,  as  to  compel  the  enemy  soon 
to  retire.  By  the  report  of  a  Hanger  from  Grand  Isle,  we  may 
now  daily  expect  to  see  the  enemy's  fleet  in  our  bay.  Both  par 
ties  are  preparing  for  a  conflict.  The  militia  from  Vermont  are 
still  coming  in.  General  Strong  and  Major  Lyman  have  arrived. 
Their  division  is  encamped  at  Pike's  cantonment. 

"  Plattslurg,  Sept.  14. — The  British  General  having  made  a  dis 
position  of  his  fleet  and  land  forces  for  a  simultaneous  attack 

12 


266  THE    I.OST    PRINCE, 

upon  the  American  positibn,  the  first  gun  on  the  llth  was  the 
signal  for  a  general  action.  Sir  George  Provost  instantly  opened 
his  heavy  batteries  upon  the  works  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the 
Saranac.  A  tremendous  cannonade  ensued — terrific  was  the 
noise  of  more  than  two  hundred  pieces  of  cannon ;  bomb-shells, 
shaapnells,  balls,  and  eongreve  rockets,  were  thrown  into  the 
American  lines  during  the  whole  day. 

"  Our  position  was  in  the  range  with  one  of  the  enemy's  bat 
teries,  and  was  placed  there  to  answer  it,  and  to  oppose  them  by 
cannonading  should  they  attempt  to  ford  the  river.  As  it  was 
expected,  they  made  the  attempt  more  than  once,  and  at  first,  by 
two  heavy  columns,  and  when  they  arrived  at  the  brink  of  the 
river  they  were  saluted  with  such  a  storm  of  shot  and  grape  from 
our  battery,  as  to  compel  them  to  fall  back,  and  make  their  way 
into  the  houses,  shops,  barns,  and  ditches.  Thence  they  kept  up  a 
heavy  fire  and  contended  with  our  riflemen,  who  were  in  two  mills 
near  the  bridge.  While  the  cannonading  went  on,  we  either 
answered  the  enemy's  fire,  or  poured  shot  into  every  body  of  their 
troops,  that  presented  a  tolerable  mark.  Never,  perhaps,  were  skir 
mishes,  if  such  they  deserved  to  be  called,  conducted  with  more 
bravery  on  both  sides.  If  our  troops,  in  this  quarter,  lacked  skill, 
they  more  than  made  up  by  their  daring.  The  result  of  the 
engagement  between  the  two  naval  armaments,  which  continued 
upwards  of  two  hours,  ultimately  determined  the  action  upon  land. 
The  plans  of  the  British  General  were  completely  frustrated  by  its 
issue ;  the  whole  of  his  larger  vessels  having  struck  to  the  United 
States  flag ;  three  of  the  row  gallies  being  destroyed,  and  the 
remainder  escaping  from  the  bay  in  a  shattered  condition.  The 
annihilation  of  his  fleet  being  announced  to  Sir  George,  he  immedi 
ately  withdrew  his  forces  from  the  assault  of  the  American  works. 
From  his  batteries,  however,  he  kept  up  a  constant  fire  until  the 
dusk  of  evening,  when,  being  silenced  by  the  guns  of  the  fort  and 
the  batteries,  he  retired  from  the  contest,  and  at  nine  o'clock  at 
night,  sent  off  his  artillery,  and  all  the  baggage,  for  which  he 
could  obtain  a  transport.  At  midnight,  he  made  a  precipitate 
and  disgraceful  retreat,  leaving  behind  him  all  his  sick  and 
wounded.  Towards  the  close  of  the  day,  when  the  enemy 
appeared  to  make  his  last  efforts  to  silence  our  batteries,  I  was 
wounded,  though  not  to  that  degree  as  to  compel  me  to  leave  the 
corps.  As  soon  as  it  was  known,  in  the  morning,  that  the  enemy 


THE    WAE   JOURNAL.  267 

had  retreated,  a  general  order  was  issued  to  several  divisions  and 
detachments,  to  pursue  the  enemy.  Our  corps  was  ordered  to  fol 
low  them,  and  at  seven  o'clock,  we  commenced  our  route  for  the 
north,  under  the  equinoctial  storm.  The  rain  had  been  pouring 
down  with  such  torrents  during  the  night,  as  to  put  the  road  into 
such  a  state  as  to  become  almost  impassable.  It  had  been  passed 
over,  during  the  night,  by  more  than  four  hundred  carts  of  the 
enemy,  besides  his  battering  train  of  artillery,  so  that  by  twelve 
o'clock,  our  progress  had  been  but  eight  miles.  The  cavalry, 
riflemen,  and  light  infantry  were  several  hours  in  advance,  while 
we  were  thus  drudging  in  a  road,  with  mud  sometimes  almost  up 
to  our  knees,  gun  after  gun  stuck  and  upset  in  the  quagmires,  and 
the  horses  were  staggering  and  reeling  under  their  burdens. 

"  Happily  for  us,  in  the  midst  of  these  difficulties,  orders  came  for 
us  to  retrace  our  steps ;  and  it  was  not  until  after  dark  that  we 
reached  the  place  whence  we  took  our  departure  in  the  morning. 
On  reaching  my  marquee,  not  a  thread  on  me  was  dry — shivering 
under  the  north-westerly  wind,  fatigued,  and  hungry.  My  wound 
had  now  become  quite  painful,  which  no  care  had  been  taken  of, 
more  than  what  had  been  done  by  my  waiter,  who  occasionally 
washed  it  with  brandy.  The  wound  was  not  dangerous  in  its 
nature,  and  no  inconvenience  would  have  resulted  from  it,  had  I 
not  taken  cold  from  the  heavy  showers  of  rain  that  fell  upon  us 
during  the  night  and  the  following  day,  to  which  I  was  exposed. 
*  *  ***** 

"  The  cause  for  great  anxiety  had  now  passed — the  enemy  had 
retreated — and,  although  victory  was  on  our  side,  yet  in  sober  and 
serious  reflections,  there  were  grounds  and  reasons  not  only  for 
painful  sensations,  but  sorrow.  Many  promising  young  men  had 
met  an  untimely  death.  Among  them  were  our  friends  and 
acquaintances,  whom  we  loved  and  esteemed,  whose  exit  we 
greatly  lamented,  and  whose  dead  bodies  were  still  in  an  exposed 
state.  Is  this  the  fate  of  war  ?  Were  they  prepared  to  die  thus  ? 
And  had  I  been  one  of  them,  what  would  have  been  my  destiny 
in  the  future  world  ?  In  the  midst  of  these  inward  interrogations,  I 
was  interrupted  by  the  appearance  of  General  M'Comb  and  Major 
M'Neil,  who  congratulated  me  on  my  safe  return,  and  sympathised 
with  me  on  account  of  the  painful  sensations  which  I  was  now 
suffering  from  my  wound.  After  many  jovial  words,  and  hearty 
laughs  at  certain  transactions,  by  some  of  his  officers,  during  the 


268  THE    LOST    PBINtfE. 

siege,  the  General  left  me,  with  promise  that  I  should  be  imme 
diately  attended  to  by  the  medical  gentlemen;  but  this  was 
objected  to  by  my  father,  who  would  act  on  the  occasion  as  my 
physician,  under  whose  fostering  hand  I  was  carefully  attended, 
and  in  five  weeks  I  was  so  far  restored  as  to  go  abroad  once 
more. 

"  It  was  in  the  hours  of  my  confinement,  that  I  have  resolved 
again  a.nd  again,  if  God  be  willing,  to  carry  to  the  Indians  the 
faithful  saying,  and  worthy  of  all  acceptation,  that  4  Christ  Jesus 
came  into  the  world,  to  save  sinners.'  now  far  I  am  actuated  in 
these  from  holy  principles,  may  I  say  that  as  far  as  I  know  my  own 
heart,  my  aim  is  for  the  glory  of  God,  and  the  advancement  of  the 
Redeemer's  kingdom." 

The  military  life  of  Mr.  Williams  closed  with  its  most  brilliant, 
if  not  its  most  arduous  and  trying  hour.  Entering  the  service  of 
the  United  States,  in  the  first  instance,  merely  from  a  sense  of  duty, 
and  without  any  desire  for  personal  distinction,  which  allures  so 
many  into  the  army,  he  had  fulfilled  the  part  of  a  noble-minded 
commander  and  gallant  soldier.  The  nature  of  his  office,  though 
responsible  in  the  extreme,  and  demanding  the  highest  qualifica 
tions,  mental  and  moral,  kept  him  necessarily  in  the  back  ground. 
Though  he  had  the  full  confidence  and  esteem  of  the  government 
and  high  military  officers,  who  rightly  estimated  his  worth,  because 
they  reaped  the  fruits  of  it  in  almost  every  important  event  of  the 
war,  the  public  at  large  knew  little  of  the  wisdom,  integrity,  forti 
tude,  courage,  and  moderation,  which  he  had  displayed.  His 
services  were  too  deep  and  vital  to  be  blazoned  in  newspapers  or 
recorded  in  despatches,  and  would  never  have  come  to  light  but 
for  his  practice  of  keeping  a  journal,  from  the  dawn  of  boyish 
intelligence,  in  which,  I  think,  eo  clearly  the  hand  of  Providence 
may  be  traced.  If  the  war  had  continued,  it  is  probable,  he  would 
have  been  offered  the  command  of  a  brigade,  had  he  chosen  to 
remain  in  the  service  of  his  country,  as  an  intimation  to  this  effect 
was  given  him  by  Governor  Tompkins. 

This  discussion  has  had  one  benefit — that  of  introducing  Aiiieri- 


THE   WAR   JOURNAL.  269 

cans  to  one  of 'the  most  noblo,  though  humble-minded  of  their 
fellow  citizens,  and  who,  if  I  rightly  understand  their  character, 
they  will  see  has  all  which  truth  and  honor  can  claim— fair  play. 
No  one,  not  deeply  prejudiced,  or  lost  to  discernment,  can  read  the 
simple  war  journal  of  Mr.  Williams,  unostentatiously  truthful  as  a 
dying  confession,  without  feeling  that  hero,  in  all  the  elements 
which  make  man,  ho  is  a  man.  There  are  few  tests  of  character 
like  that  of  military  life.  "Whatever  a  man  has  of  good  or  evil  in 
him  it  calls  out,  and  no  preux  chevalier  of  olden  time,  could  more 
modestly  or  stainlessly — I  say  nothing  of  courage,  for  that,  apart 
from  other  qualities,  is  animal — with  more  of  the  spirit  of 
Christian  moderation  and  self-sacrifice,  have  played  his  part,  than 
Eleazar  Williams.  During  the  whole  of  the  war  ho  never  relin 
quished  the  idea  of  becoming  an  Indian  missionary — but  retired  at 
every  opportunity  to  his  quiet  room  for  prayer,  meditation,  and 
study — having  kindly  thoughts  even  for  his  national  enemies,  and 
in  the  spirit  of  one  of  the  noblest  hearts  that  bled  during  the  civil 
wars  of  England,  supplicating  God  for  peace,  even  on  the  field  of 
blood. 

War  was  not  his  element,  though  his  mind  was  for  a  time  stirred 
by  its  excitement,  and  carried  away  by  its  brilliancy.  "  As  soon 
as  it  was  practicable,"  he  eays,  in  his  memoranda  for  1814,  "  I 
closed  my  military  concerns  with  the  General  Government,  and 
like  a  monk,  entered  into  my  cell  for  meditation  and  reflection." 
He  was  confined  several  weeks  by  his  wound,  during  which  timo 
he  was  sedulously  attended  by  his  reputed  father,  Thomas 
Williams,  who  restored  him  to  health  and  strength  by  Indian 
herbs.  While  feebly  reposing  on  his  sick  bed,  his  thoughts  and 
aspirations  rushed  back  to  their  original  channel,  and  he  deter 
mined  to  consecrate  the  remainder  of  his  days  to  preaching  tho 
Gospel. 


270  THE    LOST   PRINCE, 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

7 

THE    LAY    MISSIONARY. 

MB.  WILLIAMS  had  peculiar  qualifications  for  a  missionary  to 
the  Indians.  He  possessed  that  key  to  their  understandings  and 
affections — without  which  no  great  success  can  attend  any  efforts 
to  convert  the  heathen — a  perfect  knowledge  of  their  language, 
customs,  and  modes  of  feeling  and  reasoning.  His  acquaintance 
with  the  Mohawk  tongue,  deficient  in  childhood,  and  impaired  by 
long  residence  in  New  England,  had  been  revived  and  increased 
during  the  war,  and  thus,  his  military  life  was  a  partial  education 
for  the  ministry.  Regarding  himself,  also,  as  an  Indian,  he  entered 
on  his  task  with  a  zest  and  fervor  which  can  rarely  attend  the  mis 
sionary  to  the  heathen,  who  generally  sacrifices  to  a  sense  of  duty, 
the  love  of  country  and  the  associations  of  home.  Heart-rending 
were  the  feelings  of  Martyn,  when,  from  the  jungles  of  India,  he 
thought  what  might  have  been  his  earthly  lot,  had  he  not  violently 
divorced  himself  from  all  he  loved.  In  the  case  of  Mr.  Williams, 
there  was  no  such  surrender.  He  was  as  much  at  home  in  the  hut 
of  the  Indian,  as  in  the  abodes  of  civilization,  while  he  carried  to 
his  work  European  amplitude  of  mind  and  warmth  of  heart,  accom 
panied  with  native  grace  and  dignity  of  manners,  sometimes  mistaken 
for  pride,  but,  nevertheless,  imposing  and  attractive  to  the  savage. 

An  interview  with  some  Oneidas,  at  Albany,  in  August,  1814, 
led  to  a  visit  to  Oneida  Castle  in  the  following  November,  when  he 
carried  with  him  a  wampum  from  Governor  Taylor,  of  Albany. 
He  was  affectionately  received  by  the  chiefs,  and  addressed  in  a 
formal  speech  by  one  of  the  orators  of  the  nation,  who  "  arose," 
he  says,  "  like  a  Roman  senator,  and,  perhaps,  not  less  in  dignity, 
holding  the  wampum  on  high."  He  replied  in  the  same  strain. 


THE    LAY    MISSIONARY.  271 

There  were,  at  that  time,  about  twelve  hundred  Indians  at  Oneida, 
one  half  of  whom  were  Christiana  of  the  Presbyterian  persuasion, 
and  the  remainder  pagans  and  adherents  of  the  Prophet  Kanyata- 
riyo.  This  distinction  had  existed  since  1766,  when  the  Gospel  was 
first  introduced  among  them  by  the  Kev.  Samuel  Kirkland. 

A  minister  of  the  Scotch  Kirk,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Jenkins,  was,  at 
the  time  of  this  visit,  instructing  the  Christian  party — but  he  was 
ignorant  of  their  language,  and  the  Indians  complained  of  his  frag 
mentary  and  disjointed  mode  of  preaching  through  an  interpreter. 
The  morals  of  the  nation  were  at  a  very  low  ebb,  and  the  Chris 
tians  distinguishable  from  the  pagans  in  little  but  in  name.  Before 
leaving  them,  Mr.  Williams  addressed  the  whole  nation,  in  council, 
on  the  duty  of  believing  and  obeying  Christ ;  and,  after  his  depar 
ture,  both  translated  and  composed  simple  works  for  their  reli 
gious  instruction. 

Shortly  after  his  return  to  the  north,  he  writes  : — 

"  The  joyful  intelligence  reached  us  of  the  treaty  of  peace  having  been 
concluded  between  the  British  and  American  Commissioners.  This  event 
was  celebrated  by  illuminations  and  demonstrations  of  joy  on  these  nor 
thern  frontiers.  Thus  terminated  an  eventful  and  memorable  war  of  two 
years  and  six  months — a  war  pregnant  with  important  admonition  to 
Great  Britain  and  to  America.  Both  countries  had  to  experience  the  mor 
tifying  reflection  that,  all  the  blood  and  treasure  expended  in  the  contest 
had  been  lavished  in  vain,  scarcely  any  of  the  objects  which  were  the 
ostensible  cause  of  the  war  having  been  obtained." 

He  now  applied  himself,  more  closely  than  ever,  to  his  prepara 
tion  for  the  ministry.  During  the  war  wo  have  seen  he  had  fre 
quent  interviews  with  the  clergy  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal 
Church,  the  solemnity  of  whose  ritual,  in  the  first  place,  attracted 
his  attention,  and  so  devotionally  impressed  his  heart  that,  in  spite 
of  all  the  associations  of  his  early  years  in  New  England,  and  the 
cherished  and  never  to  be  forgotten  kindness  of  his  Congregational 
friends,  to  whom  the  honor  is  due  of  having  first  rescued  him  from 


272  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

barbarism,  and  supplied  all  his  wants  with  a  lavish  affection,  he 
attended  the  worship  of  the  church,  on  all  convenient  occasions, 

A  little  incident  which  occurred  during  the  war,  when  visiting 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Clowes,  of  Albany,  and  which  has,  I  believe,  been 
published  in  a  newspaper  bjr  the  surviving  brother  of  that  gentle 
man,  who  informed  me  of  the  fact,  is  deserving  of  record.  A  bril 
liantly  illuminated  missal,  of  the  character,  in  use  in  cathedral 
churches  on  the  continent,  lay  on  the  study  table  of  Mr.  Clowes,  at 
the  sight  of  which  young  "Williams,  who  was  remarkable  for  his 
usually  quiet  and  self-possessed  demeanor,  became  suddenly  agi 
tated,  to  an  astonishing  degree,  so  as  almost  to  give  the  impression 
of  temporary  insanity,  and  in  the  most  earnest  manner,  as  if  some 
mysterious  chord  of  feeling  was  touched,  besought  that  it  might  be 
given  to  him.  The  request  was  refused,  not  so  much  on  account  of 
the  value  of  the  book,  as,  because,  it  was  looked  on  as  an  act  of 
unaccountable  eccentricity. 

To  his  predilection  for  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church,  was  added 
the  belief  that  her  ritual  and  discipline  would  be  more  serviceable 
to  the  Indians  than  the  extemporaneous  worship  of  other  denomina 
tions,  and,  accordingly,  in  the  mouth  of  May,  1815,  he  made  a  journey 
to  Few  York,  to  lay  his  plans  and  feelings  before  Bishop  Hobart,  and 
receive  his  advice. 

"  I  wish  to  make  known  to  the  Bishop,"  he  writes,  "  my  feelings  in  regard 
to  the  Episcopal  Church.  Her  ministry,  doctrines,  government,  discipline, 
and  mode  of  worship,  I  am  fully  persuaded,  are  in  accordance  with  the  word 
of  God.  I  have  read  much  upon  the  claims  of  this  church,  and  I  now  firmly 
believe  she  is  the  true  and  sound  part  of  the  Church  Militant,  or  the  Church 
of  Christ.  I  pray  God  to  enlighten  mo  more  on  this  most  important  and 
interesting  subject.  Church  history  has  been  my  companion  for  more  than 
one  year.  Five  different  authors  I  have  read  on  this  subject. 

"  Troy,  May  11. — I  have  had  several  friendly  interviews  with  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Butler,  who  has  labored  most  earnestly  to  make  me  see  that  the  Epis 
copal  Church  of  the  United  States  is  the  sound  part  of  Christ's  Church 
His  arguments  are  more  powerful  with  mo  than  those  offered  in  my  former 


THE    LAY    MISSIONARY.  273 

interviews.  He  was  very  affectionate  to  me,  and  how  could  I  do  other 
wise  than  love  liim,  who  takes  such  an  interest  in  ray  spiritual  welfare. 
By  me,  he  will  write  to  Bishop  Ilobart,  to  the  Rev.  Mr.  Clowes,  and  Lieut.- 
Governor  Taylor,  of  Albany.  Mr.  Butler  has  warmed  my  heart  on  the  sub 
ject  of  religion. 

"  New  York*  May  14.  Lord's  Day  Evening. — I  arrived  here  in  safety, 
to-day,  about  noon,  went  this  afternoon  to  St.  Paul's  Church,  and  heard 
Mr.  Creighton,  and,  this  evening,  heard  Dr.  Roymaine. 

"  Thursday  18 — I  called  upon  the  Rt.  Rev.  Bishop  Ilobart,  and  presented 
the  introductory  letters  I  had  received  from  my  friends  in  the  north.  The 
bishop  received  me  with  great  cordiality,  and  appeared  to  be  much  gratified. 

"  New  York,  Monday,  22. — I  took  breakfast  at  Dr.  Hosack's,  with  Mr. 
Eddy,  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Steward.  I  was  introduced  to  young  Dr.  Francis, 
pupil  of  Dr.  TL,  with  whom  I  was  highly  pleased  for  his  polite  attention  to 
me.  He  is  a  young  man  of  promise.  I  cannot  be  too  grateful  to  Dr.  H.  and 
lady  for  his  polite  invitation. 

"  New  York,  May  29. — Bishop  Hobaift  has  requested  me  to  take  my  board 
with  the  Rev.  Mr.  Onderdonk,  to-morrow  I  shall  go  there,  with  which  Mr. 
Ogden  appears  to  be  much  gratified." 

The  bishop  acknowledged  the  duty  of  the  church  to  the  Indians, 
and  promised  his  hearty  co-operation  in  the  designs  of  Mr.  Williams. 
In  the  record  of  their  interviews  the  following  scene  occurs,  equally 
honorable  to  both.  "We  have  seen,  on  various  occasions,  that  the  ex 
treme  doctrines  of  Calvinism  did  not  harmonize  with  Mr.Williams's 
sentiments,  but  it  was  impossible  to  have  mingled  so  much  as  he 
had  with  those  who  entertained  them,  without  being  tinctured. 
"  When  I  touched,"  he  says,  "  upon  some  controverted  points  of 
theology,  the  bishop  abruptly  observed  that  I  was  straining  too 
much  on  those  points  which  were  considered,  by  some,  to  be  in 
close  alliance  with  the  Calvinists.  "  Rt.  Eev.  Father,"  said  I,  "  it 
is  not  my  wish  to  know,  on  the  present  occasion,  Calvin,  Luther, 
Arminius,  or  Wesley,  but  Christ  and  him  crucified.  I  have  no  desire 
to  embrace  the  opinions  of  men,  further  than  they  follow  Christ. 
It  is  my  wish  always  to  appeal  to  the  law,  and  to  the  testimony,  and 

12* 


24  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

if  their  religions  opinions  are  not  in  accordance  with  the  Holy  Scrip 
tures,  I,  of  course,  reject  them."  To  this  the  bishop,  with  a  placid 
countenance,  replied,  "Right,  my  son."  I  continued,  "you  see, 
father,  I  am  somewhat  free  and  independent  in  my  views,  in  regard 
to  the  high  doctrines  of  the  Gospel.  If  I  am  to  be  a  teacher  in  the 
Episcopal  Church,  I  trust  I  shall  not  be  compelled  to  receive  any 
thing  as  an  article  of  faith,  which  I  may  view  as  repugnant  to  the 
word  of  God.  I  acknowledge  the  Thirty -nine  Articles  are  such  as 
to  command  the  approbation  of  orthodox  Christians,  and  contain 
a  vast  amount  of  important  truth,  yet  they  were  composed  by  falli 
ble  men.  I  will  cheerfully  adhere  to  them  as  far  as  they  agree  with 
the  word  of  God."  "  This  is  all,"  said  the  bishop,  "  we  can  ask  of 
you,"  and  then  continued  with  a  solemn  voice,  "  My  son,  holding 
the  mystery  of  faith  in  a  pure  conscience,  let  no  man  despise  thy 
youth,  but  be  thou  an  example  to  the  believers  in  word,  in  conversa 
tion,  in  charity,  in  spirit,  in  faith,  in  purity." 

For  the  first  time  in  his  life,*  he  received  the  communion  in  St. 
John's  church,  on  the  21st  May,  from  the  hands  of  the  bishop  and 
flie  Eev.  B.  T.  Onderdonk.  Of  the  kindness  of  the  latter  he 
epeaks  in  terms  of  gratitude  and  affection. 

It  was  determined  by  the  Bishop  to  send  him  among  the  Indians 
as  a  catechist,  lay  reader,  and  schoolmaster ;  and  in  this  humble 
capacity  he  continued  for  many  years,  performing  all  the  duties  of 
the  ministry,  except  the  administration  of  the  sacraments.  So 
unobtrusive  was  he,  in  this  respect,  that  although  his  labors  were 
crowned  with  the  most  ample  success,  and  he  enjoyed  the  full  con 
fidence  of  Bishop  Hobart,  he  was  not  ordained  until  the  year  1826. 
He  had  as  little  desire  of  self-aggrandisement  in  the  church,  as  in  the 
army.  Provided  he  did  the  work  assigned,  he  was  satisfied. 
Other  persons,  with  his  endowments,  would  have  despised  the 
wigwam  of  the  Indian,  and  sought  for  popularity  and  station  in 
cities,  and  in  the  applause  of  the  wealthy  and  intellectual.  But 
personal  display  was  not  in  his  nature.  Almost  instinctively  he 
seems  to  have  attached  himself  everywhere  to  the  highest  and 


THE    LAY    MISSION  ART.  27,5 

most  gifted  minds,  and  there  are  few  men  who  have  adorned  the 
annals  of  this  country,  from  John  Kandolph  to  Gen.  Taylor,  who 
have  not  enjoyed  his  society  and  esteem.  But  through  all  vicissi 
tudes,  his  affections  reverted  to  the  Indian  huts,  on  which  his  eyes 
had  first  opened  in  boyhood ;  and  to  preach  the  glad-tidings  of  sal 
vation,  in  sounds,  to  others  barbarous,  but  to  him,  most  meaning 
and  most  musical,  was  the  one  absorbing  desire  of  his  heart. 

He  mentions,  at  this  period,  several  interviews  with  the  Kev.  E. 
0.  Stewart,  of  St.  Arrnand,  Lower  Canada,  who  was  a  son  of 
Lord  Galoway,and  expresses  delight  that  one  of  noble  blood  would 
rather  "  be  an  humble  messenger  of  the  Lord  of  Hosts,  than  enjoy 
the  ease  and  luxuries  which  are  to  be  found  in  palaces."  "  0  how 
powerful,"  he  exclaims,  "  is  that  grace  which  gives  divine  life  here, 
and  eternal  glory  in  the  coming  world  1" 

Through  the  influence  of  Bishop  Hobart,  who,  on  the  23d  May, 
1815,  addressed  an  appeal  to  churchmen,  for  contributions  for  the 
purpose,  he  undertook  the  revision  of  former  translations  of  the 
Prayer  Book  into  the  Mohawk  language,  and  also  attempted  to 
establish  a  school  for  the  Indians,  at  St.  Regis.  In  the  latter 
project  he  was  disappointed,  owing  to  the  political  feuds  in  tho 
tribe,  and  the  opposition  of  many  against  him,  in  consequence  of 
the  part  he  had  taken  in  tho  war  of  1812.  He  wrote,  under  date 
of  August  3,  1815,  a  full  account  of  the  difficulties  under  which  ho 
labored,  to  the  Eev.  Mr.  Onderdonk.  The  purest  intentions,  and 
the  most  self-denying  conduct,  are  not  sufficient  to  ensure  success, 
and  those  who  have  no  criterion  for  worth,  but  success,  will  often 
be  unjust  to  those  most  deserving  commendation.  The  Romish 
priest,  at  St.  Regis,  backed  by  all  tho  influence  of  the  Brit 
ish  government,  used  every  effort,  justifiable  and  unjustifiable, 
to  injure  Mr.  Williams  in  the  estimation  of  the  Indians,  and  we 
shall  see,  in  tho  sequel,  the  lengths  to  which  his  successor  ha8 
dared  to  proceed.  But  truth  and  innocence  have  only  to  be 
patient,  and  bide  their  time,  and  the  moment  of  retribution  will 
come. 


276  THE    LOST    PRINCE, 

Baffled,  for  the  time,  by  Romish  influence  and  political  prejudices, 
in  his  efforts  at  St.  Eegis,  he  turned  his  thoughts  to  Oneida,  the 
chiefs,  warriors,  and  counsellors  of  the  nation,  having  applied  to 
Bishop  Hobart,  that  he  might  be  sent  to  them  as  a  religious 
teacher.  He  arrived  there,  with  a  letter  from  the  bishop,  on  23d 
March,  1816.  The  minister  of  the  Presbyterian  Kirk  was  recalled 
at  the  request  of  the  chief,  by  the  Missionary  Society  who  had 
sent  him,  and  Mr.  Williams  accepted  by  the  whole  nation. 

It  is  not  my  purpose  to  enter  into  the  endless  details  of  his 
labors  among  the  Indians,  which  are  ample  enough  to  form  a  work 
of  absorbing  interest,  to  those  who  can  sympathize  with  the  strug 
gles  of  the  humble  missionary,  but  simply  to  state  results  and 
leading  events.  On  his  arrival  among  them,  he  found  the 
Christian  part  of  the  nation,  in  the  most  deplorable  moral  condi 
tion,  and  the  heathen  given  up  to  idolatry,  witchcraft,  and 
drunkenness,  while  all  of  them,  though  attached  personally  to  him, 
as  one  who  could  address  them  in  their  language,  were  indisposed 
to  receive  the  ritual  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church — but  by 
preaching  and  oral  conferences,  in  which  he  explained  their  diffi 
culties,  and  met  the  various  objections,  infidel  or  sectarian,  they 
brought,  with  a  quiet  practical  wisdom  and  simplicity  which 
might  serve  as  a  model  for  a  missionary  among  the  heathen  in  any 
part  of  the  world,  he  not  only  converted,  in  a  brief  space  of  time, 
the  whole  of  the  heathen  party,  but  united  the  whole  nation,  in 
adherence  to  the  doctrine,  discipline,  and  worship  of  the  Protest 
ant  Episcopal  Church,  achieving  a  victory  over  prejudice  and 
unbelief,  absolutely  unparalleled  in  our  ecclesiastical  annals,  in  this 
country. 

The  following  document,  exhibits  the  result  of  his  labors : — 
"  To  His  Excellency  the  Governor  of  the  State  of  New  York. 

"  MAY  IT    PLEASE    YOUR   EXCELLENCY  : 

"  We,  the  chiefs  and  principal  men  of  that  part  of  the  Oneida  nation  of 
Indians,  heretofore  known  and  distinguished  as  the  "  Pagan  Party,"  in 


THE   DAY   MISSIONARY.  277 

the  name  of  the  said  party,  beg  leave  to  address  your  Excellency  on  a 
subject  which,  we  hope,  will  be  as  pleasing  to  your  Excellency  as  it  is  to  us. 

"  We  no  longer  own  the  name  of  pagans.  We  have  abandoned  our 
idols  and  our  sacrifices,  and  have  fixed  our  hopes  on  our  blessed  Redeemer. 
In  evidence  of  this  assertion,  we  here  tender  to  your  excellency,  solemnly 
and  unequivocally,  our  abjuration  of  paganism  and  its  rites,  and  havo 
taken  the  Christians'  God  to  be  our  God,  and  our  only  hope  of  sal 
vation.  We  believe  in  God  the  Father,  the  Creator  and  Preserver  of  all 
things,  as  omniscient  and  omnipresent,  most  gracious  and  most  merciful 
We  believe  in  Jesus  Christ,  that  He  is  the  Son  of  God,  the  Saviour  of  the 
world,  the  Mediator  between  God  and  man,  and  that  all  must  believe  in 
Him,  and  embrace  Him,  in  order  to  obtain  salvation.  We  believe  in  God 
the  Sanctifier  and  Comforter  of  all  the  children  of  men.  We  believe  in  a 
general  Resurrection,  and  a  future  judgment  in  which  all  men  shall  bo 
judged,  according  to  their  works.  We  believe  the  Scriptures  to  be  tho 
Word  of  God,  and  that  in  them  are  contained  all  things  necessary  to  man's 
salvation.  We  present  to  your  Excellency  this  abstract  of  our  faith,  in 
order  to  demonstrate  the  impropriety  of  our  retaining  any  longer  the  name 
of  pagans.  We  trust  that,  through  the  mercy  of  God,  we  have  abandoned 
the  character  of  pagans.  Let  us  also  abandon  the  name.  We,  therefore, 
request  your  Excellency,  that  in  all  future  transactions  with  this  state,  we 
may  be  known  and  distinguished  as  the  c  Second  Christian  party  of  the 
Oneida  nation  of  Indians ;'  and  we  pray  that  your  Excellency  will  take  such 
means  as  may  be  necessary  and  proper  to  cause  us  to  be  known  and  recog 
nised  in  future  by  that  name.  And  in  the  name  of  the  Most  Holy  Trinity, 
we  do  here  sign  ourselves  your  Excellency's  most  sincere  friends. 

"Done  in  General  Council,  at  Oneida,  this  25th  day  of  January,  1817." 

The  following  Indians  subscribed  to  the  above,  each  one  making  his 
mark : — 

CORN.  OTHEASHEAT,  PETER  SANTHECALCHOS, 

ARIRIUS  TEHORANIOGO,  NICHS.  GARONGONTIE, 

JOHN.  CANNELIUSJ  MOSES  SCHUYLER, 

JACOB  ATONI,  WM.  TEGARENTOTASHON, 

WM.  TONIATESHEN,  WM.  TEHOIATATSHE, 
PETER  TWASERASHE.* 

•  Christian  Journal,  p.  63,  vol.  I. 


278  THB    LOST   PRINCE. 

"  It  was  an  affecting  eight,"  writes  Mr.  Williams,  speaking  of  the 
council  in  which  this  document  was  drawn  up,  "  to  see  the  aged  and 
venerable  chiefs,  counsellors,  matrons,  and  warriors,  with  uplifted 
hands,  and  with  countenances  indicating  that  their  minds  were 
deeply  affected,  unitedly,  with  a  loud  voice,  renouncing  the  princi 
ples  of  paganism,  and  making  their  profession  of  the  Christian 
faith." 

As  a  substantial  token  of  their  sincerity  in  the  adoption  of  the 
Christian  religion,  the  chiefs  gave  Mr.  Williams  one  hundred  acres 
of  land,  which,  however,  were  used  and  expended  for  the  benefit 
of  the  nation — and  they  also  contributed  four  thousand  dollars 
towards  the  erection  of  a  chapel. 

During  all  this  time,  with  the  exception  of  his  salary  from  the 
Missionary  Society,  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  dollars  per 
annum,  Mr.  Williams  received  nothing  from  the  church,  and  as, 
from  motives  of  delicacy  he  declined  aid  proffered  him  by  his  New 
England  friends,  whose  communion  ho  had  conscientiously  left, 
though,  to  their  lasting  honor  be  it  said,  this  made  no  difference  in 
their  affection  for  him,  or  their  willingness  to  contribute  to  his 
support,  ho  continued,  until  ho  had  expended  all,  in  the  service 
of  the  church,  to  subsist  on  his  hard-earned  remuneration  from  the 
United  States  Government. 

The  intimacy  formed  in  1816  by  Mr.  Williams  with  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Stewart,  of  St.  Armand,  Canada,  soon  ripened  into  friend 
ship.  Letters  frequently  passed  between  them  respecting  tho 
spiritual  interests  of  the  Indians  and  translations  into  Mohawk ; 
and  after  the  elevation  of  Mr.  Stewart  to  the  Episcopate  of 
Quebec,  his  affection  for  Mr.  Williams  continued  unabated.  Be 
fore  he  left  America,  in  later  years,  for  ever,  ho  wrote  to  Mr. 
Williams  to  come  and  see  him.  "I  went,"  says  Mr.  Williams, 
"  to  the  place  appointed  for  the  meeting,  and  there,  after  many 
prayers  by  ourselves,  I,  with  many  tears  and  a  bleeding  heart,  took 
the  hand  of  my  most  beloved  and  sincere  friend,  for  the  last  time. 
I  left  him,  with  heavy  and  sorrowful  heart,  to  return  to  my  distant 
abode  in  the  west,  and  he  to  the  eastward  to  lay  his  body — yea, 


THE    LAY    MISSIONARY.  279 

mingle  his  ashes,  with  his  ancestors.  O,  my  God!  what  a  meeting 
and  what  a  journey  was  this,  mingled  with  joy  and  sorrow." 

Hitherto,  with  the  single  check  he  had  received  in  his  efforts  to 
establish  a  school  among  the  Indians  at  St.  Regis,  the  course  of  Mr. 
Williams  had  been  a  constant  series  of  successes.  A  storm,  which, 
at  first,  was  only  like  a  little  cloud  in  the  horizon,  began  now  to 
brew  at  a  distance. 

The  Menominio  and  Winnebago  Indians,  having  ample  territories 
on  the  borders  of  Lake  Michigan,  which  they  were  unable  to  occupy, 
were  desirous  to  share  them  with  their  eastern  brethren  of  the  Six 
Nations,  and  made  a  generous  proposition  to  surrender  to  the  New 
York  Indians  many  thousand  acres  of  land  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Green  Bay.  A  general  council  of  the  Six  Nations  was  held  in  1817, 
at  Fort  Meigs,  on  the  Maumee  river,  to  which  the  young  Missionary 
Chief  of  the  Oneidas  was  invited.  De  Witt  Clinton,  then  Governor 
of  New  York,  knowing  his  influence  among  the  Indians,  was 
anxious  that  he  should  attend,  and  wrote  to  Bishop  Hobart  asking 
his  permission,  as  Mr.  Williams,  with  military  fidelity,  refused  to 
leave  his  post  without  the  consent  of  his  superior.  The  Bishop 
gave  his  consent,  but  Mr.  Williams  did  not  go  to  the  council. 
Indeed  he  was  at  that  time  opposed  to  the  project  of  removal, 
though  afterwards  he  got  entangled  in  this  political  measure  of  the 
General  and  State  Government,  which  created  a  dislike  to  him 
in  the  minds  of  a  portion  of  the  Indians,  which,  fostered  by  other 
causes,  in  which  he  wa&  entirely  innocent,  has  continued  till  the 
present  day. 

Though  merely  a  lay  reader,  from  the  necessities  of  the  case,  ho 
performed  all  the  duties  of  an  ordained  minister,  except  the  admi 
nistration  of  the  sacraments,  and  it  is  curious,  considering  the 
ardent  nature  of  his  Protestantism,  and  the  influences  under  which 
he  had  been  educated,  to  read  the  following  entry  in  his  journal 
for  1817,  at  a  time  the  Episcopal  Church  in  this  country  was 
quaker-like  in  the  unadorned  simplicity  of  its  worship.  "  The  joy 
ful  festival  of  the  Nativity  was  celebrated  by  tho  natives  with 


280  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

peculiar  solemnity.  On  Christmas  evening  our  chapel  was  dressed 
up  with  evergreens  in  beautiful  order.  In  celebrating  the  Divine 
Service  and  the  august  ceremonies  of  the  Holy  Church  this  night, 
I  chanted  at  the  altar,  Gloria  in  Excelsis,  and  Te  Deum  Laudamus, 
and  other  parts  of  the  service,  with  which  the  congregation  were 
highly  gratified."  This  event  reminds  one  of  the  anecdote  of  the 
missal  related  by  Mr.  Clowes.  There  must,  indeed,  have  been  a 
somewhat  strange  state  of  things  at  Oneida,  although  it  was  with 
the  full  knowledge  and  approbation  of  Bishop  ITobart  Though 
merely  a  layman,  Mr.  Williams  wore  a  surplice  in  performing 
divine  service,  and,  according  to  a  practice  of  the  times,  had  his 
hair  powdered ;  and,  worse  yet, — I  cannot  forbear  a  smile  at  the 
dismay  the  sight  would  have  occasioned  some  of  my  friends — was 
attended  with  a  bevy  of  little  Indian  boys,  similarly  clad.  But  this 
was  only  in  accordance  with  the  policy  afterwards  pursued  by  the 
Congregational  missionaries  among  the  eastern  churches ;  and 
Bishop  Hobart,  who  knew  the  Indians  required  ceremony  and  out 
ward  display,  like  a  man  of  common  sense,  who  could  distinguish 
a  doctrine  from  a  vestment,  did  not  suspect  the  lay  missionary  of 
Romish  tendencies,  because  he  donned  a  white  garment  in  the 
sanctuary,  and  arrayed  in  snow  a  few  copper-colored  cherubs. 
Controversy  makes  things  odious  and,  I  grant,  pernicious,  very 
harmless  in  themselves.  At  the  Bishop's  visitation,  the  little  sur- 
pliced  Oneidas,  like  choristers  in  English  cathedrals,  walked  in 
front  of  him.  Honi  soit  qui  mal  y  pense. 

The  bishop  also  permitted  the  zealous  layman  to  preach  his  own 
sermons.  Indeed,  he  could  not  have  done  otherwise,  as  there  were 
no  hot-pressed  Iroquois  homilies  to  which  he  could  resort.  The 
church,  if  she  would  be  useful,  must  adapt  herself  to  circumstances, 
and  eschew  Procrusteanism  in  accidents.  Cut  and  stretch  according 
to  the  creed,  but  allow  latitude  in  the  canon,  arm-like  action  from 
a  fixed  centre  of  principle — here  is  power. 

Notwithstanding  the  ability  Mr.  Williams  manifested  in  every 
thing  calling  for  the  display  of  the  highest  endowments  of  mind,  in 


THE    LAY    MISSIONARY.  281 

that  peculiar  region  where  the  moral  faculties  are  required  to  aid 
the  intellectual,  there  was  an  absolute  want  in  him,  of  that  which, 
in  a  mercantile  community,  is  regarded  as  constituting  the  man — 
viz.  the  power  of  keeping  money  when  ho  had  got  it.  He  had 
received  $10,000  from  the  United  States,  for  his  services  during  the 
war,  but  allowed  it  to  get  beyond  his  control,  and  would  have  lost 
it,  but  for  the  friendly  exertions  of  Chancellor  Kent,  Gov.  Taylor, 
the  Eon.  Nathan  Williams,  and  Morris  S.  Miller,  of  Utica.  He  was 
left,  for  a  time,  in  almost  entire  destitution,  with  nothing  to  support 
him  but  his  $125.  In  a  long  communication  to  Bishop  Ilobart, 
which,  with  the  bishop's  affecting  answer,  may  be  found  in  the 
"Christian  Journal,"  vol.  ii.  p.  268,  the  Oneida  Indians  say,  "agree 
ably  to  your  request,  wo  have  treated  our  brother  with  that  atten 
tion  and  kindness  which  you  required  of  us :  we  have  assisted  him 
all  that  was  in  our  power,  but  we  cannot  do  a  great  deal.  Though 
our  brother  has  lived  very  poor  since  he  came  among  us,  he  is 
patient  and  makes  no  complaint :  wo  pity  him,  because  we  love  him 
as  we  do  ourselves.  We  wish  to  do  something  for  his  support,  but 
this  is  impossible,  as  we  have  lately  raised  between  3  and  4,000  dol 
lars  to  enable  us  to  build  a  little  chapel." 

Burning  with  zeal  for  the  advancement  of  Christ's  cause,  he 
hoped  that  his  unparalleled  success  among  the  Indians  would  stimulate 
the  church,  into  whose  ranks  he  had  entered,  from  conscientious 
motives,  to  extend  the  mission  among  the  rest  of  the  New  York 
Indians,  who  were  desirous,  if  he  could  be  supported,  to  receive  the 
Gospel  at  his  hands,  but  he  could  wring  nothing  from  the  treasury 
but  the  munificent  sum  of  $125.  Thus  reduced  to  despair,  with  a 
generous  self-sacrifice,  which  few  can  even  understand,  he  solemnly 
consecrated  to  God's  service  his  $10,000  as  soon  as  it  was  assured 
him  by  the  exertions  of  his  friends.  "  All  this,"  he  writes,  "  I  trust 
was  spent  with  the  greatest  economy,  as  a  faithful  steward — as  one 
who  must  render  an  account  of  his  stewardship." 

In  the  summer  of  1818,  his  health  being  very  feeble,  on  account 
of  his  many  trials  and  arduous  labors,  Mr.  Williams  undertook  a 


282  THE    LOOT    PRINCE. 

journey  to  the  north,  accompanied  by  La  Fort,  a  young  Onondaga 
chief  of  fine  abilities,  who  embraced  Christianity,  and  had  for  several 
months  been  studying  with  him  the  English  language.  La  Fort 
afterwards  received  an  excellent  education,  under  the  patronage  of 
the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church,  but  finally  relapsed  into  Heathen 
ism,  in  a  great  measure  in  consequence  of  depression  of  spirits, 
owing  to  his  neglect  by  the  church,  and  the  unpopularity  of  Chris 
tianity  among  his  Heathen  brethren.  At  Morristown,  on  the  St. 
Lawrence,  they  were  entertained  by  Judge  Ford;  and  at  "Waddington, 
by  Hon.  D,  A.  Ogden,  at  whose  house  they  met  the  British  and 
American  Commissioners,  who  were  deciding  the  boundaries  between 
the  British  and  American  provinces. 

On  their  arrival  at  St.  Regis,  the  Eev.  Mr.  Marcoux,  the  Romish 
priest,  put  into  his  hand  a  letter  of  introduction  to  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Dufresne,  at  Caughnawaga,  who  gave  him  another  to  the  Rev.  Mr, 
Richards,  formerly  a  Methodist  minister,  but  then  residing  at  the 
Seminary,  at  Montreal.  He  went  to  see  this  gentleman  on  4th 
August.  Richards  was,  at  first,  constrained  in  his  manner,  but  at 
last  assumed  a  more  cheerful  appearance,  and  said,  "  I  believe,  sir, 
you  must  be  the  gentleman,  noticed  in  the  public  prints,  as  a  mis 
sionary,  who  is  doing  much  good  among  the  Oneidas.  I  once 
passed  through  their  settlement.  You  are  connected,  I  believe, 
with  the  Episcopal  Church,  and  Dr.  Hobart  is  your  Bishop.  I  am 
surprised  that  you  have  connected  yourself  with  that  false  church, 
a  church  that  has  no  lawful  ministry.  The  Church  of  Rome  is  the 
most  ancient  church.  The  Church  of  England  is  of  yesterday." 
Mr.  Williams  hereupon  reminded  him  of  the  reply  of  Queen 
Elizabeth  to  the  Jesuits,  when  they  petitioned  her  to  restore  the 
"  ancient  Catholic  faith,"  to  the  effect,  that  their  own  records  made 
them  liars,  and  proved  that  Christianity  existed  in  England 
independent  of  Rome,  long  prior  to  the  time  of  Austin.  Richards 
dropped  the  subject,  showed  him  the  library  of  the  Seminary  and 
the  parish  church,  and  invited  him  back  to  his  room,  when  the  fol 
lowing  conversation  occurred. 


THE    LAY   MISSIONARY.  283 

"  I  believe,  sir,"  said  Richards,  "  that  you  are  the  gentleman  of 
whom  the  Abb 6  de  Calonne,  of  Three  Rivers,  has  often  spoken,  as 
a  person  whose  history  was  hidden  in  the  womb  of  mystery,  in 
regard  to  your  descent,  and  the  cause  of  your  adoption  among  the 
|  Indians  of  this  province."  "  This  excited  my  curiosity,"  writes 
Mr,  Williams,  "  to  ask  him  what  mystery  it  might  be  which  tho 
Abbe"  supposes  to  be  about  my  birth  and  family  ?"  "  He  supposes," 
Baid  he,  u  you  are  a  foreigner  by  birth,  and  of  high  family."  "  If 
(this  be  the  opinion  of  the  Abbe","  said  I,  "he  must  have  some  evi 
dence  of  it."  "He  has,  of  course,"  he  replied,  "but  as  to  the 
extent  of  it,  I  cannot  say."  "  I  am,  however,  inclined  to  believe 
that  it  is  a  mere  conjecture  with  him,  for  when  I  have  pressed 
j  upon  him  to  be  more  explicit,  he  would  evade  the  question  by  say 
ing — 'It  is  in  a  great  measure  conjectural  with  me.' " 

"  I  then  observed  to  him,  it  would  be  highly  gratifying  to  me, 
were  I  to  know  my  family,  and  the  cause  of  their  putting  me 
;  among  the  Indians."  "This,  I  presume,"  he  said,  "the  Abbe" 
would  not  say,  so  long  as  he  himself  is  not  fully  satisfied  on  tho 
ipoint.  I  am  satisfied  he  has  more  information  upon  this  subject 
(than  he  is  willing  to  communicate.  There  are  known  circum- 
!  stances,  which  are  strong  in  their  nature,  and  which  would  prove, 
;it  seems,  that  you  are  not  the  son  of  an  Iroquois  chief.  I  would  be 
I  naPPy>  if  m  mv  power  to  unveil  this  mystery  to  you.  I  will  see 
the  Abbe"  again."  He  then  gave  me  a  pat  on  the  shoulder,  and 
said,  "  You  are,  I  suspect,  of  higher  grade  by  blood  than  the  son 
of  an  Iroquois  chief." 

"  These  extraordinary  declarations  produced  some  sensations  in 
my  feelings,"  he  writes,  "  although  it  was  not  the  first  time  such 
hints  were  thrown  in  my  way.  On  reflection,  however,  my  con 
viction  was  that  I  had  been  taken  for  one  of  those  youths  and 
children  who  had  been  given  to  the  Indians  by  the  poor  French 
Canadians." 

On  his  return  to  the  Sault  St.  Louis,  by  the  permission  of  the 
missionary  priest,  he  examined  the  parochial  register,  and  found 


284  THE   LOST   PRINCE. 

that  all  the  names  of  the  children  of  Thomas  Williams  were 
registered  excepting  Eleazar,  "  at  which,"  says  Mr.  "Williams,  "  the 
priest  appeared  greatly  surprised  and  vexed,  as  in  my  former  inter 
view  he  would  make  me  appear  as  if  I  was  the  child  of  the 
Bomish  Church  by  baptism." 

This  was  the  first  time  that  serious  doubts  were  awakened  in  his 
mind  as  to  his  belonging  to  the  family  of  Thomas  Williams,  but 
having  nothing  tangible  to  support  them,  they  died  away  gradually. 
While  absorbingly  occupied  with  present  interests,  duties,  and 
trials,  he  referred  the  whole  subject  to  Providence  and  futurity — 
and  having  nothing  before  him  but  vague  suspicion,  for  which  there 
seemed  little  foundation,  continued  in  everything  to  act  and  feel 
towards  his  reputed  kinsmen,  far  and  near,  as  he  had  always  done. 

On  the  3d  September,  1818,  Bishop  Hobart  visited  Oneida  Castle, 
and  confirmed  eighty-nine  persons,  who  had  been  prepared  for  that 
holy  rite  by  Mr.  Williams.  The  bishop  produced  a  great  effect  on 
their  minds,  and  months  after,  they  told  Mr.  Williams  that,  when 
they  thought  upon  the  scene,  they  imagined  they  felt  his  hands 
upon  their  heads,  and  heard  his  voice,  saying,  "  Defend,  0  Lord, 
this  thy  servant." 

In  the  ensuing  Convention  the  bishop  spoke  in  the  highest  terms 
of  applause  of  the  zealous  labors  of  the  missionary.  Indeed,  it  was 
impossible  to  speak  in  terms  of  laudation  too  strong  of  the  exertions 
of  Mr.  Williams,  at  this  time,  in  the  cause  of  Christ.  He  was  not 
only  laboring  hard  as  a  missionary,  catechist,  and  lay  reader,  and 
performing  the  practical  duties  of  a  pastor,  but  was  supporting  and 
educating,  in  a  great  measure,  at  his  own  expense,  several  young 
Indians  for  the  ministry.  Besides  which,  extending  his  exertions 
from  the  Oneidas  to  the  Onondagas,  he  created  such  a  sensation  in 
favor  of  Christianity,  as  to  lead  to  the  convening  of  a  general  council 
of  the  Seneca,  Cayuga,  Tuscarora,  Mohawk,  Stockbridge,  and  St. 
Regis  Indians,  to  take  into  consideration  the  duty  of  embracing  the 
Christian  faith.  The  services  of  the  Church  were  solemnly  per 
formed  with  chants  and  hymns,  and  a  debate  ensued  which  lasted 


THE    LAY    MISSIONARY.  286 

several  days,  but  led  to  no  results,  owing  to  the  fierce  opposition  of 
the  Pagan  party.  The  subject  was  referred  to  a  future  council,  to 
moot  at  Buffalo  Creek,  on  the  8th  October,  1819. 

Between  the  session  of  the  two  councils,  the  chapel  at  Oneida  was 
consecrated  by  Bishop  Ilobart,  and  the  most  devout  feeling  pre 
vailed  among  the  Indians. 

The  discussion  was  resumed  at  the  appointed  time,  and  the  sub 
stance  of  many  of  the  speeches  on  both  sides,  presenting  choice 
specimens  of  eloquence,  not  unworthy  the  halls  of  a  civilized  legis 
lature,  have  been  preserved  by  Mr.  Williams,  who,  as  an  Onoida 
chief,  being  a  delegate  to  the  council,  on  this  occasion,  and  the 
main  pillar  of  the  Christian  cause,  was  opposed  to  the  famous  Red 
Jacket,  and  maintained  with  him,  for  three  days,  a  fierce  debate,  in 
which  evorthing  that  the  malice  and  ingenuity  of  a  strong  minded 
and  eloquent  idolater,  sharpened  by  the  necessities  of  forensic  strife, 
and  winged  with  sarcasm,  could  urge  against  the  Gospel,  or  the 
lives  of  its  adherents,  was  brought  forward  on  one  hand,  and  on  tho 
other  tho  truth,  the  beauty,  the  divinity  of  the  Christian  religion, 
and  the  folly,  absurdity,  superstition,  and  degrading  tendency  of 
Heathenism.  Wearied  at  last,  and  overpowered,  though  not  con 
vinced  by  an  eloquence,  perseverance,  wisdom,  and  resolution, 
superior  to  his  own,  Ked  Jacket  abandoned  tho  contest.  "His 
language,"  says  Mr.  Williams,  "  was  certainly  beautiful.  His  argu 
ments,  as  far  as  they  went,  were  powerful,  yet  ho  was  placed  in 
an  unfortunate  position,  he  was  opposed  to  a  subject  with  which  ho 
was  little  acquainted.  His  position  was  studied  and  examined,  his 
arguments  well  weighed,  but  by  his  antagonist  promptly  met. 
For  he  understood  his  language — it  was,  therefore,  a  fair  combat. 
Hitherto  had  he  boasted,  and  his  adherents  with  him,  that  he  had 
beaten  all  the  missionaries  who  had  attempted  to  meet  him.  When 
he  was  excited,  as  he  was  at  times  in  his  declamations,  then  his  elo 
quence  was  at  its  height.  It  was  then,  indeed,  that  the  flow  of 
words  and  arguments,  the  music  of  his  voice,  the  graceful  gestures 
of  his  arms,  and  the  ease  and  majestic  motions  of  his  body,  were 


280  THE    LOST    PWNCB. 

exciting  and  animating  in  the  extreme.  He  appeared  to  the  best 
advantage  on  the  first  day  of  his  declamations,  in  which  he  occupied 
the  floor  the  greater  part  of  the  time.  There  was  only  time  for  me 
to  make  a  few  preliminary  remarks  upon  the  points  which  would 
form  the  subject  of  my  discussion  on  the  following  day,  before  the 
council  adjourned.  One  of  the  Pagan  chiefs  observed  to  another 
that,  '  Red  Jacket,  the  King  of  the  Orators  of  the  Six  Nations,  has 
just  commenced  his  oratory,  and  before  he  finishes  he  will  make  the 
young  missionary  feel  the  weight  of  his  power.'  " 

A  vote  was  obtained  from  the  council  more  favorable  than  could 
have  been  expected  at  so  early  a  period,  in  the  death  conflict 
between  the  hereditary  superstition  and  the  newly  introduced 
Gospel,  permitting  the  establishment  of  schools,  though  as  yet  they 
would  not  consent  to  the  introduction  of  missionaries.  It  was 
regarded  as  a  victory  by  the  Christians,  for  in  the  conflict  of  parties, 
both  on  a  small  and  great  scale,  that  which  wavers  and  declines 
must  ultimately  fall,  and  every  foothold  of  advance  is  a  step 
towards  ultimate  triumph. 

It  is  sad  to  think  that  zeal  so  unbounded,  self-sacrifices  so  noble, 
and  successes  so  great,  should  have  passed  out  of  the  mind  of  the 
church  as  if  they  had  never  been ;  and  sadder  still,  to  think  that 
there  was  not  sufficient  missionary  zeal  in  the  ranks  of  the  Epis 
copal  Church  to  listen  to  the  exhortations  of  Bishop  Hobart,  or 
appreciate  and  sustain  the  efforts  of  Mr.  Williams. 

The  reader  will  have  noticed  throughout  Mr.  Williams's  history, 
that  while  his  mental  powers  were  most  vigorous,  and  his  exertions 
intense,  every  season  of  exertion  was  followed  by  a  prostration  of 
health.  It  was  so  in  the  present  instance.  He  continued,  however, 
laboring  unweariedly — for  his  duties  were  such  as  scarcely  to  admit 
cessation — when  at  length,  in  the  midst  of  his  favorite  Christmas 
solemnities,  his  voice  failed  while  chaunting,  and  bleeding  of  the 
lungs  ensued.  He  was,  therefore,  compelled  to  leave,  and  travel 
for  his  health,  the  only  remedy  he  had  from  boyhood  found  avail 
able. 


THE    LAY    MISSIONARY.  287 

He  was  also  summoned  to  Washington,  at  this  time,  on  public 
business  of  the  highest  importance  to  the  Oneidas,  and,  as  it  even 
tually  proved,  of  most  disastrous  consequences  to  himself.  The 
government  of  the  United  States  had  now  determined  to  attempt 
the  removal  of  the  New  York  Indians  to  the  west,  and,  relying  on 
the  ability  of  Mr.  Williams,  and  his  influence  with  the  nation,  sum 
moned  him  to  its  councils. 

The  subject  of  removal  had  engaged  his  attention  for  many  years, 
and  he  was  at  first  much  opposed  to  it,  but"  observation,  reflection, 
and  consultation  with  others,  had  all  contributed  to  change  his 
views. 

The  Indians  had  no  longer  the  ample  territories  and  hunting- 
grounds  they  once  possessed.  Encroached  upon,  on  all  sides, 
by  the  rapid  strides  of  civilization,  and  dwindling,  as  barbarism 
ever  must,  in  power  and  numbers,  when  in  contiguity  with  a  great 
civilized  people,  they  had  lost,  piecemeal,  a  large  portion  of  their 
lands,  and  the  prospect  was,  they  would  be  entirely  swallowed 
by  the  swelling  tide  which  hemmed  them  in  on  all  sides. 
Besides  which,  there  were  many  claimants  to  the  Indian  lands  in 
the  State  of  New  York,  foremost  among  whom  were  Messrs.  Ogden 
&  Co.,  who,  as  far  back  as  1796  or  '7,  had  actually  purchased  largo 
portions  of  these  lands  from  the  colony  of  Massachusetts,  wrhich,  in 
the  adjustment  of  boundary  difficulties  between  it  and  New  York, 
had  obtained  a  pre-emption  interest  in  the  Indian  country,  with 
right  of  extinguishing  the  Indian  title,  which  passed  over  to  the 
purchasers,  who  had  tnus  a  joint  interest  with  the  General  and 
State  Governments  in  causing  the  removal  of  the  Indians. 

In  December,  1819,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Morse,  on  behalf  of  the  United 
States  Government,  visited  Oneida,  and  Mr.  Williams  convened  the 
nation,  in  general  council,  to  hear  his  address,  in  which  he  urged 
them,  by  such  considerations  as  those  above,  and  by  showing  the 
impossibility  of  their  continuing  to  lead  a  hunting  life  in  the  State 
of  New  York,  to  consent  to  retire  to  the  lands  formerly  occupied  by 
the  Menominies  and  Winnebagoes,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Greeu 


288  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

Bay — negotiations  concerning  which  with  the  Six  Nations,  began 
even  before  the  war  of  1812,  but,  interrupted  by  that  event,  had 
been  renewed.  He  also  read  the  memorial  of  the  Sachems  and 
chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations  to  the  President  of  the  United  States,  in 
November,  1815,  on  the  subject,  with  the  answer  of  the  President. 
It  was  a  subject  too  weighty  to  admit  of  immediate  decision,  as  the 
Oneidas  were  greatly  divided  in  opinion ;  but  the  visit  of  Dr.  Morse 
led  to  a  correspondence  between  the  government  and  Mr.  Williams, 
which  ended  by  his  being  invited  to  Washington.  On  his  way,  he 
called  on  Bishop  Hobart,  in  New  York,  who  gave  him  a  letter  of 
introduction  to  President  Monroe,  and  expressed  the  greatest  sym 
pathy,  both  with  his  infirm  condition  of  health  and  the  business 
on  which  he  was  engaged.  The  Bishop,  who  took  an  enlightened  and 
statesman-like  view  of  the  subject,  had  for  several  years  regarded 
emigration  westward,  as  the  only  means  of  saving  the  Indians,  and 
had  persuaded  Mr.  Williams  to  use  his  influence  in  furtherance  of 
the  design.  It  is  necessary  to  understand  all  this  to  perceive  how 
he  was  first  withdrawn  from  strict  missionary  duty,  and  placed  in 
political  opposition  to  a  portion  of  the  Oneidas. 

President  Monroe  and  Mr.  Oalhoun,  Secretary  of  War,  received 
him  kindly  at  Washington ;  but  though  much  attention  was  shown 
him  on  all  sides,  his  favorite  appears  to  have  been  John  Ran 
dolph,  in  whose  society  and  conversation  he  took  great  delight.  On 
the  arrival  of  Dr.  Morse,  an  expedition  to  the  west  was  determined, 
and  the  War  Department  agreed  to  furnish  means  for  prosecuting 
it,  according  to  plans  furnished,  at  request  of  the  Government,  by 
Mr.  Williams.  The  party  was  to  consist  of  Dr.  Morse,  Mr.  Williams, 
and  eight  Indians,  delegates  from  the  Six  Nations. 

The  Secretary  of  War,  under  date  of  February  9,  1820,  wrote  to 
Governor  Gass  and  General  McOomb,  stating  that  the  expedition 
was  undertaken  with  the  approbation  of  the  President,  and  recom 
mending  Mr.  Williams  to  their  care,  besides  sending  fuller  commu 
nications  to  them,  and  the  commandants  of  tho  different  posts  in 
the  west. 


THE   LAY    MISSIONARY.  289 

Governor  Clinton,  also,  charged  Mr.  Williams  to  obtain  for  him 
extensive  statistical  information  respecting  the  traditions,  language, 
customs,  numbers,  and  government  of  the  western  Indians ;  which 
he  subsequently  embodied  in  his  discourses  before  the  New  York 
Historical  Society.  And  Bishop  Hobart,  likewise,  wrote  to  him, 
before  his  departure,  giving  him  permission  to  leave  his  missionary 
station  for  the  purpose  contemplated ;  u  satisfied,"  he  says,  "  as  I 
am,  that  it  is  your  supreme  desire  to  promote  the  temporal  and  spi 
ritual  welfare  of  your  countrymen,  and,  further,  the  benevolent 
views  of  the  government." 

On  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Williams  and  the  deputies  at  Detroit,  July 
11,  1820,  they  found  General  Oass  absent  at  Maumee  river,  making 
a  treaty  with  the  Potowatomies,  and  could  obtain  no  aid  from  Lieut.- 
Gov.  Woodbridge,  with  whom  they  conferred,  aa  he  said  he  had  no 
authority  to  assist  them.  To  their  surprise,  also,  on  the  return  of  Dr. 
Morse,  who  had  preceded  them  westward  to  Green  Bay,  they  learned 
that  the  agent  of  the  United  States,  Colonel  Boyer,  at  that  place, 
had  purchased  by  treaty,  from  the  Indians,  the  very  lands  they  had 
gone  out  to  survey — a  transaction  they  imputed  to  General  Cass, 
who,  as  Governor  of  the  territory,  was  at  the  head  of  the  Indian 
department — it  being  in  no  way  probable,  that  a  subordinate 
would  act  in  such  a  manner,  at  such  a  moment,  without  the  know 
ledge  and  approbation  of  his  superior.  Baffled  and  disappointed  in 
their  undertaking,  the  deputies  memorialized  the  government  on 
the  subject,  and  expressed  their  chagrin  at  the  transaction.  They 
then  returned  eastward  from  Detroit ;  and  Mr.  Williams  was  com 
pelled  to  proceed  to,  and  spend  the  winter  at,  Washington,  to 
oppose  the  ratification  of  the  treaty,  which  he  did  successfully,  with 
the  approbation  and  assistance  of  the  President  and  the  Secretary 
of  War.  Permission  was  then  given  to  the  Six  Nations  to  make 
arrangements  with  the  Menominies  and  Winnebagoes  for  the  pur 
chase  of  the  lands,  and  it  became  necessary  for  Mr.  Williams  to  set 
out  again  to  the  west.  As  the  mission  at  Oneida  had  suffered 
greatly  in  consequence  of  his  absence  in  1820,  he  procured  iinme- 

13 


290  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

diately  on  his  return  from  the  west,  in  the  fall  of  that  year,  the 
services  of  a  young  gentleman  of  the  name  of  Ellis,  to  act  as  lay 
reader.  The  health  of  Mr.  Ellis  was  weak,  and,  in  the  spring  of 
1821,  Mr.  Williams  determined  to  take  him  with  him  to  the  west 
for  the  benefit  of  his  health.  With  the  sanction  of  Bishop  Hobart, 
he  entrusted  the  care  of  his  mission,  during  the  second  absence,  to 
a  poor  young  man,  of  pleasing  manners  and  seeming  piety,  named 
Solomon  Davis,  whom  he  furnished  with  clothes  and  other  necessa 
ries,  and  left  in  care  of  his  house  and  library. 

Before  the  departure  of  Mr.  Williams,  the  bishop,  who  was  now 
deeply  interested  in  the  project  for  the  removal  of  the  Indians  to 
the  west,  addressed  the  Oneidas  in  a  long  letter,  from  which  I  will 
insert  the  following  passages  : — 

"  MY  CHILDREN. — I  am  fully  satisfied  that  it  is  the  benevolent  wish  oi' 
the  Government  of  the  United  States,  in  all  their  plans,  to  promote  youi 
good. 

"  MY  CHILDREN. — Your  Mend  and  brother  and  instructor,  Eleazar 
Williams,  I  am  fully  persuaded,  has  you  constantly  in  his  heart ;  and  it 
is  the  object  of  his  thoughts,  and  -cares,  and  plans,  and  labors,  to  make  you 
good,  and  respectable,  and  happy. 

"  MY  CHILDREN. — It  is  expedient  that  he  should  go  on  a  journey  to  the 
west,  to  see  if  he  can  find  some  territory,  where  the  Stockbridge  Indians 
and  others,  who  are  disposed  to  go,  may  reside ;  and  particularly  to  ascer 
tain  whether  your  western  brethren  are  inclined  to  embrace  the  Gospel  of 
our  Lord  and  Saviour,  Jesus  Christ,  which  is  the  great  and  only  means  of 
making  us  good  and  happy,  here  and  hereafter. 

"  MY  CHILDREN.— Let  Mr.  Williams  go,  and  aid  him  all  you  can  in  the 
important  objects  of  his  journey. 

"JOHN  H.  HOBART." 

To  show  the  deep  interest  taken  in  this  expedition,  BO  unfortu 
nate  to  Mr.  Williams,  I  need  only  further  insert  the  following  tes 
timonial  with  which  he  was  furnished,  by  the  Governor  of  New 
York:— 


THE    LAY    MISSIONARY.  201 

u  De  Witt  Clinton,  Governor  of  the  State  of  New  York,  to  all  to  whom, 
these  presents  shall  come,  greeting  : 

"Mr.  Eleazar  Williams,  and  several  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations  resi 
dent  in  this  state,  being  on  an  exploring  tour  to  the  west,  on  business  of 
importance,  I  do  hereby  recommend  them  to  the  protection  and  hospi 
tality  of  all  persons  to  whom  they  may  apply  for  the  same. 

"  In  witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  affixed  my  hand  and  the  privy 
seal  of  the  state,  at  the  city  of  Albany,  this  17th  day  of  May,  A.D.,  1821. 

"  DE  WITT  CLINTON." 

The  deputation  from  the  Six  Nations,  with  Mr.  Williams  at  their 
head,  arrived  at  Detroit,  July  12,  1821.  Governor  Oass,  being 
absent,  deputed  Mr.  Trowbridge  to  act  as  agent  for  the  government, 
and  he  accompanied  the  party  to  Green  Bay.  "  We  are  very  for 
tunate,"  writes  Mr.  Williams,  "  that  such  a  gentleman  as  Mr.  Trow- 
bridgo  was  appointed  to  superintend,  on  the  present  occasion,  the 
concerns  of  the  New  York  Indians." 

On  July  31,  they  left  Detroit  in  the  steamer,  "  Walk  in  Water." 
The  Rev.  Dr.  Yates,  of  the  Reformed  Dutch  Church,  and  Rev.  Dr. 
Richard,  of  the  Romish  Church,  were  of  the  company.  On  3d 
August,  they  touched  at  the  island  of  Michilimackinac  and  admired 
"its  beauty  and  majestic  appearance,"  and  passing  through  the 
Straits  of  Lake  Huron  and  Michigan,  arrived  August  6,  at  ten 
o'clock,  in  the  Fox  River,  opposite  Fort  Howard. 

Communication  was  immediately  opened  with  the  Menominiea 
and  the  Winnebagoes.  At  first,  the  latter  were  desirous  of  making 
a  present  of  the  land  to  the  New  York  Indians;  but  this  was 
declined,  on  account  of  the  insecurity  which  would  attend  the 
title,  in  future  times.  It  was  finally  agreed  the  land  should  be 
purchased,  by  treaty,  which  was  accordingly  done  on  August 
IT,  in  a  grand  council — the  terms  being  two  thousand  dollars,  five 
hundred  of  which  were  to  be  paid  immediately  and  fifteen  hundred 
within  one  year.  Having  accomplished  his  mission  for  the  govern 
ment  and  the  Indians,  Mr.  Williams  returned  home,  and  arrived  at 


292  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

Oneida  Castle,  September  28,  1821.  He  receired  the  thanks  and 
congratulations  both  of  the  General  and  State  Governments,  and 
also  of  Bishop  Hobart,  for  the  ability  with  which  he  had 
conducted  the  affair. 

"  I  congratulate  you,"  wrote  De  Witt  Clinton,  in  transmitting  him 
a  check  for  two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars,  "  on  the  success  of  your 
mission."  This,  I  may  remark,  being  a  mere  payment  of  expenses, 
was  all  which  Mr.  Williams  has  ever  received  for  services  by 
which  the  State  of  New  York  has  so  largely  benefitted  in  conse 
quence  of  the  sales  of  land  by  emigrating  tribes  to  her. 

But  now,  in  earnest,  began  the  troubles  of  his  latter  years.  The 
reader  will  remember  that  the  Oneida  Indians  were  divided  into 
two  parties,  formerly  Christian  and  Pagan ;  but,  since  the  success 
ful  missionary  efforts  of  Mr.  Williams,  known  as  the  First  and 
Second  Christian  parties.  Of  these,  the  First  was  favorable,  and 
the  Second,  opposed  to  emigration.  Political  prejudices,  fostered 
by  certain  religious  teachers,  for  their  own  ends,  alienated  the 
Second  Christian  party  from  the  man  to  whom  they  were  indebted 
for  the  faith  of  Christ,  and  who  had  been  laboring  to  the  best  of 
his  ability,  and  the  neglect  of  his  own  interests,  to  promote  their 
welfare  and  that  of  the  whole  body  of  the  Indians. 

It  was,  at  this  time,  that  system  of  calumny  began,  so  well  con 
tinued  and  imitated  by  others  up  to  the  present  "time,  and  the 
effects  of  which  can  only  be  counteracted  by  such  an  exposure  to 
the  public  eye  as  I  am  now  making  of  the  life,  character,  and 
actions  of  the  man.  Happy  for  every  one  if  their  past  lives  would 
bear  scrutiny  as  well  as  that  of  Eleazar  Williams.  The  Second 
Christian  party  of  Indians,  or  rather  a  few  individuals  among  them, 
repudiated,  in  the  name  of  the  whole  nation,  any  connection  with 
the  recent  delegation  to  the  west,  which  they  represented  as  a 
fraudulent  attempt,  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Williams,  to  draw  them 
from  the  homes  of  their  forefathers,  and  repeatedly  wrote  to 
Bishop  Hobart  on  the  subject,  requesting  that  he  would  withdraw 
him  from  being  their  teacher,  and  appoint  Mr.  Solomon  Davis  in 


THE    LAY    MISSIONARY.  293 

his  place.  The  bishop  paid  no  attention  to  them,  and  did  not  even 
deign  to  reply.  "They  sent  a  delegation  to  Washington,  who  were 
at  once  informed  that  the  affair  had  the  sanction  of  the  President, 
and  that  Mr.  Williams  had  in  everything  acted  honorably  and 
uprightly.  And  the  First  Christian  party,  meeting  in  council, 
declared  that  they  had  appointed  the  delegation  which  accompa 
nied  Mr.  Wiiliams  to  represent  them,  exposed  the  influences  by 
which  the  opposition  to  him  had  been  fomented,  and  expressed  the 
fullest  affection  for,  and  confidence  in  him. 

Unable  to  injure  Mr.  Williams  in  the  estimation  of  Bishop 
Hobart,  the  party  of  opposition  wrote  to  the  Kev.  Wm.  B.  Lacy, 
of  Albany,  requesting  him  to  use  his  influence  for  the  removal  of 
Mr.  Williams,  and  the  appointment  of  Mr.  Solomon  Davis.  "  Our 
affections  for  him,"  they  say,  "are  changed.  We  cannot  reverence 
and  respect  him  as  we  once  did.  He  has  tried  by  every  means  in 
his  power  to  draw  us  from  our  lands.  While  he  continued  faithful 
to  our  spiritual  interests,  and  remained  with  us  as  a  teacher  of  good 
things,  we  loved  him  and  endeavored  to  assist  him,  but  when  he 
became  discontented  with  his  situation,  neglected  us,  and  often  left 
us,  we  became  jealous  of  our  rights.  Ambition  appears  to  be  the 
ruling  passion  in  his  breast.  TJie  Jmmble  cottages  of  the  natives  ill 
suit  the  dignity  of  his  mind.  We,  however,  forbear  personal 
reflections  and  solicit  relief.  Our  wishes  centre  in  Mr.  Solomon 
Davis." 

As  this  gentleman  was  said  to  be  the  instigator  of  this  communi 
cation,  Mr.  Williams  kindly  wrote  to  inform  him  of  the  fact,  at  the 
same  time  giving  him  some  friendly  advice  respecting  the  prosecution 
of  his  studies.  Mr.  Lacy  enclosed  the  letter  of  the  Indians  to  Bishop 
Hobart,  with  the  following  remarks: — "Although  I  have  a  high 
opinion  of  Mr.  Williams's  zeal  and  fidelity  to  the  cause,  I  am  afraid 
he  has  lost  his  influence  among  the  Oneidas.  Prejudice,  founded 
on  invincible  ignorance,  is  often  unconquerable,  and  the  best  way 
to  avoid  its  consequence,  is  generally,  in  the  case  of  clergymen,  to 
flee  from  it.  Under  this  impression  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  the 


294  THE    L08T    PRINCE. 

sooner  Mr.  Williams  enters  on  his  mission  to  Green  Bay  the  better 
it  will  be  for  him  and  the  church." 

"While  difficulties,  not  of  his  own  creation,  were  thus  thickening 
around  him  at  Oneida,  his  missionary  exertions  for  many  years  past 
were  justly  appreciated  by  the  more  intelligent  portion  of  the  com 
munity,  and  he  records  in  his  journal  an  interesting  correspondence, 
in  January,  1822,  with  Mrs.  L.  H.  Sigourney,  who  wrote  for  informa 
tion  respecting  his  mission,  and  the  condition  and  habits  of  the 
Indians,  in  which  both  she  and  her  husband  took  a  lively  interest. 

Mr.  Williams  had  now,  though  unordained,  been  laboring  as  a 
missionary  under  the  auspices  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church 
for  seven  years,  and  during  that  time  he  had  received,  according  to 
the  account  of  Genit  H.  Van  Wagenen,  Esq.,  the  treasurer  of  the 
Missionary  Society,  of  New  York,  now  before  me,  $1,119  3,  being 
on  an  average,  about  $100  per  annum.  During  this  space  of  time 
he  had  expended  in  behalf  of  the  church,  with  the  exception  of 
$4  or  $500,  all  his  little  fortune  received  from  the  government.  It 
is  not  necessary  to  recapitulate  the  services  he  had  rendered  to  the 
church,  or  ask  the  reader,  with  this  simple  statement  of  facts  before 
him,  whether,  as  a  missionary,  he  seems  to  have  been  actuated  by 
worldly  motives,  or  by  a  sincere  love  to  God,  and  a  desire  to  pro 
mote  the  temporal  and  spiritual  welfare  of  the  Indian  race.  If  a 
cloud  rested  on  the  latter  part  of  his  career  at  Oneida,  it  certainly  was 
not  of  his  own  creation.  Poor  as  was  his  compensation,  ho  would 
not  have  deserted  his  post,  unnecessarily,  even  for  an  hour,  had  he 
not  been  called  from  it  by  a  sense  of  duty  to  the  people  to  whom 
he  ministered,  and  who  were  too  ignorant  to  appreciate  his  princi 
ples  or  feelings. 

It  seemed  now  necessary  that  he  should  seek  another  field  of  labor, 
and  precede  his  people  into  the  promised  land  o£  the  west.  After 
conference  with  Bishop  Hobart,  he  resigned  the  station  at  Oneida, 
and  set  out  for  Green  Bay,  in  July,  1822,  with  the  design  of  being 
on  the  spot,  when  the  portion  of  the  Indians  who  were  in  favor  of 
emigration  should  arrive  there.  In  doing  this  he  depended  solely 


MARRIAGE    AND    ORDINATION.  295 

upon  Providence.  Ho  went  out  without  missionary  station  or  gli- 
pend,  a-  Christian  layman,  who  had  devoted  his  life  to  God,  and 
patently  awaited  the  time,  when  he  might  be  deemed  worthy  of 
serving  his  Divine  master  in  the  lowest  ministry  of  his  church. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

MARRIAGE   AND    ORDINATION. 

THE  reader  has  now  traced,  step  by  step,  and,  almost,  day  by  day, 
the  career  of  Mr.  Williams,  since  his  first  arrival  in  Massachusetts. 
lie  has  seen  the  wonderful  development  of  his  intellect,  accompa 
nied  by  every  manifestation  which  man  can  afford,  to  Iris  fellow- 
men,  of  the  purest  piety ;  he  has  been  admitted,  by  his  journals, 
into  the  inmost  feelings  of  his  heart ;  he  has  followed  him  through 
the  exciting  scenes  of  his  military  life,  and  marked  the  success 
which  attended  his  missionary  efforts — together  with  the  influences 
which  broke  in  upon  the  simple  and  retired  devotion  of  his  life  at 
Oneida. 

In  the  midst  of  a  rich  and  cultivated  country,  surrounded  by  those 
he  had  civilized  and  Christianized,  he  had  hoped  to  spend  his  days, 
ministering  to  his  rustic  flock,  and  worshipping  in  the  beautiful  lit 
tle  church,  whose  spire  he  had  taught  to  rise  amid  the  wigwams 
and  hunting-grounds  of  the  Indian,  a  centre  of  good  influences,  both 
to  his  own  nation,  and  to  the  church,  who,  by  his  example,  might 
be  quickened  in  missionary  zeal. 

The  advice  of  his  venerated  bishop,  the  urgent  request  of  the  Pre 
sident  of  the  United  States,  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  the  Govenor 
of  the  State  of  New  York,  Hobart,  Monroe,  Calhoun,  De  Witt  Clin 
ton — compassion  for  the  condition  of  the  Indians,  reliance  on  the 
faith  of  treaties,  and  the  most  ample  minded  and  philanthropic  views 
for  the  social  regeneration  of  the  aborigines,  throughout  the  conti 
nent,  had  induced,  or  rather  compelled  him  to  lead  the  way,  as  at 


296  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 


a  religions  and  a  political  pioneer,  to  the  west,  in  order  to 
induce  the  New  York  Indians  to  follow  him,  to  what  was  designed 
as  the  perpetual  seat  and  guarded  haven  of  a  down-trodden  race. 

To  vindicate  the  character,  and  detail  the  history  of  Mr.  Williams, 
as  a  man,  and  as  a  Christian,  it  is  -necessary  to  put  the  reader  briefly 
in  possession  of  the  transactions  relative  to  Indian  affairs,  in  which 
he  was  engaged. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  century,  the  Winnebagoes  and  the  Meno- 
minies  were  the  possessors  of  several  millions  of  acres  of  most 
valuable  land,  on  the  borders  of  Lake  Michigan.  A  general  idea 
may  be  formed  of  its  nature  and  extent,  by  drawing  a  lino  on  a  map 
from  the  mouth  of  the  Milwaukee  river  westward  to  Fort  Winue- 
bago  —  from  thence  northward  to  the  high  lands  bordering  on  Lake 
Superior  —  and  then  south-eastward  to  Noquet  Bay,  opposite  the 
entrance  to  Green  Bay.  It  was  well  watered,  and  richly  wooded  — 
abounding  in  game,  and  fish,  adapted  alike  for  agricultural  and  hunt 
ing  purposes  —  but  ample  beyond  the  wants  or  desires  of  its  uncivi 
lized  inhabitants.  With  the  generosity  of  the  savage,  they  proposed 
to  share  this  noble  territory  with  their  eastern  brethren.  We  have 
seen  how  the  General  and  State  Governments  approved  of  and  fos 
tered  this  proposition;  and  how,  at  length,  in  1821,  in  a  treaty 
between  the  Winnebagoes  and  the  Menominies,  on  the  one  hand, 
and  the  delegates  of  the  Six  Nations  on  the  other,  with  the  United 
States,  in  the  person  of  its  agent,  standing  by  as  a  paternal  witness, 
to  afford  its  solemn  sanction,  and  throw  over  the  contracting  par 
ties  the  mantle  of  its  protection,  the  New  York  Indians  had  pur 
chased  a  certain  portion  of  this  territory.  Beginning  several  miles 
from  the  mouth  of  the  Fox  river,  it  ran  back  in  breadth  seven  or 
eight  miles  to  a  longitudinal  extent  of  about  seventy.  This  tract 
of  country,  was  not,  however  considered  by  the  Six  Nations  suffi 
ciently  large  —  and,  with  the  sanction  of  government  —  application 
was  made  for  an  extension  of  the  cession,  in  the  year  1822,  and  Mr. 
Williams  went  to  Green  Bay,  not  only  as  a  settler,  but  as  a  mem 
ber  of  a  delegation  commissioned  for  this  purpose. 


MARRIAGE    AND    ORDINATION.  297 

lie  was  requested  by  General  Oass  to  act  as  United  States  agent* 
on  the  occasion ;  but,  deeming  the  duties  of  this  office  incompatible 
with  being  a  party  to  the  transaction,  he  honorably  declined  it.  A 
treaty  was  entered  into  between  the  New  York  Indians  and  the 
Menominies  only,  on  the  23d  September,  by  which,  for  certain 
considerations — the  latter  admitted  their  eastern  brethren  to  a  full 
joint  ownership  of  the  half  of  the  whole  territory,  possessed,  pre 
viously,  in  common  by  them  and  the  Winnebagoes — with  certain 
reservations,  however,  to  guarantee  individual  rights,  of  which  I 
shall  speak  more  fully  hereafter. 

Now,  it  is  true,  that,  according  to  civilized  valuation,  the  amount 
paid  by  the  New  York  Indians  was  entirely  inadequate  for  the  just 
purchase  of  land,  which,  at  a  small  estimate,  exceeded  a  million  and 
a  half  of  acres.  But,  to  view  the  negotiation  in  this  light,  is  most 
absurd.  It  was  an  arrangement,  between  Indian  tribes,  for  their 
mutual  convenience  and  benefit,  not  only  sanctioned,  but  encou 
raged  by  government,  for  its  own  ends. 

The  New  York  Indians,  in  purchasing  this  western  territory,  and 
consenting  to  removal,  sacrificed  to  the  State  of  New  York,  and  to 
the  pre-emption  companies,  their  own  valuable  possessions  in  the 
east,  and  exchanged  an  ample,  cultivated  domain,  for  a  wilder 
ness,  in  the  hope  of  obtaining  an  asylum  for  the  red  man,  where, 
geographically  protected  by  the  lakes,  and  defended  by.  the  arm  of 
government,  he  might  remain  for  ever  safe  from  Anglo  Saxon 
cupidity,  and  grow  up  in  wealth,  civilization,  morality,  and 
religion. 

The  dream  of  Mr.  Williams,  which  he  indulged  in  common  with 
the  excellent  bishop,  and  the  great  statesmen  who  had  encouraged 
the  project  of  removal,  was,  that  all  the  remains  of  the  Indian  race 
in  the  territories  of  the  United  States,  should  be  there  gathered  into 
one  vast  community,  where  the  savage  tribes  might  be  won  over  to 
civilization  and  Christianity,  by  intercourse  with  their  already 
civilized  brethren. 

He  hoped,  at  some  future  day,  to  establish  a  great  Indian  col- 

13* 


298  THE    LOST   PRINCE. 

lege,  in  which  the  red  man  from  Canada,  as  well  as  the  inhabitant 
of  the  States,  might  be  instructed  and  trained  in  all  things  condu 
cive  to  happiness  here  and  hereafter.  With  this  unselfish  hope,  he 
braved  the  hardships  of  the  wilderness,  poverty,  and  isolation^  and 
patiently  awaited  the  hour  when  he  should  be  repaid  by  the  sight 
of  the  prosperity  of  his  people. 

But,  while  negotiations  were  still  in  progress,  difficulties  began, 
in  consequence  of  the  interference  and  chicanery  of  the  whites,  in 
the  neighborhood  of  Green  Bay,  who  strove  to  sow  dissensions 
between  the  contracting  parties,  and  neutralize  the  benevolent 
designs  of  President  Monroe.  They  represented  to  the  Menominies, 
that  the  New  York  Indians,  in  consequence  of  their  superior  know 
ledge,  had  already  overreached  them,  and  were  endeavoring  to  do 
so  again ;  and  that,  if  they  had  sold  the  land  to  the  government, 
they  would  have  obtained  far  better  conditions.  Bat,  notwith 
standing  their  efforts,  the  treaty  was  concluded  to  the  full  satisfac 
tion  of  the  Menominies,  who  were  most  urgent  with  their  eastern 
brethren  to  take  immediate  possession,  that,  by  occupying  the 
country,  they  might  keep  off  of  it  the  "  long  nails  "  of  the  white 
man. 

At  a  subsequent  period,  the  Menominies  were  induced,  by  inter 
ested  persons,  to  deny  their  bargain  with  the  JSTew  York  Indians, 
on  the  plea  that  they  had  been  overreached,  and  Mr.  Williams  was 
compelled  to  spend  his  time  and  substance  to  maintain  their  rights, 
against  the  efforts  of  knavish  traders  and  intriguing  statesmen. 
But,  for  the  present,  the  evil  hour  was  postponed ;  and,  as  soon  as 
he  was  settled  at  Green  Bay,  he  began  to  look  round  him  and 
examine  the  mixed  elements  of  which  society  in  the  Indian  terri 
tory  was  composed,  and  take  measures  for  the  establishment  of 
religious  worship. 

His  old  friend  and  comrade  in  the  war  of  1812,  Col.  Pinkney, 
was  in  command  of  the  garrison  at  Green  Bay,  and,  together  with 
his  officers,  received  him  with  kindness.  He  had  carried  with  him 
Mr.  Ellis,  for  the  purpose  of  instituting  a  school  for  the  religious 


MARRIAGE    AND    ORDINATION.  299 

education  of  the  Indians.  Still  a  layman,  unmarried,  with  the  world 
before  him,  he  was  under  no  obligation  but  that  of  a  conscientious 
devotion  to  Christ,  and  affectionate  regard  for  the  Indians,  to  apply 
himself  to  missionary  work,  or  remain  at  Green  Bay.  He  might 
easily  have  gained  wealth,  had  money  been  his  object.  He  might 
have  acquired  political  importance,  had  ambition  been  his  ruling 
passion.  But  he  was  simply  an  enthusiast  for  the  welfare  of  others. 
Immediately  on  his  arrival  at  Green  Bay,  he  held  public  service  in 
the  garrison,  and,  finding  a  respectable  and  increasing  attendance 
on  divine  worship,  made  an  appeal  in  February,  1823,  to  the  officers 
of  the  post  and  the  citizens,  to  provide  a  place  of  worship,  which 
was  promptly  and  cheerfully  responded  to.  In  a  short  time  a  neat 
chapel  was  fitted  up  in  the  garrison.  Mr.  Williams  had  the  honor 
of  being  the  first  person  who  performed  the  service  of  the  Protest 
ant  Episcopal  Church  west  of  Lake  Michigan.  But  the  religious 
instruction  of  the  Indians  was  still  uppermost  in  his  mind.  Only 
a  few  families  had  yet  arrived  from  the  State  of  New  York,  but  a 
great  many  were  expected,  and  he  desired  to  be  in  readiness  for  their 
arrival.  He  accordingly  opened  a  correspondence  with  the  Mission 
ary  Society  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church  at  Philadelphia. 
Ilis  plan  was  to  erect  a  mission  house,  in  which  he  would  place,  as. 
superintendants,  one  of  the  most  respectable  Indian  families,  with 
accommodation  for  the  boarding,  lodging,  and  schooling  of  100 
children,  who  were  to  be  provided  with  gardens  and  fields  for  their 
amusement.  He  was,  meanwhile,  educating  Mr.  Ellis  for  the  min 
istry,  and  while  prosecuting  his  studies,  proposed  that  he  should 
act  as  school-master  to  the  mission,  which  was  to  embrace  children 
of  all  the  Indian  tribes.  At  the  same  time  exertions  were  made 
by  the  officers  and  residents  of  Green  Bay  to  effect  the  same  object ; 
and,  with  the  sanction  of  Bishop  Hobart,  and  the  recommendation 
of  Gov.  Cass,  application  was  made  at  the  east,  by  Mr.  Ellis,  for 
funds  to  carry  the  design  of  Mr.  Williams  into  effect,  but  owing  to 
the  illness  of  that  gentleman,  very  little  money  was  collected. 
Soon  after  his  arrival  at  Green  Bay,  Mr.  Williams  had  become 


300  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

acquainted  at  the  garrison  with  a  young  lady  of  French  and  In 
dian  extraction,  named  Magdeline  Jourdan,  of  great  personal  attrac 
tions,  considerable  accomplishments,  and  prepossessing  sweetness 
of  disposition.  They  were  united  in  marriage  at  Green  Bay,  on  3d 
March,  1823.  By  his  marriage  with  this  lady,  Mr.  Williams  came 
into  possession  of  between  4  and  5,000  acres  of  land  on  the  borders 
of  the  Fox  River,  a  few  miles  distant  from  Green  Bay.  In  explana 
tion  of  the  manner  in  which  Miss  Jourdan  became  entitled  to  this 
fine  property,  I  may  remark  that,  among  the  Menominies,  whilo 
in  general  the  lands  were  common,  certain  tracts  were  held  imme- 
morially,  as  hunting-grounds  in  particular  families ;  and  at  the  time 
of  the  cession,  by  purchase,  of  a  portion  of  their  country  to  the  New 
York  Indians,  reservation  was  made  of  these,  by  express  treaty 
stipulation,  for  the  benefit  of  the  parties  interested.  The  land  in 
question  was  one  of  these  tracts,  and  had  long  been  the  hunting- 
ground  of  the  Jourdan  family.  To  avoid  all  future  doubt  concern 
ing  the  title  to  this  property,  it  was,  on  the  22d  August,  1825,  made 
over  to  Mrs.  Williams,  by  a  deed  from  the  chiefs,  warriors,  and 
head  men  of  the  Menominie  nation,  in  which  they  say  that,  "for, 
and  in  consideration  of  their  love  and  friendship  for  Magdeline 
^Williams,  and  her  heirs  of  the  Menominie  nation,  and  in  consider 
ation  of  the  sum  of  fifty  dollars,  they  gave,  granted,  bargained,  sold, 
and  quit-claimed  "  the  said  property,  to  her  and  her  heirs  for  ever. 
In  Article  9,  of  the  treaty  of  1838,  between  Ransom  II.  Gillct,  Com 
missioner  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  and  the  chiefs  of  the 
New  York  Indians,  this  property  was  guaranteed  to  Mr.  Williams, 
in  fee  simple,  by  patent  from  the  President.  Hereafter  I  shall  have 
occasion  to  speak  more  on  this  subject ;  but  here,  I  shall  only  beg 
the  reader  to  remember  that  this  property  had  no  connection  with 
any  remuneration  of  Mr.  Williams  for  services  rendered  to  the 
Indians,  but  was  his  wife's  estate,  owned  by  her  at  the  time  of 
their  marriage. 

In  May,  1823,  Mr.  Williams  wrote  to  Bishop  Hobart  a  report  of 
his  proceedings  and  prospects  of  success,  as  a  missionary  at  Green 


MARRIAGE    AND    ORDINATION.  301 

Bay,  and  applied  for  deacon's  orders,  which,  at  Oneida,  he  had  ont 
of  modesty  declined,  though  strongly  urged  to  enter  the  ministry 
by  the  Bishop. 

In  the  fall  of  1823,  considerable  alarm  existed  in  the  minds  of 
the  New  York  Indians,  respecting  the  validity  of  their  claims  on 
the  lands  ceded  them,  in  consequence  of  the  efforts  of  some 
government  agents,  at  Green  Bay,  to  create  dissension  between  the 
two  Indian  tribes;  and  it  became  necessary  for  Mr.  Williams  to 
visit  Washington,  and  confer  with  the  President  and  the  Secretary 
of  War,  in  relation  to  the  affair.  He  left  Green  Bay  for  this  pur 
pose,  on  November  1,  and  was  entirely  successful  in  his  mission  to 
the  seat  of  government.  The  parties  were  still  in  power  under 
whom  the  treaties  had  been  made  between  the  Indians,  and 
prompt  measures  were  taken  to  redress  the  ills  of  which  the  New 
York  Indians  complained. 

Bishop  Hobart  was  then  absent  in  England,  whither  he  had 
repaired  for  the  benefit  of  his  health,  not  long  after  the  application 
of  Mr.  Williams  for  deacon's  orders.  During  the  bishop's  absence, 
Mr.  Williams  was  subject  to  severe  annoyance  in  consequence  of 
false,  frivolous,  and  vexatious  reports  circulated  to  his  discredit, 
the  purport  or  the  author  of  which  he  could  not,  for  a  long  time, 
ascertain,  but  which,  at  length,  were  shown  to  emanate  from  a 
young  person  whom  he  had  formerly  befriended.  The  whole 
details  of  this  affair  have  been  preserved  by  Mr.  Williams,  and  will 
form  a  curious  chapter,  if  ever  published,  in  the  natural  history  of 
slander.  lie  spent  "the  whole  winter  of  1823,  and  the  winter, 
spring,  and  summer  of  1824,  in  trying  to  ascertain  the  substance  of 
false  reports,"  during  which  time  he  had  to  travel  about  three 
thousand  miles,  and  be  at  an  expense  of  one  thousand  dollars, 
merely  to  find  out  that  he  was  charged  with  a  leaning  to  Koman- 
ism,  and  other  things  equally  absurd  and  unfounded.  Among 
other  means  of  defamation  resorted  to,  was  the  circulation  of  a 
hand-bill,  which  drew  forth  a  reply  from  the  chiefs  of  the  First 
Christian  party,  at  Oneida,  in  which,  after  denying  the  truth  of 


302  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

everything  alleged,  they  say,  "  Mr.  Williams  has  been  among  us  ever 
since  the  year  1816,  and  his  acts  of  kindness  have  heen  constant, 
and  he  has  gratuitously  ever  since  been  doing  us  many  and  various 
services.  We  have  looked  to  him  as  a  friend  and  adviser,  and  he 
has  conducted  himself  towards  us,  with  the  utmost  fidelity  and  dis 
interestedness,  and  yet  these  his  acts,  and  this  his  conduct,  is  now 
to  be  misconstrued." 

Mr.  Williams,  during  his  residence  at  Green  Bay,  had  officiated 
regularly  to  the  garrison  and  the  inhabitants,  and  raised  a  numer 
ous  and  respectable  congregation,  who  were  strongly  attached  to 
him.  The  attendance  on  divine  service  not  unfrequently 
amounted  to  three  hundred  persons ;  but  his  labors,  with  the 
exception  of  occasional  gratuities  from  the  officers,  were  without 
remuneration.  He  had  no  stipend,  either  from  the  congreation  or 
any  missionary  society.  His  health  again  became  infirm,  and  the 
weakness  of  his  lungs  increased,  and  as  he  had  never  designed  to  con 
tinue  in  a  ministerial  capacity  at  Green  Bay,  itself,  and  the  Oneidas 
were  now  rapidly  arriving  at  the  neighboring  settlement  of  Duck 
Creek,  where  he  intended  to  plant  a  church,  he  applied  to  the  soci 
ety,  at  Philadelphia,  to  send  some  clergyman  to  the  station,  who 
might  take  his  place,  and  raise  a  school  and  mission  for  the  instruc 
tion  of  the  Menominies.  The  Rev.  Mr.  Nash  was  accordingly 
appointed.  The  failure  of  this  gentleman  at  Green  Bay  is  well 
known  to  those  acquainted  with  the  history  of  the  mission ;  but 
everything  was  done  by  Mr.  Williams,  previous  to  his  departure,  for 
the  east,  where  he  purposed  to  spend  the  winter  of  1825-6,  to  render 
him  comfortable,  and  make  his  services  efficient.  In  consequence  of 
sickness,  Mr.  Williams  remained  at  Oneida  until  the  spring  of  1826,  in 
the  midst  of  his  friends,,  but  at  the  same  time  exposed  to  the  ungen 
erous  assaults  of  his  enemies.  To  bring  the  attacks  against  him  to 
immediate  issue,  he  now  applied  for  deacon's  orders.  The 
signatures  to  the  canonical  recommendations  were  of  the  most 
respectable  kind,  and  the  bishop  appointed  Oneida  as  the  scene  of 
his  labors,  and  the  residence  of  his  enemies,  for  his  ordination. 


MARRIAGE    AND    ORDINATION.  303 

At  Vernon,  on  the  evening  preceding  the  ordination,  Mr.  Solomon 
Davis  called,  with  several  chiefs,  on  Bishop  Ilobart,  and  withdrew 
the  charges  he  had  made  against  Mr.  Williams  ;  though  I  am  sorry 
to  add,  that  this  gentleman  has  not  ceased  to  blacken  the  reputation 
of  a  man  every  way  his  superior,  and  whose  literary  labors  even  he 
has  not  hesitated  to  pass  for  his  own.  A  translation  of  the  Prayer 
Book,  published  some  years  since,  as  the  compilation  of  Mr.  Solomon 
Davis,  is  the  work  of  Mr.  Williams.  Tho  bishop,  with  the  clergy 
who  accompanied  him,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Anthon,  of  Utica,  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Bulkley,  of  Maulius,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Perry,  of  Rome,  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Ilolister,  of  Paris,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Young,  of  Perriville,  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Tread  way,  of  New  Hartford,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Griffin,  of  New  York,  and 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Burgess,  of  Connecticut,  were  met  at  Vernon  by  a 
party  of  Oneida  chiefs  and  others,  and  escorted  to  the  church.  Mr. 
Solomon  Davis,  catechist  and  lay  reader,  said  the  morning  prayer. 
The  bishop  then  made  an  address  to  the  Indians,  which  was  inter 
preted  to  them.  It  has  been  preserved,  and  is  an  admirable  speci 
men  of  apostolic  simplicity.  At  its  conclusion,  several  of  the  chiefs 
advanced,  each  one  placing  his  hand  in  token  of  assent  on  the  right 
shoulder  of  the  one  who  stood  before  him,  and  the  foremost  placing 
his  hand  upon  the  shoulder  of  Mr.  Williams,  who  thus,  as  the  repre 
sentative  of  all,  addressed  the  bishop  on  behalf  of  that  portion  of 
the  Oneida  nation  who  adhered  to  and  designed  to  follow  him  to  the 
west,  praying  him  still  to  extend  his  paternal  care  over  them,  in 
spiritual  things,  after  their  departure  to  their  distant  and  new  home 
at  Green  Bay,  to  which  the  bishop  affectionately  responded.  The 
address  to  the  candidate  for  ordination  was  marked  by  all  that 
fervor  which  was  characteristic  of  the  zealous  bishop.  "  You  are 
now,"  he  said,  "  to  make  very  solemn  vows.  You  are  to  make  them 
in  the  presence  of  Him  who  cannot  be  deceived,  and  who  will  not 
be  mocked.  You  are  to  seal  the  sincerity  with  which  you  make, 
and  the  fidelity  with  which  you  mean  to  fulfil  them,  by  partaking 
of  the  symbols  of  the  body  and  blood  of  the  Lord.  Need  I  say  to 
you — and  what  I  say  to  you  I  say  to  my  brethren  and  myself — how 


304  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

tremendous  the  guilt,  how  horrible  the  punishment,  if  those  vows 
be  not  made  in  sincerity,  if  those  vows  be  not  faithfully  fulfilled. 
In  an  extensive  region  to  the  west,  the  greater  portion  of  your  coun 
trymen  will  be  gathered,  advancing  in  all  the  arts  of  civilization 
and  social  life,  under  the  guidance  of  that  religion  which  best  per 
fects  and  secures  every  human  blessing ;  the  time  may  come,  when 
the  descendants  of  those  who  once  roamed,  scattered  bands,  wild  as 
the  wilderness  around  them,  which  they  now  behold  bright  with 
the  fruitful  fields,  the  populous  villages,  and  the  busy  cities,  of  the 
more  powerful,  because  civilized^race.,  who  possess  the  soil  of  which 
they  once  were  lords,  may  take  their  stand,  a  compact,  honored, 
independent  body  of  enlightened  freemen,  in  the  highest  ranks  of 
their  white  brethren,  and  participate  in  all  the  inestimable  blessings 
of  those  civil  and  religious  institutions,  which  are  the  just  pride  of 
our  happy  country.  You  go  forth  to  aid  in  this  great,  this  glorious, 
this  most  benevolent  design.  You  go  forth,  the  first  Indian  vested 
by  our  church  with  that  commission,  without  which  no  man  can 
minister  in  holy  things.  God  grant  I  may  have  cause  to  thank  Him 
for  making  me  the  instrument  of  commissioning  you  to  His  service. 
Duties  and  difficulties  you  will  have  of  no  ordinary  kind.  To  dis 
charge  those  duties,  and  overcome  those  difficulties,  exert  all  your 
powers,  and  call  forth  that  grace  of  God's  Spirit,  which  you  must 
constantly  implore.  Great  your  labors,  great  your  difficulties,  but 
great  also  may  bo  your  reward.  How  great  the  reward  in  the  view 
of  your  scattered,  and  in  too  many  respects,  degraded  countrymen, 
rising  to  that  rank  in  civil  and  in  social  life,  for  which  God  has 
designed  them — what  a  transcendant  reward  in  the  prospect  of  the 
fulfilment  to  you  of  that  gracious  promise,  '  they  who  turn  many 
to  righteousness  shall  shine  as  the  stars  for  ever" and  ever.'  " 

With  these  words  ringing  in  his  ears,  the  Sachem  knelt  at 
the  feet  of  his  friend  and  bishop,  and  received,  in  ordination,  the 
apostolic  laying  on  of  hands.  The  prospect  seemed,  once  more, 
bright  before  him,  and,  surrounded  with  the  fruits  and  evidences 
of  past  labor,  and  with  a  heart  beating  high  with  hope  of  convert- 


REVERSES.  305 

ing  into  a  smiling  garden  the  western  wilderness,  which  was  to  be 
the  scene  of  his  future  toils,  he  rose  to  carry  thither  the  cross  and 
Gospel. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

REVERSES. 

ARMED  with  the  ministerial  commission,  Mr.  Williams  returned  to 
Green  Bay,  to  spend  his  life  in  missionary  labor,  among  the  people 
he  loved,  who  were  now  crowding  to  their  new  homes  in  the  west. 
His  position  was  peculiar.  He  was  not  merely  the  spiritual  pastor 
of  the  Indians,  but  their  secular  champion.  While  a  layman,  he 
performed  the  duties  of  a  clergyman ;  and,  when  in  the  ministry, 
it  was  impossible  for  him,  as  the  most  intelligent  person  in  the  Six 
Nations,  who  had,  also,  been  engaged  in  all  late  transactions  between 
them  and  government,  to  cease  defending  the  title  to  their  newly 
acquired  possessions.  He  was  bound,  in  honor  and  duty,  to  fight 
for  them,  as  he  had  been  the  chief  instrument  of  government  in 
withdrawing  them  from  their  old  habitations ;  and  they  might  well 
have  accused  him  of  treachery,  had  he  tamely  permitted  them  to 
bo  despoiled,  by  unprincipled  politicians,  of  what  was  designed  to 
be  the  magnificent  heritage  of  their  children. 

While  the  right  of  the  Oneidas  to  the  land  purchased  near  Lake 
Michigan  was  still  unquestioned,  Mr.  Williams  induced  them  to 
erect  a  chapel  at  Duck  Creek ;  but,  in  the  midst  of  their  labors  to 
establish  themselves  as  a  civil  and  religious  community,  the  intelli 
gence  came  that  government  was  about  to  enter  into  a  treaty  with 
the  Menominies.  They  were  at  no  loss  to  foresee  the  bearing  of 
such  a  treaty  on  themselves.  On  its  face,  it  bore  an  attempt  to 
defraud  them  of  their  possessions,  and  deny  the  validity  of  the  treaties 
between  them  and  the  Menominies,  entered  into  with  the  sanction, 
and  at  the  instigation  of  the  United  States  Government.  The  then 
existing  administration  was  bound  by  the  acts  of  its  predecessors ; 


306  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

and  General  Cass,  who  had  superintended  the  negotiations  between 
the  Indians  of  the  east  and  west,  was  still  governor  of  tbo  north 
western  territory,  and  fully  cognizant  of  all  the  details  of  those 
transactions,  and  of  the  integrity  and  good  faith  in  which  the  New 
York  Indians  had  obtained  their  lands  at  Green  Bay.  From  its 
most  incipient  stage,  General  Cass  had  been,  we  may  say,  a  party 
to  the  cession.  On  the  10th  July,  1817,  he  wrote  to  E.  Granger, 
Esq.,  Indian  agent  at  Buffalo,  "  The  government  is  friendly  to  the 
proposed  cession.  Were  it  otherwise,  I  should  not  consider  myself 
at  liberty  to  co-operate  in  the  projected  negotiation."  In  1818,  in 
a  long  letter  to  the  Hon.  D.  A.  Ogden,  he  represented  the  removal 
of  the  New  York  Indians  to  the  west,  as  a  change  fraught  with 
benefit  to  the  government,  on  account  of  their  civilization  and 
proved  fidelity,  which  would  render  them  a  barrier  against  the 
incursions  of  the  savage  tribes,  and  be  the  means  of  reclaiming  them 
from  barbarism.  Mr.  Trowbridge,  who,  by  his  appointment,  had 
been  present  on  behalf  of  the  United  States,  at  the  treaty  of  1821, 
had  reported  to  him  the  whole  proceedings,  making  mention, 
among  other  things,  uof  the  correct  moral  deportment,  and 
statesmanlike  conduct  of  the  deputies  from  the  Six  Nations,  under 
the  direction  of  Mr.  Williams,  whose  personal  exertions,"  he  added, 
"  have  been  very  great."  Mr.  John  Sergeant,  jun.,  in  making  his 
report,  of  October  16,  1822,  to  General  Cass,  concerning  the  second 
treaty,  in  which  an  extension  of  the  cession  was  obtained,  says : — 
"  Some  of  the  French  people  in  this  place  have  taken  much  pains 
to  create  a  party  among  the  Menominies,  to  frustrate  the  designs  of 
government,  and  the  New  York  Indians,  in  the  aforesaid  purchase, 
and  have  been  entirely  unsuccessful  in  their  attempts ;  and  I  have 
the  pleasure,  further  to  state,  that  the  Menominies  appear  to  be 
much  pleased  with  the  bargain  and  their  new  neighbors."  So  that, 
if  ever  there  was  a  purchase  made  in  good  faith,  it  was  that  of  the 
New  York  Indians,  and  General  Cass  knew  it. 

"  My  fears  in  regard  to  the  contemplated  treaty  with  the  Meno 
minies,"  writes  Mr.  Williams,  in  his  journal,  "  were  at  length  fully 


REVERSES.  807 

realized.  By  a  communication  from  government,  I  was  informed 
that  an  appropriation  had  been  made  by  Congress  to  carry  the 
above  into  effect,  and  that  General  Cass  and  Colonel  McKinnoy 
were  appointed  as  commissioners ;  the  main  object  being  to  curtail 
the  land  conveyed  to  the  New  York  Indians,  as  all  the  tract  of 
country  lying  on  the  west  side  of  Lake  Michigan  must  now  soon 
be  erected  into  a  territory." 

Of  all  transactions  in  the  history  of  the  United  States, 
the  treaty  of  Butte  des  Morts  is  the  most  dishonorable.  The 
commissioners,  without  asking  the  consent  of  the  New  York 
Indians,  purchased  from  the  Menominies  the  most  valuable  portion, 
including  improved  lands,  of  the  tract,  ceded  by  previous  treaties 
to  them,  shutting  them  out  entirely  from  access  to  the  Fox  river, 
from  its  mouth  to  the  rapids  of  the  Grand  Kakalin.  The  Menomi 
nies  and  the  Winnebagoes  were  summoned  to  the  council,  and  the 
New  York  Indians  had  to  stand  by  and  see  their  possessions 
wrested  from  them  by  the  strong  hand  of  power.  After  the  treaty 
was  opened,  Governor  Cass  said,  "  We  have  observed  for  some 
time  the  Menominies  to  be  in  a  bad  situation  as  to  their  chiefs. 
There  is  no  one  we  can  talk  to  as  head  of  the  nation.  If  anything 
should  happen,  we  want  some  man  who  has  authority  in  the 
nation  that  we  can  look  to.  You  appear  like  a  flock  of  geese,  with 
out  a  leader,  some  fly  one  way  and  some  another.  To-morrow,  at 
the  opening  of  the  council,  we  shall  appoint  a  principal  chief  of  the 
Menominies.  We  shall  make  inquiry  this  afternoon,  and  try  to 
select  the  proper  man.  We  shall  give  him  the  medal,  and  shall 
expect  the  Menominies  to  respect  him." 

On  August  7,  two  young  men  were  called  in  front  of  the 
commissioners  (one  was  named  Oiscoss,  alias  Claw,  the  other  was 
called  Carron).  Col.  McKinney  then  addressed  them,  and  put 
medals  round  their  necks. '  Oiscoss  or  Oskashe,  as  the  name  is 
spelled  in  the  printed  treaty,  was  made  head  chief,  and  the  future 
organ  of  communication  with  the  commissioners — and  thus,  by  his 


308  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

instrumentality,  the  property  of  the  New  York  Indians  was  given 
over  to  the  United  States. 

A  short  story  which  Mr.  Williams  once  told  me  in  conversation, 
will  show  who  Oiscoss  was,  and  what  "a  proper  person"  was 
found  in  him. 

One  morning,  at  dawn  of  day,  about  a  year  previous  to  the 
treaty  of  Butte  des  Morts,  a  young  hal^breed  Indian,  who  was  a 
distant  relative  of  Mrs.  Jourdan,  the  mother-in-law  of  Mr. 
"Williams,  was  paddling  in  his  canoe  down  Hell  Creek,  a  branch  of 
the  Fox  Eiver.  It  was  still  dark,  so  that  objects  could  not  be 
distinctly  discerned.  As  he  glided  by  the  tall  rushes  growing  near 
the  bank,  he  observed  them  move,  as  if  some  animal  was  among 
them.  Supposing  it  to  be  a  deer,  he  fired  at  the  spot  where  he 
saw  the  motion,  and  then  paddled  through  an  opening  in  the  reeds 
to  see  the  effect  of  his  shot.  To  his  inexpressible  horror,  he  found 
an  Indian,  in  his  canoe,  which  was  half-drawn  on  shore,  drooping 
lifelessly  over  the  side  of  his  bark,  with  a  shot  through  his  head. 
As  the  deed  was  accidental,  he  had  no  wish  to  conceal  it,  and  put 
ting  the  body  in  his  own  canoe,  paddled  down  to  Green  Bay,  to 
the  encampment  of  Oiscoss,  as  the  Indian  killed  belonged  to  his 
party.  On  landing,  he  went  strait  to  Oiscoss,  and  informed  him  of 
what  had  happened,  when  Oiscoss,  who  was  drunk  at  the  time, 
drew  his  knife,  and  plunging  it  repeatedly  into  his  body,  continued 
stabbing  him  till  he  was  dead.  He  was  arrested  for  murder,  but  as 
he  was  a  man  of  great  influence  among  the  Indians,  was  acquitted. 
But  though  he  had  escaped  the  law,  there  was  another  tribunal  of 
a  different  kind  to  which  he  was  still  exposed.  There  is  a  tradi 
tional  institution  among  the  Indians,  very  similar  to  the  avenger  of 
blood.  Mrs.  Jourdan,  as  the  relative  of  the  slain,  and  a  medicine 
woman,  had  only,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  nation,  to  take  a 
pipe  and  a  war-club,  and  lay  them  down  at  the  feet  of  any  of  the 
chiefs  of  Menominies,  and  pronounce  the  name,  "  Oiscoss"  in 
order  to  insure  a  just  and  immediate  retribution.  When  the  day 


REVERSES.  309 

appointed  for  the  council  at  Butte  des  Morts  drew  near,  fearing, 
that  unless  he  was  reconciled  with  her,  his  life  might  be  taken,  he 
proceeded  to  her  house,  acknowledged  the  murder,  threw  himself 
on  her  mercy,  and  implored  pardon.  It  was  granted,  and  the  only 
punishment  he  received  was  the  fierce  invective  which  the  eloquent 
tongue  of  an  indignant  woman  could  bestow.  "When  he  appeared 
at  Butte  des  Morts,  he  was  taken  by  a  half-breed  (L.  Gr.)  to  the 
judge  before  whom  he  had  been  tried,  and  told,  "  There  sits  the 
man  who  saved  your  life — now  do  whatever  he  tells  you."  Such 
was  the  head  chief,  the  medal  man,  "  the  proper  person,"  of  Butte 
des  Morts,  by  whose  influence,  in  a  great  measure,  the  lands  of  the 
New  York  Indians  were  consigned  by  the  Menominies  to  the  com 
missioners. 

Many  of  the  speeches  delivered  by  the  Indians,  at  Butte  des 
Morts,  and  that  by  Mr.  Dean,  who  spoke  on  behalf  of  the  Six 
Nations,  were  taken  down,  at  the  time,  by  Mr.  Polk,  of  Washing 
ton,  and  Mr.  Williams,  and-  are  yet  preserved  by  the  latter 
gentleman.  The  indignation  and  distress  of  the  Oneida,  Stock- 
bridge,  and  Brothertown  Indians,  was  extreme.  "  Before  we  left 
the  treaty  ground,"  writes  Mr.  Williams,  "  it  was  proposed  to  me, 
by  the  whole  delegation,  to  proceed  to  Washington  and  meet  the 
treaty  just  concluded  with  the  Menominies."  An  eloquent  appeal 
and  petition,  from  the  Six  Nations,  was  drawn  up,  and  Mr. 
Williams  set  out  for  Washington,  in  the  fall  of  1827,  to  oppose  the 
ratification  of  the  treaty.  He  had  the  good  fortune  to  interest  Mr. 
Van  Buren,  Mr.  Benton,  Mr.  Calhoun,  and  other  distinguished  gen 
tlemen,  in  the  senate,  in  behalf  of  the  New  York  Indians,  and,  by 
their  kind  exertions,  the  consummation  of  the  proposed  iniquity 
was  prevented.  Nothing,  however,  was  done  that  session.  As 
the  hopes  of  the  Six  Nations  depended  on  the  efforts  of  Mr. 
Williams,  it  was  of^the  utmost  importance  to  those  who  desired  the 
ratification  of  the  treaty,  to  withdraw  him  from  their  cause,  and  a 
politic  but  fruitless  appeal  appears  to  have  been  made  to  his 
cupidity,  lie  received  the  following  letter  from  Gen.  Cass : — 


310  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

"  Detroit,  Jany.  29, 18Z&. 

"  DEAR  SIR  : — By  the  present  mail  I  have  written  to  the  War  Depart 
ment,  recommending  your  appointment  aa  sub-agent,  at  Green  Bay.  1 
hope  you  will  be  appointed, 

"  I  am,  dear  sir,  sincerely  yours, 

"LEW.  CASS. 
"REv.  E.  WILLIAMS." 

So  much  anxiety  was  shown  that  he  should  get  this,  that  two 
copies  were  sent,  one  to  Washington,  the  other  to  the  care  of  Col. 
McKinney,  by  whom  it  was  forwarded  to  Bishop  Hobart,  that  it 
might  reach  him  in  New  York.  He  was  confined  in  that  city,  after 
the  termination  of  the  session,  with  a  severe  fit  of  sickness,  and 
was  not  able  to  leave  until  June,  1828.  He  then  returned  to 
Washington,  to  inform  the  President,  agreeably  to  a  communica 
tion  he  had  received,  that  the  Six  Nations  would  consent  to  the 
ratification  of  the  treaty,  provided  the  claims  of  the  New  York 
Indians  were  allowed. 

In  August,  1828,  Mr.  Williams  was  appointed,  by  the  Missionary 
Society  at  Philadelphia,  missionary  to  Duck  Creek.  His  salary 
was  $62,50  per  quarter ;  and  for  this  munificent  sum,  he  was  not 
only  to  perform  all  the  ordinary  duties  of  a  clergyman,  but  "  to 
keep,  or  cause  to  be  kept,  without  additional  charge  to  the  Society, 
a  permanent  school  for  the  instruction  of  the  children  of  the  Oneida 
Indians,  and  such  others  as  may  desire  it"  He  hired  a  teacher  at  a 
salary  of  $150  or  $200  per  annum,  and  the  surplus  constituted  his 
own  remuneration.  All  this  time,  and  for  years  after,  he  had  to 
defend  the  rights  of  the  New  York  Indians  at  his  own  expense.  It 
is  necessary  all  this  should  be  exposed,  that  the  discouragements 
of  every  kind  under  which  he  labored  may  be  seen.  How  many 
are  there  who  would  have  labored  on  such  conditions?  Since 
his  leaving  Oneida,  except  occasional  presents,  a^the  option  of  the 
officers  of  the  garrison  at  Green  Bay,  ho  had  not  received  a  farthing 
in  the  shape  of  salary  from  the  Church. 

On  the  occasion  of  the  appointment  of  Mr.  Williams  as  mission- 


REVERSES.  311 

ary,  the  Indians  at  Duck  Creek  made  an  address  to  the  Society,  in 
which  they  say : 

"  FATHERS  AND  BROTHERS. — We  have  hitherto  hanged  our  heads  down, 
and  our  hearts  were  sorrowful,  because  we  were  weak  in  our  religious 
affairs.  Our  brother,  who  was  disposed  to  instruct  us  in  the  ways  of  God, 
was  weak  also.  No  society  encouraged  him  in  his  labor  of  love.  We  were 
grieved  to  see  him  thus  situated.  We  were  not  able  to  aid  him  ;  we 
were  poor  ourselves.  We  now  raise  our  heads,  and  rejoice  at  the  news  that 
you  have  taken  pity  on  us  and  our  brother,  by  giving  him  such  assistance 
as  to  enable  him,  in  some  measure,  to  preach  the  Gospel  to  us  tvithout 
laboring  at  the  same  time  to  maintain 


Mr.  Williams,  too,  in  reporting  his  labors  to  the  Society,  returns 
them  thanks,  and  offers  the  prayer  that  "  the  name  of  Jesus  may 
bo  glorified,  and  all  men  may  be  blessed  in  Him,  and  all  nations 
call  him  blessed."  His  health,  however,  continued  infirm,  and 
with  difficulty  he  performed  his  ministerial  duties,  until  the  spring 
of  1830,  when  he  began  to  amend. 

With  the  return  of  health  he  was  once  more  called  into  the  excit 
ing  and  thankless  scenes  of  political  life. 

A  new  commission  was  appointed  to  negotiate  with  the  Indians, 
and  just  prior  to  its  meeting  he  received  a  visit  from  an  old  friend 
and  school-mate,  at  Long  Meadow,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Oolton,  who 
records  it  in  the  first  volume  of  his  able  work  on  the  American 
Lakes.  The  account  of  Mr.  Oolton  is  interesting,  as  it  presents  a 
lively  picture  of  the  man  in  the  scene  of  his  labors  and  disappoint 
ments  ;  gives  a  just  idea  of  the  simple  grandeur  which  attaches  to 
his  person  and  character,  and  which  no  depression  can  efface ;  and 
exhibits  his  lofty  views  and  extensive  plans  for  the  amelioration  of 
the  condition  of  his  supposed  countrymen,  which  were  all  blighted 
by  political  dishonesty.  It  is  also  curious  on  other  accounts.  To  do 
justice  to  it,  the  account  of  Prof.  Colton  should  be  read  as  a  whole. 
I  can  only  furnish  some  brief  extracts.  Mr.  Williams  took  his  friend 
in  a  canoe  up  the  Fox  River,  from  his  residence,  and  "  as  may  be 


312  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

imagined,"  says  Mr.  Colton,  "  we  talked  over  and  lived  again  the 
scenes  of  childhood.  '  And  here  we  are,  Mr.  Williams.  How 
strange!  What  a  scene  is  this  1' 

"  'Indeed,  sir;  and  did  we  dream  of  it  when  we  ran  around  tho 
brick  school-house  in  the  street  of  Long  Meadow,  and  played  our 
boyish  pranks  in  that  never-to-be-forgotten  and  delightful  retreat?' 

" '  And  do  you  remember  the  dress  you  wore  when  first  your 
father  brought  you  from  Canada,  and  what  infinite  sport  you  and 
your  brother  John  made  for  the  children  of  the  school,  by  the 
strangeness  of  your  manners,  and  your  Indian  whims,  before  you  had 
learned  to  accommodate  yourselves  to  such  a  state  of  discipline  ?' 

" '  My  memory,'  said  Mr.  Williams,  tapping  his  forehead  with  his 
finger,  as  much  like  a  Frenchman  as  an  Indian,  and  winking  a  smile 
of  great  significance,  'records  those  scenes  as  if  they  were  the 
occurrence  of  yesterday.' " 

This  shows  how,  apart  from  any  theory  to  suggest  the  idea,  Mr. 
Williams  bears  the  polite  Frenchman  in  his  very  aspect  and  man 
ner.  The  friends  landed.  "After  being  made  acquainted,"  con 
tinues  Mr.  Colton,  "  with  Mrs.  Williams,  who  set  before  us  refresh 
ments,  a  walk  was  proposed  and  taken  along  the  elevated  brow  of 
a  sort  of  amphitheatre,  overlooking  the  river,  and  enclosing  a 
spacious  and  rich  plain  a  little  above  the  highest  floods.  It  was 
indeed  a  beautiful  and  commanding  eminence,  itself  the  margin  of 
another  plain,  stretching  back  under  the  sombre  and  apparently 
boundless  orchard  of  oaks.  '  Here,'  said  Mr.  Williams,  '  on  this 
spot,  and  along  this  line,  I  had  fondly  indulged  the  dream,  would  one 
day,  not  far  distant,  be  founded  and  erected  a  literary  and  scientific 
seminary  for  the  education  of  Indian  youth.  Next  to  the  removal 
and  establishment  of  our  eastern  tribes,  in  these  delightful  abodes 
of  the  northwest  and  along  Fox  River,  and  such  a  confirmation  of 
our  privileges  as  to  afford  a  security  for  future  exemption  from  the 
incursions  of  tho  white  man,  I  had  conceived  and  fondly  cherished 
the  project  of  this  institution.  This  wide  and  beautiful  country 
was  to  be  our  inheritance,  in  common  with  the  tribes  of  whom  we 


REVERSES.  313 

purchased,  and  with  whom  we  entered  into  friendly  alliance,  under 
the  guidance  and  auspices  of  the  President  and  Government  of  the 
United  States.  For  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  our  public  inju 
ries,  and  of  the  successive  ejectments  of  our  tribes,  from  the  east  to 
the  west,  in  the  progress  of  two  centuries,  and  of  the  gradual  wast 
ing  away,  of  whole  nations,  as  well  as  the  constant  diminution  of 
these  small  remnants  which  still  retain  a  name  and  existence — a 
lixed  and  permanent  position  was  here  pledged  to  us,  and  seemed 
to  be  gained  without  fear  of  disturbance.  Here  opened  to  our 
imagination  and  to  our  hope,  and,  I  might  add,  to  our  sober  judg 
ment,  a  theatre  for  the  regeneration  of  our  race.  And  is  there  any 
hope,  think  you  ?  The  lamp  of  hope  has  long  since  expired.  We 
can  never  move  again.  We  have  no  courage.  Our  tribes  have  no 
courage.  For  where  is  the  faith  on  which  we  can  rely  ?  You  shall 
see  the  state  of  things  in  the  developments  of  the  sittings  of  this 
commission.' " 

Well  does  Mr.  Colton  say,  "  These  once  hopeful  instruments,  and 
this  individual  man  will  have  labored  in  vain,  except  as  the  disclosure 
and  ascertainment  of  their  injuries  shall  awaken  a  repentance  and 
a  sympathy  in  the  bosom  of  that  community,  which  ought  long  ago 
to  have  thrown  in  the  shield  of  its  protection,  and  saved  the  Indians 
from  these  disasters,  and  even  then,  such  a  man  as  Mr.  Williams 
cannot  bo  raised  from  the  grave;  or  if  he  should  be  among  the  living 
(which  is  not  very  probable),  a  state  of  health  worn  out,  and  a  con 
stitution  broken  down  by  these  cares ;  a  mind  originally  vigorous 
and  heroic,  but  the  courage  of  which  has  been  well  nigh  subdued  by 
this  irresistible  accumulation  of  calamity,  over  the  heads  of  his  race 
-would  require  little  less  than  a  miracle  to  fit  him  to  cherish  again 
the  hopes,  and  again  to  wield  the  burden  of  such  an  enterprise,  as 
he  must  have  the  credit  of  having  once  conceived.  *  May  a  Phwnix 
yet  arise  from  the  ashes  of  his  hopes  consumed,  and  wing  its  way  to  a 
brighter  destiny?  To  this  I  say  amen." 

To  dispossess  the  Indians,  and  erect  a  new  state  upon  the  ashes 
of  their  council-fires,  was  now  the  firm  resolution  of  interested  poli- 

14 


314  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

ticians.  All  things  seem  to  bo  considered  fair  in  politics — concience 
is  a  jest,  and  expediency  the  rule  of  action.  Dissensions,  which 
never  would  have  existed  among  the  Indians,  hut  for  foreign  inter 
ference,  had  been  created,  and  since,  if  the  poor  people  were  left  to 
themselves,  their  differences  would  soon  have  died  out,  they  were 
diligently  fomented.  The  treaty  of  Butte  des  Morts  had  been  the  en 
tering  wedge.  Something  had  been  accomplished.  A  claim  had  been 
set  up  to  the  effect  that,  even  after  the  sanction  of  treaties  between 
the  Indians,  by  the  President,  they  were  capable  of  being  set  aside 
by  him ;  and  now,  in  August,  1830,  a  commission,  consisting  of 
Erastus  Root,  John  G.  Mason,  and  James  McCall,  was  sent  to  Green 
Bay,  on  the  plea  of  arbitrating  between  the  Menominies,  and  the 
Six  Nations,  which  terminated  in  an  invitation  being  extended  to 
the  pretended  disputants,  to  send  representatives  to  Washington,  that 
the  President,  out  of  his  paternal  love  and  wisdom,  might  compose 
their  differences.  Mr.  Williams  was  then  dragged  off  again,  by 
political  chicanery,  from  the  scene  of  his  ministerial  labors.  On 
their  way  the  representatives  had  an  interview  with  Gov.  Cass,  at 
Detroit,  in  which  speeches  were  made  by  the  Menominie  chiefs,  com 
plimentary  to  their  father  the  Governor,  and  their  father  Colonel 
Stambough,  the  United  States  agent,  and  their  great  father  the  Pre 
sident.  The  New  York  Indians,  with  a  better  understanding  of 
their  position,  were  as  guarded  in  their  compliments  as  courtesy 
would  permit.  Mr.  Williams  merely  acted  as  interpreter.  On  this 
occasion  Gen.  Cass  gave  him  the  following  letter,  which  I  insert,  as 
an  honorable  testimony  to  the  wrorth  of  Mr.  Williams,  by  a  person 
who  has  recently  made  an  anonymous  attempt  to  injure  his  reputa 
tion,  in  the  u  New  York  Herald,"  and  hold  him  up  as  an  impostor 
to  the  scorn  and  ridicule  of  Christendom. 

"  Detroit,  December  5,  1880. 

"  SIR  :— The  Green  Bay  agency  is  the  most  important  upon  this  frontier, 
both  with  respect  to  the  number  and  character  of  the  Indians.  It  embraces 
three  distinct  tribes,  the  Winnebagoes,  the  Menominies,  and  the  New  York 
Indians,  all  speaking  languages  radically  different.  Besides  these,  there  are 


REVERSES.  315 

scattered  bands  of  the  Chippewas,  Ottawas,  and  Pottawatomies,  who  reside 
within  the  limits  of  the  agency,  and  resort  to  the  agent  for  aid  and  advice. 
Col.  Starnbough  is  determined  to  revive  the  affairs  of  the  agency,  and  leavo 
no  means  untried  to  place  them  in  a  situation  commensurate  with  their 
importance.  He  should  have  a  Winnebago,  a  Menominie,  and  an  Oneida 
interpreter,  together  with  one  sub-agent  at  the  Bay,  and  one  up  the  Fox 
River  The  latter  is  already  filled,  but  should  any  event  render  the  appoint 
ment  vacant  I  beg  leave  to  recommend  the  Rev.  Eleazar  Williams,  as  a 
proper  person  to  fill  the  vacancy.  This  gentleman  is  an  Episcopal  clergy 
man  of  very  respectable  standing,  and  partly  descended  from  the  Iroquois 
Indians.  He  rendered  essential  services  to  the  United  States  during  the  late 
war,  in  which  he  was  actively  engaged,  and  badly  wounded  ;  the  effects  of 
which  will  probably  continue  during  life.  I  understand  he  enjoyed  the  con 
fidence  of  some  of  our  highest  and  most  distinguished  officers,  and  bravely  led 
a  heavy  column  at  the  battle  of  Plattsburg.  He  is  a  gentleman  of  educa 
tion  and  talents,  and,  from  his  position  and  association,  can  render  important 

services  to  the  government  and  the  Indians. 

"LEWIS  CASS. 
"  HON.  JOHN  H.  EATON,  Secretary  of  War." 

The  delegates  from  the  Indian  tribes  arrived  at  Washington,  and 
were  quartered  at  one  of  the  principal  hotels.  And  now  began  a 
scene  of  fresh  political  profligacy.  While  the  New  York  Indians 
were  amused  with  the  idea  of  submitting  their  differences  with  tho 
Menominies  to  the  arbitration  of  the  President,  a  treaty,  without 
their  knowledge  or  consent,  was  actually  entered  into  by  John  II. 
Eaton,  Secretary  of  War,  and  R.  0.  Stambough,  Indian  agent,  on 
the  part  of  the  United  States,  and  the  ignorant  and  savage  Meno- 
miiiio  chiefs,  in  which  tho  rights  of  the  Six  Nations  from  New 
York,  were  entirely  denied,  and  the  Menominies,  on  tho  ground 
that  they  had  not  yet  disposed  of  any  of  their  lands^  sold  to  tho 
United  States  two  million  five  hundred  thousand  acres  of  land,  con 
senting,  as  a  fa/nor,  that  five  hundred  thousand  acres  should  bo 
appropriated  to  the  New  York  Indians,  whose  delegates,  with  every 
token  of  humiliation,  as  intruders  and  robbers,  were  called  in  to 
witness  this  very  cool  disposition  of  their  property,  besides  which, 


316  THE    LOST   PRINCE. 

in  token,  that  oven  the  small  tract  allotted  to  them  was  held  in  suf 
ferance  from  the  United  States,  the  government  were  to  pay  the 
Menominies  twenty-five  thousand  dollars  for  it,  becoming  thus 
proprietors  of  the  lands  of  the  New  York  Indians,  by  purchase, 
and  having  the  power,  on  this  plea,  at  any  time,  to  dispossess  them. 

The  contest  of  parties  on  this  question  ran  high,  for  the  New 
York  Indians  were  not  without  powerful  and  able  friends,  who 
rightly  appreciated  the  injustice  done  to  them.  Mr.  Williams  and 
Mr.  Quiney,  delegate  from  the  Stockbridge  Indians,  exerted  them 
selves  to  the  utmost,  to  cause  the  defeat  of  the  treaty  in  the  senate, 
which  they  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  accomplished.  The 
senate  also  refused  to  confirm  the  appointment  of  Col.  Stambotigh, 
and  the  session  of  1830-31  closed  without  anything  having  been 
effected  towards  the  settlement  of  the  difficulties. 

All  this  time,  Mr.  Williams  was  suffering  from  severe  indisposi 
tion,  which,  after  his  leaving  Washington,  increased  with  such 
violence  as  to  detain  him  at  Oneida  during  the  summer,  and  hero 
his  scanty  means  gave  out,  and-  he  was  under  the  humiliating 
necessity  of  appealing  to  the  clergy  of  the  church  for  assistance  to 
enable  him  to  return  home.  Bishop  Onderdonk  furnished  him  with 
the  following  testimonial,  which  I  insert  as  proof  both  of  his  mis 
fortunes  and  his  sacrifices. 

"  Hudson,  June  13, 1831. 

"  The  bearer,  the  Rev.  Eleazar  Williams,  having  by  various  expendi 
tures,  while  in  the  spiritual  service  of  his  brethren,  the  aborigines  of  our 
country,  and  in  consequence  of  long  and  severe  indisposition,  become 
..seriously  embarrassed  in  his  circumstances,  ia  hereby  respectfully  and 
affectionately  commended  to  the  Christian  beneficence  of  the  members  of 
our  communion.  I  also  introduce  him  to  my  clerical  brethren  generally, 
as  a  clergyman  of  respectable  standing  and  attainments,  and  good,  moral, 
and  religious  character. 

"BENJ.  T.  ONDERDONK. 
"Bishop  of  the  Diocese  of  New  York." 

The  pecuniary  benefit  of  this  application  was  about  sixty  dollars. 


REVERSES.  317 

Unablo  to  fulfil  his  engagements  with  tho  Missionary  Society  of 
Philadelphia,  in  consequence  of  ill  health,  and  enforced  ahsence,  he 
resigned  his  station  of  missionary  at  Duck  Creek.  His  old  friend, 
Mr.  Solomon  Davis,  now  contrived  to  prejudice  the  mind  of  Bishop 
Onderdonk  against  him,  by  accusing  him  of  officiating  at  Oneida, 
without  his  permission,  although  he  had  expressly  granted  that 
permission,  and  the  bishop  supposing,  of  course,  that  the  represen 
tation  was  correct,  rebuked  Mr.  Williams  for  violation  of  the 
canons. 

The  pen  almost  grows  weary  with  recording,  even  in  the  briefest 
manner,  the  troubles,  disappointments,  injuries,  and  insults  heaped 
on  this  suffering  man.  From  first  to  last,  it  is  impossible  to 
discover  any  instance  in  which  he  departed  from  the  strict  course 
of  duty  and  honor.  All  who  have  aided  to  increase  the  burdens 
of  his  life,  have,  at  some  period,  borne  witness  to  his  worth.  But 
th©  complicated  web  of  wrong,  goes  on  steadily  increasing  to  tho 
end,  and  some  of  the  last  developments  of  injustice  are  among  tho 
strangest. 

When  the  session  of  1831-2  opened,  it  was  necessary  for  him 
again  to  repair  to  Washington,  to  advocate  the  cause  of  his  coun 
trymen,  in  company  with  the  other  delegates  of  the  Six  Nations. 
An  able  memorial  was  drawn  up  to  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States,  setting  forth  tho  rights  and  grievances  of  the  New  York 
Indians ;  but,  though  the  hardships  of  their  situation  were  felt,  tho 
necessities  of  a  tortuous  policy  were  too  compelling  to  permit  full 
justice  to  be  done  ;  and  the  treaty  of  1831,  with  the  Menominies, 
was  finally  ratified,  on  June  25,  with  the  addition  of  a  saving 
clause  in  favor  of  the  New  York  Indians,  which,  though  it  did  not 
alter  the  amount  of  land  assigned  them  by  the  treaty,  gave  them 
somewhat  more  favorable  terms  in  respect  to  location  of  lands, 
payment  for  improvements,  and  acknowledgment  of  individual 
rights.  During  this  session,  worn  down  in  health  and  spirits,  and 
reduced  to  poverty,  Mr.  Williams,  having  achieved  all  he  could,  was 
compelled  to  abandon  the  long  contest  and  retire  from  the  delega- 


318  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

tion.  Efforts  were,  however,  made  by  his  friends  to  create 
sympathy  in  the  church,  in  his  behalf,  and  Bishop  Onderdonk, 
with  prompt  kindness,  summoned  a  missionary  meeting,  at  Christ 
Church,  New  York,  on  7th  April,  1832,  in  which  energetic  appeals 
were  made  to  the  benevolence  of  the  church,  to  sustain  the 
mission,  at  Duck  Creek — but,  like  most  affairs  of  the  kind,  there 
was  more  sound  about  it  than  substance,  and  the  small  collection 
made  on  the  occasion,  and  the  few  dollars  Mr.  Williams  obtained 
in  Connecticut  and  "Western  New  York,  were  of  little  permanent 
benefit  to  the  mission.  Feeling  his  physical  inability  for  exertion, 
he  was  anxious  to  retire  from  the  station,  but  agreed  to  continue  in 
it  for  one  year,  at  the  request  of  the  bishop.  At  this  time,  he  was 
to  have  been  admitted  to  priest's  orders,  from  which,  out  of  diffi 
dence,  he  had  hitherto  abstained,  but  the  approach  of  the  cholera 
hastened  his  return  to  the  west,  that  he  might  be  at  his  post 
provided  the  pestilence  attacked  his  people. 

On  his  return  to  Green  Bay,  Mr.  Williams  found  that,  during  his 
absence,  many  evils  had  crept  into  the  little  flock  he  had  been 
compelled  to  leave  untended,  in  spiritual  things,  while  struggling 
to  preserve  their  temporal  rights.  Drunkenness,  dissension,  and 
immorality  prevailed ;  parties  had  been  raised,  and  everything  was 
in  a  state  of  disorder.  It  became,  in  his  estimation,  his  indispen 
sable  duty,  with  the  consent  of  the  religious  portion  of  the  congre 
gation,  to  subject  the  refractory  and  immoral  members  to  disci 
pline,  and  among  them,  it  was  his  painful  task  to  include  one  who 
had  been  united  with  him  in  the  delegations  to  Washington,  and  in 
the  efforts  of  years  to  obtain  justice  for  the  Indians.  I  do  not 
understand  the  principle  on  which  a  deacon  or  a  congregation 
could  excommunicate — but  this,  at  the  worst,  was  a  failure  in 
judgment,  although  Bishop  Hobart,  in  former  years,  knowing  the 
necessity  of  preserving  order  among  such  a  lawless  class  of  people, 
had  permitted  Mr.  Williams  to  act  in  such  matters  at  his  discretion. 
Bishop  Onderdonk  was  informed  of  what  had  been  done,  and  of 
the  crime  by  which  the  peace  of  two  families  had  been  broken 


REVERSES. 

ap — which  had  caused  the  excommunication  of  the  individual 
especially  referred  to.  Much  happened  at  this  time,  which  I 
refrain  from  chronicling,  because  it  is  not  necessary  for  the  vin 
dication  of  Mr.  Williams,  and  the  bare  statement  of  facts  might 
seem  to  imply  censure  in  quarters  to  which  there  is  no  antagonism, 
as,  doubtless,  there  was  no  design  of  committing  injustice. 

On  the  8th  September,  1833,  Mr.  Williams,  finding  the  dissensions 
among  the  congregation,  growing  out  of  the  act  of  discipline,  could 
not  bo  allayed,  and  having  neither  heart  nor  strength  to  contend 
with  those  to  whose  service  he  had  devoted  his  life,  resigned  his 
charge,  and  preached  his  farewell  discourse,  which  ho  concluded 
thus : — "  Brethren  of  the  communicants  of  St.  Thomas  Church,  I 
now  bid  you  farewell.  Live  in  peace,  and  the  God  of  peace  be 
with  you.  Remember  that  the  eyes  of  Heaven  and  earth  are  upon 
you.  How  holy  is  your  calling — how  solemn  your  profession — how 
delightful  your  service — how  rich  your  reward.  Eelax  not  in  any 
duty.  We  must  now  separate,  and  you  hear  my  last  words.  If 
you  have  discerned  anything  of  the  Saviour  in  me,  imitate  it. 
What  you  have  seen  in  me  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  Gospel 
reject  it.  I  was  set  for  your  spiritual  guide,  but  now  my  work  is 
done.  Though  the  cause  of  our  separation  be  unpleasant,  I  shall 
rejoice  to  see  you  walking  in  the  truth.  Discipline  is  the  life  of  a 
church.  Wo  have  endeavored  to  reclaim  offenders.  It  is  to  bo 
hoped  that  the  delinquents  will  come  to  sober  reflections  and 
repentance.  What  I  have  done,  in  this  respect,  I  have  done  from 
the  purest  motives.  Let  us  pra}7  for  one  another,  and  give  all  dili 
gence  that  we  may  arrive  at  our  Father's  home.  All  is  not  lost, 
though  your  friend  and  pastor  is  gone.  God  and  His  promises 
remain  to  comfort  you ;  and  beyond  the  grave  is  a  state  of  peace 
where  Christian  friends  will  part  no  more." 

If  ever  there  was  a  man  who  had  proved  he  had  at  heart  the  tem 
poral  and  spiritual  welfare  of  his  people,  and  his  desire  to  spend  and 
be  spent  for  them,  it  was  Mr.  Williams.  During  his  whole  career, 
as  a  religious  teacher,  both  before  and  after  his  ordination,  it  is  not 


320  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

too  much  to  say,  that  he  had  labored  without  remuneration — for  the 
paltry  sums  he  had  received  cannot~be  set  in  the  balance  against  his 
immense  pecuniary  sacrifices.  It  was  his  misfortune  to  be  the  pastor 
of  a  semi-barbaric  race,  who,  as  a  general  thing,  are  not  noted  for 
gratitude,  nor  truthfulness,  and  who  were  surrounded  by  those  whose 
interest  it  was  to  foment  discontent,  at  a  time  when  political  con 
tentions,  social  disasters,  and  change  of  residence,  rendered  them 
refractory,  immoral,  and  restless.  But,  it  is  to  his  honor  that,  not 
withstanding  all  the  ingratitude  he  has  met. with  at  the  hands  of 
the  Indians,  he  has  never  ceased  to  love,  and  desire  to  serve  them, 
feelings  which  continue  unabated  to  the  present  hour,  when  in 
advanced  life  he  is  still  laboring  for  them  as  a  missionary. 

He  had  now  nothing  left  but  to  retire  to  his  farm  on  the  Fox 
River,  and  in  peace  and  solitude  recruit  his  health,  worn  down 
by  fatigue,  anxiety,  and  sorrow.  He  celebrated  Christmas,  1833, 
with  a  few  Indians,  at  his  farm,  and  his  journal  for  that  year  closes 
with  an  ascription  of  praise  to  God:  "Blessed  be  the  God  and 
Father  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  who  hath  blessed  us  with  all  spi 
ritual  blessings  in  Him,  and  granted  us  to  enjoy  the  day  which  the 
patriarchs  foresaw,  the  prophets  foretold,  and  the  righteous  men 
of  the  earth  desired.  Hosauna  to  the  Son  of  David,  who  comes  in 
the  name  of  the  Lord." 

The  winter,  spring,  and  summer,  passed  rapidly  away,  when  his 
thoughts  once  more  turned  toward  his  brethren  at  St.  Regis,  and, 
as  he  had  not  seen  his  reputed  parents  for  a  long  time,  he  bent  his 
steps  thither.  As  his  family  and  all  his  means  of  subsistence  were 
at  Green  Bay,  he  did  not  purpose  a  permanent  residence  in  the 
State  of  New  York,  but  thought  ho  might  be  instrumental  in  found 
ing  an  Indian  Protestant  school  which  others  might  conduct. 

In  October,  1834,  he  left  Green  Bay,  but  being  taken  sick  on  his 
journey,  did  not  reach  St.  Regis  until  December.  The  winter  and 
spring  were  spent  at  Albany,  under  the  care  of  a  physician ;  and  in 
June,  1835,  feeling  himself  stronger,  he  returned  to  St.  Regis,  with 
the  design  of  establishing  his  proposed  school.  He  stated  his  views 


REVERSES.  321 

to  some  English  and  American  gentlemen  at  St.  Regis,  Ilogansburg, 
and  Cornwall,  and,  with  their  co-operation  and  encouragement, 
undertook  tho  task.  Ho  was,  soon  after,  appointed,  by  Lord 
Aylnier,  Governor-General  of  Canada,  one  of  tho  government 
schoolmasters ;  and,  notwithstanding  the  opposition  of  the  Romish 
clergy,  the  school  increased  in  numbers  and  prosperity. 

But,  his  labors  soon  received  an  unexpected  check,  in  conse 
quence  of  receiving  information  from  James  Hughes,  Esq.,  tho 
Indian  agent,  that  as  a  government  schoolmaster,  it  was  his  duty 
"  to  tell  the  children  that  they  were  brought  up  in  the  Roman 
Catholic  faith,  that  they  had  a  missionary  to  instruct  them  in  their 
religious  duties,  and  should  listen  to  his  advice  in  regard  to  reli 
gion."  Mr.  Williams,  in  consequence,  at  once  resigned  his  situa 
tion  under  the  British  government.  "  Christian  sincerity  and 
plainness  of  speech,"  he  wrote  to  the  Indian  agent,  "require  me  to 
say  that,  I  cannot  exhort  the  pupils  who  may  be  committed  to  my 
charge  to  attend  the  ministrations  of  a  Popish  priest.  As  a  Pro 
testant  clergyman,  and  that,  too,  under  a  Protestant  government, 
to  be  compelled  to  do  this,  I  should  regard  as  infringing  upon  the 
liberty  of  conscience  which  I  have  hitherto  enjoyed."  Under  these 
circumstances,  he  wrote  to  inform  Bishop  Onderdonk,  of  his  condi 
tion,  praying  for  assistance  that  he  might  go  on  with  the  school,  and 
preach  the  Gospel  to  the  Indians.  "  My  circumstances,"  he  said, 
"  have  been  this  year  exceedingly  straightened,  as  I  have  been 
putting  all  my  resources  in  requisition  to  maintain  the  school.  Be 
assured,  right  reverend  sir,  that  this  request  is  made  as  a  last  resort, 
after  having  done  what  I  could."  Tho  bishop,  however,  was 
unable  to  afford  him  any  assistance.  It  is  deplorable  to  reflect  that 
the  American  church  was  too  poor  to  uphold  a  man  so  conscientious 
and  so  desirous  to  perform  his  duty. 

The  Governor-General,  in  accepting  the  resignation  of  Mr.  "Wil 
liams,  testified  his  sense  "  of  the  goodness  and  purity  of  the  motives 
which  induced  him  to  offer  it."  The  Rev.  Mr.  Archibald,  of  Corn 
wall,  who  throughout  had  been  his  firm  friend,  wrote  to  him  on 

14* 


322  THE    LOST   PRINCE. 

the  occasion  of  his  resignation.  "  I  confess  to  you,  ray  Rev.  Brother, 
that  I  am  glad  to  be  rid  of  the  patronage  of  the  Government  here. 
Whilst  it  continued  you  were  in  trammels.  Now  you  are  independ 
ent,  and  have  only  to  look  to  the  Lord  Jesus  as  the  Supreme  Head, 
and  if  we  seek  His  glory  success  must  inevitably  attend  our  exertions. 
God  bless  you."  By  the  aid  of  Mr.  Archibald,  Mr.  Chesloy,  and 
other  friends,  the  school  was  kept  in  operation,  and  soon  attained 
a  flourishing  condition,  when  in  June,  1836,  his  health  broke  down, 
in  consequence  of  confinement  and  want  of  exercise,  and  his  domes 
tic  concerns  required  his  presence  at  Green  Bay.  These  causes,  but 
above  all,  the  approach  of  another  government  treaty  with  the 
Indians  for  the  sale  of  their  lands,  compelled  him  to  abandon  his 
new  field  of  labor  and  return  to  the  west.  His  presence  was 
required  both  by  the  Government  and  the  Indians  ;  for,  however  a 
portion  of  the  latter  might  assail  him  in  periods  of  quiet,  they  were 
sure  to  call  for  his  assistance  in  the  hour  of  danger,  and  that  assist 
ance  was  never  withheld. 

As  much  of  the  affliction  of  Mr.  Williams  in  late  years  has  grown 
out  of  this  treaty,  I  will  briefly  recount  the  whole  series  of  involved 
transactions  up  to  the  present  time,  referring  the  reader  to  the 
Appendix  for  the  documentary  evidence.  Mr.  Williams  wishes  no 
concealment,  but  desires  to  have  all  obscurity  cleared  away  from  his 
dealings  with  the  Indians,  and  his  treatment  by  Government  and 
individuals.  He  has  not  obtruded  himself  nor  his  concerns  on  the 
public,  but  as  events  have  taken  the  course  they  have,  and  even  his 
misfortunes  and  wrongs  have  been  tortured  into  evidence  against 
him,  in  some  instances  by  those  he  deemed  friends,  there  is  no 
remedy  but  to  lay  bare  the  whole.  If  there  bo  inaccuracy  as«to 
facts,  it  is  an  easy  matter  for  the  parties  concerned  to  point  it  out. 

The  final  treaty  between  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
and  the  New  York  Indians,  was  begun  on  16th' Sept.,  1836,  at  Duck 
Creek,  J.  F.  Schermerhorn  acting  as  Commissioner  on  behalf  of  the 
Government,  and  was  continued,  at  Buffalo,  on  15th  Jan.,  1838,  the 
name  of  Ransom  H.  Gillot  being  ndded  to  the  Commission,  which, 


REVERSES.  323 

in  the  treaty  there  made  and  concluded,  adopted,  as  its  basis,  the 
provisions  of  the  previous  treaty  at  Duck  Creek,  which  related 
solely  to  the  Oneidas  and  the  St.  Eegis  Indians,  while  the  additional 
articles  then  entered  into,  referred  to  the  Senecas  and  other 
branches  of  the  Six  Nations. 

When  the  treaty  was  brought  up  for  ratification  in  the  Senate,  in 
1840,  the  name  of  J.  F.  Schermerhorn,  who  had  been  the  principal 
and  almost  sole  agent  of  the  Government  in  the  transaction,  was 
omitted  or  erased  from  the  treaty,  it  is  supposed,  in  consequence 
of  fears  that  his  unpopularity  with  the  Senate  would  defeat  its 
passage,  and  the  name  of  Ransom  H.  Gillet  left,  as  if  he  had  been 
the  sole  commissioner. 

The  first  eight  articles  of  the  treaty  consist  of  "  general  pro 
visions,"  respecting  the  cession,  by  the  New  York  Indians,  on  certain 
specified  conditions,  of  the  whole  land  possessed  by  them  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Green  Bay,  with  the  exception  of  reserved  tracts. 
The  remaining  six  articles  of  the  treaty  contain  "  special  provisions" 
for  the  different  branches  of  the  Six  Nations  and  the  St.  Regis  Indians. 

The  ninth  article  consists  of  special  provisions  for  the  St.  Regis 
Indians,  and  contains  two  clauses  ;  the  first,  relative  to  the  payment 
and  mode  of  distribution  of  certain  moneys  to  the  tribe,  as,  1,  a 
remuneration  for  moneys  laid  out,  and,  2,  for  services  rendered  by 
their  chiefs  and  agents  in  securing  the  title  to  the  Green  Bay  lands, 
the  sole  chief  and  agent  who  .rendered  such  services  being  the  Rev. 
Eleazar  Williams,  who  signed  the  treaty ;  and  the  second  clause, 
securing  to  Mr.  Williams  a  reservation  of  land  on  the  bank  of  the 
Fox  River,  consisting  of  4,800  acres,  being  his  wife's  estate  previous 
to  marriage,  and  of  which  the  chiefs  of  the  Menominie  nation  gave 
her  a  quit-claim  deed  in  1825,  under  which  Mr.  Williams  claimed  it 
in  the  territorial  adjustment  between  the  United  States  and  the 
Indians.  Before  an  acre  of  land  had  been  sold  by  the  Winnebagoes 
or  Menominies  to  the  Six  Nations,  this  estate  was  the  peculium  of 
the  Jourdan  family,  and  had  been  hold  sacred  by  all  parties  as 
private  property.  Its  introduction  into  the  treaty  of  1838,  was  only 


324  TUB    LOST    PRINCE. 

• 

for  the  purpose  of  solemnly  confirming  an  individual  right  previously 
existing ;  and  in  no  shape  or  manner  can  it  be  considered  as  a  dona 
tion  from  Government  to  Mr.  Williams,  except  that  the  Government 
having,  through  its  commissioner,  the  disposition  of  technicalities, 
threw  it  into  the  form  of  a  patent  grant,  thus,  in  appearance,  giving 
away  what  did  not  belong  to  it.  Appendix  K. 

At  the  time,  however,  when  the  treaty  was  made,  there  was  an 
express  understanding  that  four  out  of  five  thousand  dollars,  cove 
nanted  to  be  paid  by  Government  to  the  St.  Regis  Indians,  "  on  their 
removal  west,  or  at  such  other  time  as  the  President  should  appoint," 
was  to  remunerate  Mr.  Williams  for  his  long  and  arduous  services, 
as  agent  for  the  St.  Regis  Indians ;  and  to  avoid  all  dubiety  on  the 
subject,  either  as  to  the  fact  er  as  to  the  amount,  the  commissioner, 
J.  F.  Schermerhorn,  certified  the  same  to  the  President,  under  date 
of  July  10,  1838,  and  the  paper  is  among  the  Indian  office  files  at 
Washington,  marked  W.  572.  Green  Bay,  1838.  Appendix  L. 

In  this  paper  it  is  candidly  acknowledged,  by  Mr.  Schermerhorn, 
that  to  the  persevering  efforts  of  Mr.  Williams,  the  preservation  of 
the  lands  of  the  New  York  Indians  was  attributable.  All  the  Six 
Nations  were  thus  indebted  to  him.  But  he  had  acted  especially  as 
the  agent  of  the  two  parties  with  whom  he  was  most  closely  con 
nected,  viz.  the  St.  Regis  and  the  Oneida  Indians.  For  his  services 
and  expenditures,  in  behalf  of  the  former,  provision  was  made  to 
remunerate  him,  in  the  treaties  of  Duck  Creek  and  Buffalo.  But 
while  the  latter  treaty  was  in  progress,  a  certain  portion  of  the 
Oneidas  became  discontented  with  the  course  things  were  taking, 
and  went  to  Washington  to  make  a  separate,  agreement  for  them 
selves.  Mr.  Van  Buren  appointed  Carey  A.  Harris,  as  commissioner, 
to  treat  with  them.  By  him,  a  treaty  was  made  with  the  first 
Christian  and  Orchard  parties  of  the  Oneida  Indians,  residing  at 
Green  Bay,  by  which  all  their  improvements,  and  100  acres  for 
each  individual,  amounting  in  all,  to  75,000  acres,  were  secured  to 
them  out  of  the  wreck.  In  this  treaty,  provision  was  made  to  remu 
nerate  the  chiefs  and  agents  of  the  Oneidas,  and  five  thousand  dol- 


REVERSES.  325 

lars  was  apportioned  to  Mr.  Williams,  although  his  claim,  admitted 
to  be  just,  by  the  commissioner,  amounted  to  eight  thousand  dollars 
more.  What  is  observable  in  this  case  is,  that  the  wording  of  this 
treaty,  under  which  Mr.  Williams  was  allowed,  and  paid  five  thou 
sand  dollars  for  his  services  to  the  Oneidas,  is  precisely  the  same 
as  that  of  Buffalo  Creek,  by  which  he  was  to  receive  four  thou 
sand  dollars  for  services  to  the  St.  Regis  Indians,  with  the  additional 
security,  in  the  latter  case,  of  a  certificate  of  his  right,  according  to 
agreement,  from  the  commissioner  to  the  President. 

One  thousand  dollars  out  of  the  five  thousand  dollars  mentioned  in 
the  ninth  article  of  the  Buffalo  treaty,  was,  according  to  stipulation, 
in  a  supplementary  article  of  said  treaty,  paid  over  to  the  St.  Regis 
Indians ;  the  remaining  four  thousand  dollars,  being,  according  to  their 
desire,  at  the  time,  reserved  for  Mr.  Williams.  Of  this  fact  W.  L. 
Gray,  the  interpreter,  has  given  two  affidavits.  "  They  refused," 
ho  says,  "  to  receive  the  whole  of  the  five  thousand  dollars,  because 
they  knew  that  four  thousand  dollars  of  that  money  had  been  pro 
mised  to  Mr.  Eleazar  Williams,  but  they  accepted  and  received  one 
thousand  dollars  of  the  five  thousand  dollars,  as  may  be  seen  in  tho 
supplemental  article  of  the  treaty." 

The  money  thus  due  to  Mr.  Williams,  remained  unpaid  for  a  num 
ber  of  years,  no  appropriation  for  the  purpose  having  been  made  by 
Congress,  when  on  June  17,  1850,  the  chiefs  and  warriors  of  tho 
American  party  of  the  St.  Regis  Indians,  addressed  a  petition  to  tho 
President,  in  his  behalf,  stating  that  they  had  no  claim  whatever  to 
this  money,  which  was  due  to  him  as  their  agent,  that  he  had 
expended  a  large  sum  in  their  behalf,  and  that  the  commissioner,  Mr. 
Schermerhorn  had  certified  his  right.  "  Mr.  Williams,"  they  say, 
"  is  entitled  to  receive  the  four  thousand  dollars,  as  he  has  honorably 
fulfilled  the  stipulations  of  the  treaty."  "  We  have  been  remunerated 
for  the  moneys  expended  by  the  tribe — but  not  so  with  our  agent, 
and  we  hope  the  four  thousand  dollars,  as  before  stated,  will  be  no 
longer  withheld  from  him.  He  is  the  only  person  of  our  tribe  who 
has  rendered  any  service  in  procuring  the  Green  Bay  lands." 


326  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

One  would  think  if  ever  there  was  a  clear  case  of  right  and  jus« 
tice  it  was  this.  But  we  shall  see  here  how  the  most  stainless  cha 
racters  may  be  assailed  at  the  very  moment  the  foulest  injury  is 
done  to  them.  I  shall  not  permit  myself  to  utter  a  word  of  com 
ment  on  the  following  facts.  That  I  leave  to  the  public. 

In  the  month  of  January,  1851,  the  lion.  li.  II.  Gillet,  wrote  from 
Washington  the  following  letter  to  John  L.  Eldridge,  Esq.,  of  llogans- 
burg.  To  avoid  any  charge  of  misrepresentation,  or  any  temptation 
to  remark,  I  give  it  entire  in  the  text 

"  WASHINGTON,  January  5,  1851. 

"  DEAR  SIR  : — I  have  just  ascertained  that  Messrs.  Bryon  and  Coclirane, 
Indian  Claim  Agents  of  this  city,  have  succeeded  in  obtaining  from  the 
government  of  the  United  States  certain  moneys  stipulated,  by  the  treaty  of 
1838,  to  be  paid  to  the  Oneidas  in  New  York.  They  are  willing  to  make 
an  effort  to  obtain  payment  of  the  $4,000  due  the  St.  Regis  Indians,  the 
payment  of  which  depends  upon  the  action  of  the  President.  An  appro 
priation  has  been  made  for  the  Oneidas,  but  none  has  been  made  for  the 
St.  Regis. 

"The  commission  they  propose,  in  thia  case,  is  the  same  that  they 
received  in  that  of  the  Oneidas,  where  it  has  been  made,  and  the  services 
much  less.  Presuming  that  it  would  be  for  their  interest  to  employ  agents 
here,  as  skilful  and  as  responsible  as  I  know  these  men  to  be,  I  have 
sketched  the  draught  of  a  memorial  and  power-  of  attorney  for  the  St. 
Regis,  which  I  forward  to  you,  as  their  agent  and  ally,  under  the  Jaws  of 
the  State  cf  New  York,  presuming  that  you  would,  as  such,  or  indivi 
dually,  obtain  their  signatures,  and  forward  them  to  these  gentlemen, 
to  represent  them.  Seals  should  be  attached  to  the  power  of  attorney, 
and  both  should  be  signed  by  all  the  chiefs  of  the  American  party,  in 
the  presence  of  a  magistrate,  who  should  take  an  acknowledgment  as 
of  a  deed  of  law,  and  his  official  capacity  be  certified  by  the  county 
clerk.  Then  there  should  be  an  affidavit  of  yourself,  as  local  agent, 
that  you  know  that  those  who  sign  are  the  only  chiefs  living  at  the  time. 
It  would  be  well  for  the  trustees,  as  such,  to  approve  the  memorial  and 
power,  and  recommend  the  commisfuonor  of  Indian  affairs  to  con 


REVERSES,  327 

firm  tho  prayer  of  the  chiefs,  and  to  confirm  their  doings.  If  the  chiefs 
have  all  died  out,  so  that  there  are  none  to  sign,  then  you  should  make 
affidavit  of  that  fact,  and  let  the  papers  be  modified  so  as  to  read  trustees, 
instead  of  chiefs.  Great  pains  should  be  taken  to  make  them  understand 
the  matter,  so  as  to  leave  no  chance  of  complaint,  by  them  or  any  one 
else.  It  is  important  that  this  be  all  attended  to  immediately,  so  that 
proper  steps  may  be  taken  to  get  an  appropriation,  which  may  be  attended 
with  some  difficulty.  Priest  Williams  is  said  to  have  a  power  of  some 
sort,  but  informal  and  insufficient.  13ut,  without  prompt  and  decisive 
movements,  he  will  either  get,  and  perhaps  keep  the  money ;  but,  if  he 
cannot  do  so,  he  will  be  likely  to  try  to  defeat  an  appropriation,  until  he 
thinks  his  chances  better.  Personally,  I  have  no  interest  in  this  matter,  but, 
owing  to  my  relation  to  the  treaty,  and  the  friendly  terms  I  am  on  with  the 
tribe,  I  will  do  what  I  can,  freely,  for  them.  If  the  papers  are  properly 
and  correctly  made,  and  forwarded  to  Messrs.  Bryon  and  Cochrane,  of  this 
city,  and  they  collect  the  money,  they  will  retain,  say  twenty  dollars,  to 
reward  you  for  your  trouble  and  expenses,  and  remit  it  in  any  form  you  may 
direct.  You  had  better  engross  the  papers  I  send  you,  in  a  better  hand 
writing  than  mine.  If  the  papers  are  promptly  sent  to  Messrs.  B.  and  C., 
I  have  no  doubt  that,  before  spring,  the  St.  Regis  will  get  their  money, 
which  will  greatly  help  them,  and  add  to  the  circulating  medium  in  your 
vicinity.  I  am  here  attending  court,  but  return  to  New  York  soon. 
Whenever  I  am  here,  I  shall  cheerfully  lend  a  hand,  without  reward,  to 
aid  my  St.  Regis  friends.  Should  you  be  unable  to  attend  to  this  matter, 
you  had  better  employ  some  one  on  the  proposed  terms,  and  thus  have  it 
speedily  disposed  of.  Yours  truly, 

"  R.  H.  GlLLET. 

"  JOHN  S.  ELDRIDGE. 

"  P.  S.  The  money  for  the  Indians,  beyond  tho  attorney's  fees,  will,  pro 
bably  be  remitted  by  the  U.  S.  sub-agent.  It  does  not  usually  go  into 
the  hands  of  the  attorney  who  prosecutes  the  claim.  But  if  it  does,  B. 
and  C.  are  responsible  arid  safe  men.  R.  H.  G." 

The  facts  in  the  case,  then,  and  I  shall  confine  myself  to  evident 
facts,  are  these,  that  after  the  St.  Regis  Indians  had  solemnly 
renounced  all  right  and  title  to  the  $4,000  in  favor  of  Mr.  Williams, 


828  THB    LOST    PRINCE. 

the  Hon.  E.  H.  Gillet,  being  aware  of  Mr.  Williaras's  claim,  made 
efforts  to  induce  those  Indians  to  apply  for  the  money,  promised 
Mr.  Eldridge  $20  on  behalf  of  Messrs.  Bryon  and  Cochrane,  if  he 
would  undertake  the  business,  held  out  to  him  the  further  induce 
ment  that  the  $4,000  would  increase  the  circulating  medium  in  his 
vicinity,  and  made  out  with  his  own  hands  the  necessary  documents 
for  the  Indians  to  sign.  I  do  not  say  a  word  to  impugn  his  per 
fect  honor  and  disinterestedness.  That  is  a  question  I  will  not  touch. 
My  only  aim  is  to  vindicate  the  character  of  Mr.  Williams ;  but  I 
cannot  help  questioning  whether  Mr.  Gillet  will  ever  write  Mr. 
Eldridge  a  similar  letter.  Appropriation  was  made  by  Congress  in 
the  session  of  1851-2  for  the  payment  of  the  $4,000  in  question ; 
and,  on  the  27th  January,  1853,  Stephen  Osborn,  of  Buffalo,  was 
appointed  commissioner  to  appropriate  the  money  to  the  several 
claimants,  according  to  the  provisions  of  the  treaty ;  and,  on  the  3d 
April,  he  reported  to  the  office  of  Indian  affairs,  that  he  could  "  not 
come  to  any  conclusion  with  the  chiefs,  they  insisting  that  the 
entire  amount  should  be  paid  to  the  American  party  of  the  Indians, 
while  it  is  very  evident,"  he  writes,  "  to  me,  that  the  Kev.  Eleazar 
Williams  is  entitled  to  the  greater  part,  if  not  the  whole  of  this 
money,  under  the  facts  and  upon  a  just  construction  of  article  nine 
of  the  treaty."  In  this  condition  of  affairs,  the  Indian  bureau  very 
naturally  referred  to  the  Hon.  R.  H.  Gillet,  for  information  "  rela 
tive  to  the  nature  of  the  Rev.  E.  Williams's  claim,"  and  "for  such 
facts  connected  with  the  subject  within  his  remembrance,  as  would 
enable  the  department  to  pay  over  the  money  as  was  intended  when 
the  treaty  was  made."  This  honorable  gentleman,  therefore,  the 
writer  of  the  letter  to  Mr.  Eldridge,  communicated  to  the  office  of 
Indian  affairs  the  information,  that  a  "  liberal  if  not  extravagant 
provision"  of  land,  worth,  at  the  time,  $10,000,  by  government 
valuation,  was  intended,  at  the  time  of  making  the  treaty,  "  to 
indemnify  him  for  the  past,  if  he  had  claims,  and  to  secure  such 
action  by  him  and  the  St.  Regis  tribe,  as  would  vest  in  the  govern 
ment  their  interest  in  the  half  million  acres  of  very  valuable  land ;" 


REVERSES.  329 

and  concludes  by  saying,  u  I  cannot  see  that  Mr.  Williams  has  spe 
cial  claims  upon  the  fund,  after  receiving  his  valuable  reservation, 
which  certainly  was  equal  to  the  value  of  any  services  rendered  by 
him.  A  commissioner  may  well  assent  to  its  being  divided  per 
capita  among  those  who  constituted  the  American  party  of  the 
tribe."  The  hesitancy  with  which  Mr.  Gillet  speaks  ought  to  have 
induced  further  inquiry.  It  was  a  question  of  aye  or  no.  What 
was  the  intention  at  the  time  of  making  the  treaty  ?  Either  Mr. 
Williams  had  claims  or  he  had  not  claims.  Mr.  Gillet  dare  not 
deny  that  he  had  claims,  but  Tie  could  not  see  that  he  had  "  special 
claims,"  and  tliinks  that  a  "  commissioner  may  well  assent,"  &c. 
The  private  property  of  Mrs.  Williams,  previous  to  her  marriage, 
and  which,  according  to  the  wording  of  the  treaty  of  1838,  Mr. 
Williams  claimed  in  his  own  right  and  in  that  of  his  wife,  is  repre 
sented  by  Mr.  Gillet  as  an  extravagant  remuneration  for  his  ser 
vices.  No  wonder  that  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
should  enjoy  a  reputation  for  economy,  if  it  can  always  purchase 
services  like  those  of  Mr.  Williams,  at  the  expense  of  the  parties 
who  render  them.  The  result  of  the  affair  was,  that  Mr.  Osborn 
was  dismissed,  another  commissioner  appointed,  and  the  $4,000 
belonging  to  Mr.  Williams  paid  over  by  government  to  the 
very  Indians,  who,  previous  to  the  interference  of  Mr.  Gillet,  had 
renounced  all  right  and  title  to  it.  The  reader  has,  doubtless, 
heard  of  pecuniary  difficulties  between  Mr.  Williams  and  the 
Indians  at  St.  Kegis,  and  the  great  prejudices  in  their  honest  minds 
against  him.  lie  is  now  in  a  position  to  judge  whether  anything 
discreditable  can  be  laid  to  his  charge.  If  there  be,  he  challenges 
investigation. 

There  is  another  transaction,  of  a  pecuniary  nature  to  which  I 
should  have  made  no  allusion,  had  it  not  been  officiously,  offen 
sively,  and  incorrectly  brought  before  the  public  by  a  soi-disant 
friend  of  Mr.  Williams,  and  for  no  reason,  that  I  can  see,  except  to 
display  his  personal  acquaintance  with  one  who  was  then  a  topic 
of  general  conversation,  and  whoso  character  he  took  occasion  in  a 


330  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

public  lecture,  for  which  lie  received  payment,  to  traduce,  while  com 
pelled  to  confess  that  he  knew  nothing  of  him  but  what  was  favor 
able.  I  allude  to  Dr.  Lothrop,  an  Unitarian  minister  of  Boston. 
I  copy  the  following  passage  from  the  appendix  and  notes  to  a 
recent  edition  of  the  Kedeemed  Captive,  by  Dr.  Stephen  "Williams, 
whose  remarks  on  the  life  of  Mr.  "Williams  I  shall  have  occasion, 
hereafter,  to  criticise.  It  has  been  circulated  extensively  through 
the  country  by  the  daily  press.  "  The  Christian  Register,"  of  Feb. 
26,  1853,  published  at  Boston,  says:  "The  Rev.  Dr.  Lothrop,  of 
this  city,  delivered  a  lecture  on  Monday  evening,  before  the  Mercan 
tile  Library  Association,  on  the  lost  Dauphin,  in  which  he  examined 
the  claims  of  the  Rev.  Eleazar  Williams.  The  speaker  had  known 
Mr.  Williams  for  twelve  years,  visisted  him  in  18-i5  at  his  residence 
in  Wisconsin,  and  received  two  visits  from  him  in  Boston.  In  his 
opinion  there  is  not  a  particle  of  evidence  in  Mr.  W.'s  favor,  except 
what  depends  upon  his  'say  so.' "  The  Transcript,  from  which  wo 
take  the  statement,  gives  the  following  interesting  report  on  one 
portion  of  it.  "  It  appears  that  Mr.  Williams  came  to  Boston  with 
his  whole  property,  consisting  of  a  considerable  tract  of  land  in 
Wisconsin,  encumbered  by  a  bond  and  mortgage  to  the  amount  of 
$1,800,  which  bond,  in  the  course  of  trade,  had  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  parties  in  this  city  who  could  not  grant  a  renewal  of 
extension.  In  twenty-four  hours  from  the  time  these  facts  became 
known  to  Dr.  Lothrop  he  was  enabled,  through  the  kindness  of  the 
late  Amos  Lawrence,  to  hand  Mr.  Williams  a  check  for  the  whole 
amount,  and  to  send  him  home  with  his  bond  in  his  possession 
redeemed  and  cancelled."  If  this  report  represents  fairly  Dr. 
Lothrop's  statement,  I  am  sorry  to  say  that  it  is  incorrect  from 
beginning  to  end.  The  truth  of  the  affair  is  not  calculated  to 
diminish  the  sympathy  which  the  reverses  and  misfortunes  of 
Mr.  Williams  must  occasion,  and  it  is  necessary  it  should  bo 
understood,  as  many  have  been  unable  to  reconcile  the  asserted 
poverty  of  Mr.  Williams  at  the  present  time,  with  the  statements  of 
Dr.  Lothrop,  which  represent  him  as  owner  of  a  fine  estate.  Let 


REVERSES.  331 

me  apprise  the  reader  at  the  outset,  that  the  property  of  Mr.  Wil 
liams  has  been  for  years  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Amos  A.  Lawrence, 
of  Boston,  who  claims  the  whole.  The  history  of  the  affair  is  as 
follows. 

During  the  whole  period  of  his  struggles  for  the  recovery  of  the 
Indian  lands,  Mr.  Williams  had  to  make  great  outlays,  considering 
his  limited  means,  and  often  to  borrow  money,  so  that  by  the  time 
of  the  final  treaty  settlement,  he  found  himself  burdened  with  debt. 
His  remuneration  for  defending  the  rights  of  the  Oneidas  fell  greatly 
short  of  what,  in  equity,  it  should  have  been,  and  the  reader  has 
seen  the  fate  of  the  $4,000  due  him  on  behalf  of  the  St.  Eegis 
Indians.  Had  the  latter  sum  been  promptly  paid  him,  as  it  should 
have  been,  ho  would  have  immediately  recovered  himself.  Before 
he  obtained  the  patent  for  his  wife's  estate  from  government,  one 
of  his  creditors,  Daniel  Whitney,  of  Green  Bay,  recovered  judgment 
against  him  in  1839,  which  judgment  was  assigned  by  Mr.  Whitney 
in  June,  1840,  to  T.  Eustis,  of  Boston.  In  April,  1842,  his  lands  at 
Green  Bay  were  sold  to  satisfy  the  judgment,  leaving  him,  how 
ever,  until  the  25th  April,  1844,  the  right  of  redemption.  At  the 
earnest  request  of  Mr.  Williams,  the  time  was  extended  from  April 
to  the  2d  of  September,  1844.  Just  as  the  last  period  of  grace 
was  expiring,  Mr.  Lothrop  introduced  him  to  the  late  Amos  Law 
rence,  who  advanced  the  necessary  sum,  amounting  to  about  $1600, 
and  secured  Jiimselfby  receiving  from  Mr.  Eustis  the  judgment,  &c., 
on  land  worth,  by  government  valuation,  $10,000,  it  being  under 
stood  between  Mr.  Lawrence  and  Mr.  Williams,  that  one  half  of  the 
tract,  or  about  2400  acres,  was  a  bona-fide  purchase  by  the  former,  in 
order  to  save  the  remaining  half  for  Mr.  Williams  and  his  family. 
On  the  part  of  Mr.  Lawrence  the  act  was,  doubtless,  one  of  pure 
benevolence,  but  still  he  received  his  equivalent,  and  purchased 
2400  acres  of  land  for  $1600.  Mr.  Williams,  instead  of  going  homo 
with  "his  bond  and  mortgage  in  his  possession,  redeemed  and 
cancelled,"  left  his  whole  property  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Lawrence, 
in  the  shape  of  the  papers  transferred  .to  him,  and  without  any 


332  THE   LOST   PRINCE. 

written  voucher  to  show  the  nature  of  the  agreement  between 
them. 

Mr.  Eastman,  of  Green  Bay,  was,  at  that  time,  agent  for  Mr. 
Lawrence.  He  found  there  were  other  liens  upon  the  land,  which 
it  was  necessary  to  discharge  in  order  to  obtain  a  perfect  title. 
Further  advances  to  a  small  amount  were  made,  which  were  to 
remain  as  a  debt  upon  the  portion  of  the  land  still  belonging  to 
Mr.  Williams.  In  December,  1844,  Mr.  Williams  and  his  wife  con 
veyed  to  Mr.  Amos  A.  Lawrence,  at  the  suggestion  of  his  agent, 
the  whole  tract  of  four  thousand  eight  hundred  acres,  with  the 
understanding  that  they  did  no  more  than  constitute  him  conserva 
tor  of  the  two  thousand  four  hundred  acres  pertaining  to 
themselves,  until  such  time  as  Mr.  Williams  could  recover  from  his 
pecuniary  embarrassments,  and  pay  off  his  creditors,  and  among 
them,  Mr.  Lawrence  himself,  for  what  had  been  advanced  over  and 
above  the  first  purchase  money.  That  such  was  the  nature  of  the 
transaction,  there  are  three  decisive  proofs.  1.  If  by  the  deed  of 
December,  1844,  Mr.  Lawrence  obtained  the  bona-fide  title  to  the 
whole  four  thousand  eight  hundred  acres,  it  must  have  been  in 
consequence  of  the  gift  to  him,  without  consideration,  of  two 
thousand  four  hundred  acres  from  Mr.  Williams;  which  is  not  sup- 
posable.  2.  On  January  2,  1845,  subsequent  to  the  conveyance, 
Mr.  Amos  A.  Lawrence,  wrote  to  Mr.  Williams,  making  an  offer  to 
purchase  more  of  the  land  at  the  same  price  that  had  been  paid 
for  the  first  portion,  which  he  would  not  have  done  had  the  whole 
belonged  to  him.  3.  On  the  2d  August,  1845,  Mr.  Eastman,  agent 
of  Mr.  Lawrence,  wrote  to  Mr.  Williams  in  tho  icliowing  terms : — 
"  This  thing  can  be  done  if  it  meets  your  approbation.  A  friend 
of  ours  will  advance  you  $1,642TVV  on  the  tract  of  2,190  acres  (or 
half  the  value,  at  $1  50  per  acre),  at  10  per  cent,  interest,  per 
annum,  for  five  years — interest  to  be  paid  annually — the  tract  of 
2,190  acres,  the  title  of  which  is  now  in  Mr.  Amos  A.  Lawrence, 
of  Boston,  to  be  held  by  him  as  security  for  the  money  to 
be  advanced,  tho  taxes  .and  assessments  to  be  paid  by  you,  or 


EE  VERSES.  333 

if  paid  by  him,  to  be  charged  over  to  yon,  at  10  per  cent,  advance, 
&c."  All  this  shows  clearly  that  Mr.  Amos  A.  Lawrence  wa9  not 
the  owner  as  late  as  August,  1845,  of  any  more  than  one-half  the 
land,  though  he  held  the  nominal  title  to  the  whole.  Subsequently, 
the  sum  mentioned  by  Mr.  Eastman,  was  advanced  to  Mr.  Williams 
upon  the  terms  specified.  This,  as  far  as  I  understand  it,  is  the 
whole  of  the  matter.  But  there  seems  to  have  been  a  misconcep 
tion  on  the  part  of  both  Mr.  Amos  Lawrence  and  his  son,  the 
cause  of  which,  with  the  data  before  me,  I  cannot  comprehend. 
When,  at  the  expiration  of  the  five  years,  Mr.  Williams,  in 
accordance  with  the  agreement,  offered  to  repay  the  sum  bor 
rowed,  which  he  was  able  to  do  by  the  kindness  of  a  friend,  and 
redeem  his  land,  Mr.  Amos  A.  Lawrence  refused  to  accept. 

Occupied  with  the  oversight  of  a  princely  commerce,  Mr.  Amos 
Lawrence,  seems  to  have  bestowed  scarcely  a  thought  on  the 
transaction  so  important  to  the  humble  missionary.  Even  the 
amount  of  land  was  a  thing  quite  hazy  in  his  mind.  In  writing  to 
Mrs.  Williams  on  the  subject,  he  speaks  of  the  property,  which  in 
all  was  only  four  thousand  eight  hundred  acres,  as  consisting  of 
ten  thousand,  probably  confounding  the  worth  of  the  land  with  its 
extent.  "  The  purchase,"  he  says,  "  was  made  in  the  first  instance 
to  save  the  whole  ten  thousand  acres  passing  out  of  Mr.  Williams's 
hand,  as  an  act  of  proper  liberality  to  secure  for  him  a  home,  and 
of  so  small  importance  to  me  that  I  did  not  decide  for  a  few  days, 
to  whom  the  conveyance  should  be  made,  and  then  decided  that  it 
should  be  made  to  my  son.  Since  then  he  has  purchased  other 
lands  there,  and  paid  for  these  ten  thousand  acres  more  than  could 
have  been  obtained  in  money  for  them  from  others,  intending 
always  to  secure  a  home  for  you  both,  and  the  money  thus  paid  by 
us  has  not  Iteen  for  investment,  but  for  relief  of  yourselves."  Mrs. 
Williams,  on  her  part,  expressed  to  Mr.  Lawrence  her  gratitude, 
with  a  touching  simplicity.  "Kespected  sir,"  she  writes,  "a 
stranger  who  is  not  accustomed  to  writing,  and  one  who  was 
brought  up  among  the  Indians,  on  the  bonders  of  one  of  the  great 


334  THE    LOST   PRINCE. 

western  lakes,  would  take  the  liberty  to  address  you.  I  have  been 
induced  to  this  in  consequence  of  seeing  your  polite  and  friendly 
note  to  my  husband,  on  his  departure  from  Boston,  and  a  letter 
lately  from  your  son.  Not  only  these,  but  on  account  of  your  sav 
ing  a  portion  of  his  landed  property,  has  moved  me  at  this  time, 
from  a  deep  sense  of  gratitude,  to  present  you  my  sincere  and 
hearty  thanks  for  this  benevolent  act  of  yours  towards  us."  The 
design  of  the  transaction  was,  therefore,  most  benevolent  on  the 
part  of  Mr.  Lawrence,  though  the  practical  effect  has  been  to 
throw  into  the  hands  of  his  son,  by  the  agency  of  Mr.  Eastman, 
the  whole  property  of  Mr.  "Williams. 

The  value  of  land  in  the  neighborhood  of  Green  Bay,  is  greatly 
enhanced,  and,  perhaps,  the  two  thousand  four  hundred  acres  of 
Mr.  Williams,  might  now  sell  for  five  dollars  an  acre ;  but,  in  con 
sequence  of  the  transaction  with  Mr.  Lawrence,  so  pompously  set 
forth  by  Dr.  Lothrop  as  an  act  of  pure  charity  and  munificence,  ho 
has  lost  his  all.  Mrs.  Williams  continues  to  live,  by  sufferance,  on 
their  farm,  but  the  title  of  it  is  vested  in  another.  The  result, 
then,  of  all  the  exertions,  from  boyhood,  of  Mr.  Williams,  for  tho 
temporal  and  spiritual  welfare  of  the  Indians,  Ijas  been  the  loss  of 
everything — every  event  in  life  has  gone  against  him — health,  pro 
perty,  home,  have  been  sacrificed,  and  reputation  endangered,  sim 
ply  because  he  was  unfortunate — and  in  mankind,  as  well  as  in  some 
races  of  animals,  there  seems,  often,  an  instinctive  desire  to  destroy, 
utterly,  those  whom  affliction  has  wounded.  I  have  endeavored 
clearly  to  express,  in  few  words,  affairs  sufficiently  intricate ;  and  I 
feel  convinced  that  the  most  laborious  examination  of  details,  which 
might  be  brought  in  to  cloud  these  transactions,  would  not  make 
any  alteration  in  the  substantial  result.  In  fact,  in  both  cases, 
events  speak  for  themselves. 

As  I  am  not  now  writing  a  complete  biography  of  Mr.  Williams, 
but  merely  presenting  such  facts,  in  his  history,  as  may  enable  the 
public  to  form  some  opinion  of  the  character  and  trials  of  the  man, 
I  shall  pass,  briefly,  over  the  most  uneventful  period  of  his  life, 


REVERSES.  335 

reserving  my  remarks  on  the  occurrences  of  the  years  1841  and 
1848,  until  they  are  brought  up  in  the  narrative  of  my  personal 
acquaintance  with  him.  After  his  resignation  of  the  mission  at 
Duck  Creek,  and  the  Indian  school  at  St.  Regis,  he  continued  to 
perform  the  duties  of  his  ministerial  office  whenever  opportunity 
offered ;  although,  being  dispirited  and  afflicted,  he  remained  a  great 
portion  of  the  time,  at  his  farm,  on  the  Fox  River,  where  he 
frequently  gathered  his  neighbors  for  Divine  service  at  his  own 
house. 

Human  nature  can  only  endure  a  certain  amount  of  hardship,  dis 
appointment,  and  trouble,  and  then  the  energies  of  the  strongest  will 
relax.  His  health  was  bad,  his  prospects  clouded,  his  difficulties,  of 
all  kinds,  daily  increasing,  every  hope  he  had  entertained  for  the 
regeneration  of  the  Indian  race,  blighted  by  political  chicanery  and 
their  own  ingratitude ;  and,  if  he  succumbed,  in  severe  depression, 
under  the  accumulated  burden,  it  is  only  what  other  persons  would 
have  done.  Among  churchmen  he  has  been  accused  of  neglecting 
public  worship.  To  this,  his  reply  is,  that,  he  was  weak,  oppressed, 
lonely ;  that,  all  his  efforts  had  been  despised  and  rejected ;  that,  he 
had  no  one  to  sustain  and  advise  him ;  that,  he  was  at  a  distance,  in 
the  wilderness,  from  any  place  of  worship ;  and  worn  down  with  sor 
row  and  disappointment,  could  do  little  more  than  sustain  his  own 
personal  communion  with  God.  He  had  consecrated  his  life  to  the 
service  of  Christ,  among  the  Indians.  He  was  not  fitted  by  feeling 
or  habit  for  pastoral  duty,  in  a  different  sphere.  Unable,  by  the 
very  constitution  of  his  mind,  to  manage,  with  success,  his  pecu 
niary  affairs,  a  martyr  to  his  efforts  for  others,  and  enduring  the 
same  kind  of  trials  which  have  weighed  heaviest  on  some  of  the 
noblest  spirits  in  the  ministry,  in  this  country,  he  saw  his  property 
melt  beneath  his  hands,  without  the  power  or  the  tact  to  save  him 
self  from  ruin.  And,  then,  in  the  very  midst  of  afflictions  calcu 
lated  to  depress  the  most  energetic,  came  the  bewildering  and 
stunning  intelligence  that  he  was  not  of  the  name,  nor  race,  nor 
country,  to  which  he  had  supposed  himself  to  belong ;  but  that, 


336  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

severe  as  were  his  trials  in  late  years,  he  had  borne  worse  ills  in 
childhood,  and  was  the  exiled  survivor  of  a  family  who  had 
endured  mightier  griefs  and  more  terrible  reverses. 

How  the  tidings  affected  his  spirits  and  harrowed  his  mind,  the 
reader  will  hereafter  perceive ;  and,  instead  of  feeling  suprised  at  his 
depression,  every  candid  mind  will  rather  be  astonished  that  he 
rallied  his  powers  sufficiently  to  become  the  cheerful,  vigorous,  and 
intellectual  man  he  still  is.  Within  late  years  he  has  resumed  his 
missionary  labors  at  St.  Regis, .  and,  having  accomplished,  by  the 
kind  aid  of  the  provisional  bishop  of  New  York,  a  work  he  has  long 
had  at  heart,  the  publication  of  a  re- translation  of  the  principal 
portions  of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  adapted  alike  to  the  use  of 
the  Indians  both  of  the  English  and  American  church,  he  has  now 
every  prospect  of  being  actively  and  successfully  occupied  during  the 
remainder  of  his  chequered  life.  Since  the  year  1848,  the  subject 
of  his  foreign  birth  has  frequently  been  mentioned  and  discussed  in 
the  public  prints.  It  was  this  which,  in  the  first  instance,  led  to  my 
acquaintance  with  him,  which,  with  its  results,  will  occupy  the  fol 
lowing  pages. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

OUR  FIRST    INTERVIEW. 

MY  first  acquaintance  with  the  Rev.  Eleazar  Williams,  was  in  the 
autumn  of  1851.  His  name  had  been,  for  years,  familiar  to  my  eye, 
from  seeing  it  in  the  record  of  missionary  proceedings,  but  beyond 
this  I  had  no  knowledge  of  his  history  ;  when,  one  day,  my  atten 
tion  was  arrested  by  a  paragraph  in  a  Now  York  paper,  I  believe  it 
was  the  "  Courier  and  Enquirer,"  containing  the  strange,  and,  at 
first  sight,  most  improbable  announcement,  that  there  were  strong 
reasons  for  supposing  him  to  be  the  son  of  Louis  XVI.,  and  that  he 
was  said  to  bear  a  very  strong  resemblance  to  the  Bourbon  family. 
It  struck  mo,  at  first,  as  being  one  of  those  idle  stories  we  see  so 


OUR    FIRST    INTERVIEW.  337 

frequently  in  print,  but  it  excited  my  curiosity,  as  I  was  at  a  loss  to 
imagine  what  could  have  given  rise  to  a  report  so  wild  and  marvel 
lous.  I  was  then  residing  at  Waddington,  on  the  banks  of  the  St. 
Lawrence,  and  did  not  even  know  there  was  any  connection 
between  Mr.  Williams  and  the  Indians  at  St.  Regis,  in  my  imme 
diate  neighborhood.  It,  however,  occasioned  me  pleasure  to  learn,, 
from  a  friend,  that  Mr.  Williams  had  removed  from  Green  Bay  to 
St.  Regis,  and  nothing  but  constant  engagements  prevented  my 
going  to  see  him,  and  ascertain  what  he  had  to  say  on  the  subject, 
though  I  had  no  idea  but  that  he  would  contradict  the  story,  and 
explain  the  circumstances  out  of  which  it  had  arisen.  This,  I  find 
was  the  common  feeling  among  his  brethren  of  the  clergy,  who,  not 
unfrequently,  alluded  to  it,  for  the  first  time,  in  a  laughing  way, 
<uid  were  surprised  to  find  he  treated  the  matter  seriously,  and  was 
sometimes  immediately  affected  to  tears. 

As  I  was  about  to  leave  St.  Lawrence  county,  I  regretted  not 
bcin^able  to  see  him,  before  my  departure,  when  accident  threw  him 
in  my  way.  I  have  already,  in  another  form,  given  an  account  of 
our  interview,  and  repeat  here  the  substance  of  what  I  then  said, 
because  it  explains  the  interest  I  have  since  taken  in  him,  gives  a  cor 
rect  picture  of  his  manners,  and  apparent  character,  and  is  an  intro 
duction  to  the  history  of  the  last  few  months  of  his  life.  It  also 
exhibits  the  casual  manner  in  which  the  present  agitation  of  the 
question  has  arisen,  and  exonerates  him  from  the  charge  of  having 
thrust  himself  before  the  public.  I  found  him  busily  engaged  in 
the  sacred  duties  of  his  ministry,  which  he  has  ever  since  uninter 
ruptedly  pursued,  without  allowing  himself  to  be  diverted  from 
them,  by  the  excitement  and  investigation  of  which  he  was  the 
centre.  Verbal  repetition,  however  unpleasant,  is  unavoidable, 
because,  as  a  matter  of  evidence,  the  subject  has  assumed  a  certain 
definite  form,  from  which  it  is  impossible  now  to  separate  it. 

Upon  entering  the  cars,  on  the  Ogdensburg  railroad,  on  my  way 
to  New  York,  in  the  autumn  of  1851,  I  observed  a  somewhat  stout 
old  gentleman,  talking  to  two  Indians  in  their  own  language,  in  a 

15 


338  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

very  animated  manner,  and  was  much  interested  in  watching  the 
varied  play  of  their  countenances  wnile  listening  to  him.  He 
appeared  to  be  very  eloquent,  used  much  gesticulation,  and  worked 
his  hearers  into  a  state  of  excitement  more  remarkable,  when  com 
pared  with  the  usual  stolid  expression  of  the  Indian  face.  A  gen 
tleman  on  the  seat  before  me,  who  was  also  watching  the  singular 
group,  said,  "  He  must  be  a  half-breed,"  for  we  were  all  surprised  at 
the  freedom  with  which  one  of  evidently  European  figure  and  face, 
spoke  the  Indian  tongue.  It  then  occurred  to  me  that  it  was  Wil 
liams,  and  on  my  saying  so,  and  mentioning  the  mystery  connected 
with  his  name,  the  gentleman  who  had  first  spoken  rose,  and  asked 
the  conductor,  who  confirmed  my  supposition.  On  hearing  this, 
I  introduced  myself  to  Mr.  Williams  as  a  brother  clergyman,  apolo 
gizing  for  not  having  paid  him  a  visit.  I  found  him  friendly  and 
easy  of  access.  He  said  he  had  been  trying  to  convince  his  Indian 
friends,  who  were  members  of  the  Romish  communion,  of  their  errors, 
and  that  the  poor  fellows  were  much  interested  in  wrhat  he  had  ad* 
vanced.  He  was  going  to  Burlington,  Vermont,  and  from  thence  to 
Boston,  and  as  our  route  lay  down  Champlain,  we  took  the  steamer 
together  at  Rouse's  Point.  While  waiting  on  the  dock  for  the 
arrival  of  the  vessel,  I  was  prepossessed  in  his  favor,  from  noticing 
the  unaffected  kindness  he  showed  the  Indians,  in  directing  them  what 
to  do,  and  aiding  them  with  their  luggage.  I  was  perfectly  familiar 
with  the  Indian  lineaments  and  charcteristics,  but  was  not  sorry, 
that  at  my  interview  with  him,  I  had  so  good  an  opportunity  of 
attentively  comparing  his  appearance  with  that  of  his  reputed  coun 
trymen,  and,  the  closer  my  examination,  the  more  my  curiosity  was 
raised,  for  though  his  dress  was  not  such  as  to  show  him  to  advan 
tage,  he  presented,  in  every  respect,  the  marks  of  different  race 
and  station  from  theirs,  and  my  wonder  was,  that  any  attentive 
observer  should  ever  have  imagined  him  to  be  an  Indian. 

When  we  were  seated  on  the  dock,  I  told  him,  I  had  seen  a  state 
ment  in  the  newspapers,  which  had  excited  iny  curiosity,  and 
should  feel  obliged,  if  it  was  not  intrusive,  by  being  informed  if  he 


OUR    FIRST    INTERVIEW.  339 

believed  the  story  of  his  royal  origin,  and  upon  what  evidence  the 
extraordinary  claim  was  based.  He  replied,  the  subject  was  painful 
to  him,  nor  could  he  speak  of  it  unmoved,  but  would,  with  pleasure, 
give  me  the  required  information.  "  There  seems  to  me,"  I  theft 
said,  "  one  simple  and  decisive  test  of  the  truth  of  your  claim,  I  mean, 
your  memory  of  your  childhood.  If  you  have  always  lived  among 
the  Indians,  you  cannot  forget  it,  and  if  you  are  the  lost  Dauphin, 
it  seems  scarcely  credible  that,  being  at  the  time  of  your  mother's 
death  more  than  eight  years  of  age,  you  could  have  passed  through 
the  fearful  scenes  of  the  revolution,  without  a  strong  impression  of 
the  horrors  attendant  on  your  early  years.  Have  you  any  memory 
of  what  happened  in  Paris,  or  of  your  voyage  to  this  country?" 

"  Therein,"  he  replied,  "  lies  the  mystery  of  my  life.  I  know 
nothing  about  my  infancy.  Everything  that  occurred  to  me  is 
-blotted  out,  entirely  erased,  irrecoverably  gone.  My  mind  is  a  blank 
until  thirteen  or  fourteen  years  of  age.  You  must  imagine  a  child 
who,  as  far  as  he  knows  anything,  was  an  idiot,  destitute  even  of 
consciousness  that  can  be  remembered  until  that  period.  He  was 
bathing  on  Lake  George,  among  a  group  of  Indian  boys.  He  clam 
bered  with  the  fearlessness  of  idiocy  to  the  top  of  a  high  rock.  He 
plunged  down  head  foremost  into  the  water.  He  was  taken  up 
insensible,  and  laid  in  an  Indian  hut.  He  was  brought  to  life.  There 
was  the  blue  sky,  there  were  the  mountains,  there  were  the  waters. 
That  was  the  first  I  knew  of  life." 

"  "When,  then,  and  how,"  I  continued,  "  did  you  come  to  entertain 
the  idea,  you  now  do,  concerning  your  birth  ?  What  is  there  to  con 
firm  it?1' 

"  I  was  under  the  impression,"  he  replied,  "  that  I  was  at  least 
partly  of  Indian  extraction,  until  the  time  that  the  Prince  de  Join- 
ville  came  to  this  country.  One  of  the  first  questions  he  asked  on 
his  arrival  in  New  York  was,  whether  there  was  such  a  person 
known  as  Eleazar  Williams,  among  the  Indians  of  the  northern  part 
of  the  State  ;  and  after  some  inquiries  in  different  quarters,  he  was 
told  there  was  such  a  person,  who  was  at  that  time  a  Missionary  of 
the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church,  at  Green  Bay,  Wisconsin,  and  was 


340  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

advised  to  apply  for  further  information  to  some  prominent  mem 
bers  of  the  church  in  this  city.  He  accordingly  applied  to  Mr. 
Thomas  Ludlow  Ogden,  who,  at  the  Prince's  request,  wrote  to  me, 
stating  that  the  Prince  was  then  in  the  country,  and  before  his 
return  to  France,  would  be  happy  to  have  an  interview  with  me. 
I  replied  to  Mr.  Ogden,  that  I  should  be  exceedingly  happy  to  see  the 
Prince  at  any  time.  I  was  much  surprised  with  his  communication ; 
but  supposed,  however,  that  as  I  had  resided  a  long  time  in  the 
west,  and  had  been  chaplain  to  Gen.  Taylor,  he  might  desire  some 
local  information,  which  I  could  give  him  as  readily  as  most  men. 
Some  time  elapsed,  and  I  heard  nothing  more  on  the  subject,  which 
was  beginning  to  fade  from  my  mind,*  when  one  day,  while  on 
board  a  steamer  on  Lake  Michigan,  I  had  an  interview  with  the 
Prince,  who  shortly  after,  at  Green  Bay,  revealed  the  secret  of  my 
birth." 

Mr.  Williams  then  proceeded  to  give  me  many  of  the  incidents 
connected  with  this  memorable  interview ;  but  as  I  have,  at  a 
later  period,  drawn  from  him  an  account,  in  every  way  more  cir 
cumstantial,  of  all  that  occurred,  I  will  postpone  further  particulars 
until  the  subject  recurs  in  the  order  of  events. 

To  return  again  to  our  conversation.  "  Is  your  reputed  mother," 
I  inquired,  "  living — the  Indian  woman  who  brought  you  up  ?  Is  it 
not  easy  to  ascertain  from  her,  whether  or  not  you  are  her  child  ? 
What  does  she  say  upon  the  subject  ?" 

"  My  reputed  mother,"  he  said,  "  is  still  living,  at  a  very  advanced 
age.  She  is  now  at  Oaughnawaga.  I  ought,  as  soon  as  the  Princ« 
told  me  the  secret  of  my  birth,  to  have  returned  to  the  east  and 
seen  her.  But  I  unfortunately  neglected  to  do  so  for  some  time,  and 
when  I  did  come,  I  found  that  the  Romish  Priests  had  been  tamper 
ing  with  her,  and  that  her  mouth  was  hermetically  sealed.  Since  I 
have  been  at  St.  Regis,  I  have  learned  from  the'  Indians,  that  the 

*  The  above  account  of  our  conversation  was  written  months  after  it  occured,  and  I 
must,  in  the  last  sentence,  have  partially  misrepresented  what  Mr.  Williams  said,  as 
there  is  documentary  evidence  that  he  went  expressly  to  the  west  to  meet  the  Prince 
de  Joinville. 


OUR    FIRST    INTERVIEW.  341 

priests  said  to  her,  '  Suppose  that  this  man  should  prove  to  be  heir 
to  a  throne  on  the  other  side  of  the  Great  Salt  Lake,  what  injury 
may  he  not  do  to  the  Church  ?  lie  has  been  brought  up  a  Pro 
testant,  and  if  he  obtained  sovereign  power  it  would  be  the  ruin 
of  many  souls.  You  must,  therefore,  say  nothing  one  way  or  the 
other,  but  keep  entirely  silent.'  And  so  all  my  eiforts  to  extract 
anything  from  her  were  unavailing.  Her  immovable  Indian  ob 
stinacy  has  hitherto  been  proof  against  every  effort  I  could  make. 
But  I  have  not  given  up  hope  yet,  and  will  try  her  again.  When 
asked  the  direct  question,  Is  Eleazar  Williams  your  son  ?  she  will 
neither  answer  yes  nor  no — but  keeps  her  mouth  shut,  and  seems 
indifferent  to  what  is  said.  When  hard  pressed  indeed  on  one  occa 
sion,  she  has  been  known  to  say,  4  Do  you  think  that  Eleazar  is  a 
bastard  ?'  but  that  was  all.  If,  however,  the  question  is  put  to  her 
in  an  indirect  form,  she  will  begin,  in  the  monotonous  manner  in 
which  ignorant  people  repeat  a  story,  in  which  they  have  been 
drilled  by  others,  and  have  told  for  years  in  one  way,  to  give  a  list 
of  her  children,  and  the  dates  of  their  birth,  bringing  in  my  name 
at  a  particular  place.  But  we  have  had  the  baptismal  register  at 
Caughnawaga  examined,  and  the  priest  was  made  to  certify  to  it, 
and  though  the  names  of  all  the  rest  of  her  children  are  recorded 
there,  together  with  the  dates  of  their  birth  and  baptism,  mine  does 
not  occur  there ;  and  the  births  of  the  children  follow  so  closely 
upon  each  other,  at  regular  intervals  of  two  years  between  each, 
that  it  does  not  seem  naturally  possible  I  could  have  been  her  child, 
unless  I  was  twin  to  some  other  child  whose  birth  and  baptism  are 
recorded  while  mine  are  not — a  thing  which,  when  we  take  into 
consideration  the  exactness  and  fidelity  with  which  such  affairs  are 
transacted  in  the  Church  of  Eome,  does  not  seem  probable,  and 
scarcely  possible.  The  silence  of  the  baptismal  register  may,  there 
fore,  be  deemed  conclusive  proof  that  this  Indian  woman  is  not  my 
mother. 

"  And  then  comes  in,"  continued  Williams,  "  evidence  of  a  differ 
ent  description.    A  French  gentleman  died  at  New  Orleans,  in 


342  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

1848,  named  Belanger,  who  confessed  on  his  death  bed  that  he  was 
the  person  who  brought  the  Danphin  to  this  country,  and  placed 
him  among  the  Indians  in  the  northern  part  of  the  State  of  New 
York.  It  seems  that  Belanger  had  taken  a  solemn  oath  of  secresy, 
alike  for  the  preservation  of  the  Dauphin  and  the  safety  of  those 
who  were  instrumental  in  effecting  his  escape,  but  the  near  approach 
of  death,  and  the  altered  circumstances  of  the  times,  induced  him  to 
break  silence  before  his  departure  from  the  world.  He  died  in 
January,  1848.  Now,  the  person  who  had  charge  of  the  Dauphin 
after  the  death  of  Simon,  stabbed  a  man  in  a  political  quarrel  in 
France,  and  fled  for  safety.*  He  it  was,  I  suppose,  who,  with  the 
assistance  and  connivance  of  others,  carried  the  youth  with  him  to 
the  Low  Countries,  and  thence  to  England.  He  must  have  changed 
his  own  name  for  greater  security,  crossed  the  Atlantic,  and  after 
depositing  him  with  the  Indians,  gone  to  Louisiana  and  there  lived 
and  died. 

"  The  next  link  in  the  evidence  is  yet  more  singular.  A  French 
gentleman  hearing  my  story,  brought  a  printed  account  of  the  cap 
tivity  of  the  Dauphin,  and  read  me  a  note  in  which  it  was  stated 
that  Simon  the  jailer,  having  become  incensed  with  the  Prince  for 
some  childish  offence,  took  a  towel  which  was  hanging  on  a  nail, 
and  in  snatching  it  hastily  drew  out  the  nail  with  it,  and  inflicted 
two  blows  upon  his  face,  one  over  the  left  eye  and  the  other  on 
the  right  side  of  the  nose.  '  And  now,'  said  he, '  let  me  look  at  your 
face.'  When  he  did  so,  and  saw  the  scars  on  the  spots  indicated  in 
the  memoirs,  he  exclaimed, c  Mon  Dieu !  what  proof  do  I  want  more  ?' 

"  But  that  is  not  all,"  he  continued.  "  In  the  same  memoirs  it 
is  said,  that  the  Dauphin  died  of  scrofula,  and  that  the  disease  was 
on  his  knees.  My  knees  are  eaten  up  with  scrofula,  and  there  are 
no  other  scrofulous  marks  on  niy  body.  Such  are  the  main  points 

*  The  historic  misstatements  of  Mr.  Williams,  in  conversation,  respecting  events  in 
France,  only  show  he  had  at  this  time  paid  little  attention  to  the  subject,  and  picked 
np  his  information  from  others.  He  was  utterly  ignorant  of  the  mass  of  historic  evi 
dence  in  support  of  his  personal  narrative. 


OUR    FIRST    INTERVIEW.  343 

of  evidence  on  which  my  claim  rests,  and  you  may  judge  of  their 
strength — and  further  I  can  only  refer  you  to  the  alleged  resem 
blance  between  me  and  Louis  XVIII.,  and  the  Bourbon  family  in 
general.  I  remember  a  gentleman  put  his  hand  over  the  name 
attached  to  a  picture  of  Louis  XVIII.,  and  asked  a  friend  whose 
portrait  it  was,  'That  of  Mr.  Williams,'  was  the  reply.  I  have 
somewhat  of  a  curiosity  in  my  valise,  and  will  show  it  you  if  you 
would  like  to  see  it.  It  is  a  dress  of  Marie  Antoinette.  It  was 
given  me  by  a  person  who  bought  it  in  France,  and  who  hearing 
my  story,  and  considering  me  the  rightful  owner,  made  me  a 
present  of  it." 

He  then  went  forward,  opened  his  valise,  and  returned  with  a 
small  bundle  under  his  arm,  which  he  carried  into  the  upper  saloon 
for  the  sake  of  privacy.  It  is  of  course  impossible  to  say  whether 
the  dress  which  he  showed  me  is  what  it  is  asserted  to  be,  but  from 
its  appearance  it  certainly  may  be  so.  It  was  a  magnificent  but  some 
what  faded  brocade  silk.  It  had  been  taken  to  pieces,  and 
consisted  of  a  skirt,  back  piece,  stomacher,  and  train  ten  or  twelve 
feet  in  length.  The  waist  was  very  slender.  There  is  pleasure  in 
believing  in  the  truth  of  memorials  of  the  past,  and  I  cannot  envy 
the  critical  coldness  of  one  who  would  ridicule  me  for  surrendering 
myself,  under  the  influence  of  the  scene,  to  the  belief,  that  the 
strange  old  gentleman  before  rne,  whose  very  aspect  is  a  problem, 
was  son  to  the  fair  being  whose  queenly  form  that  faded  dress  had 
once  contained,  as  she  moved  noblest  and  loveliest  in  the  Halls  of 
Versailles;  and  that  in  childish  beauty  and  innocence,  the  heir  of 
crowns,  and  the  hope  of  kingdoms,  the  observed  of  all  observers, 
he  had  rested  fondly  against  its  silken  folds  when  the  living  loveli 
ness  of  Marie  Antoinette  was  within  it.*  However,  I  am  not 

*  As  the  fact  of  this  dress  having  belonged  to  Marie  Antoinette  has  been  ques 
tioned,  I  give  the  note  with  which  the  gift  was  accompanied  : — 

"  Presented  to  the  Rev.  Eleazar  Williams,  with  the  respectful  regards  of  Mrs.  Edward 
Clarke,  of  Northampton.  Being  In  England  some  years  since,  I  had  an  opportunity  there 
to  purchase  this  dress,  once  worn  by  the  Queen  Marie  Antoinette,  of  France.  It  had 


344  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

writing  romance,  but  a  matter-of-fact  account  of  an  adventure  on 
a  steamboat. 

I  now  proceeded  to  scrutinize  more  closely  the  form,  features, 
and  general  appearance  of  Mr.  Williams,  and  to  re-examine  the 
scars  on  his  face.  Ho  is  an  intelligent,  noble-looking  old  man, 
with  no  trace,  however  slight,  of  the  Indian  about  him  except  what 
may  be  fairly  accounted  for  by  his  long  residence  among  Indians. 
Pie  is  far  more  familiar  with  their  language  than  with  English, 
which  he  speaks  correctly,  and  even  eloquently,  as  far  as  style  is 
concerned,  but  pronounces  imperfectly.  His  manner  of  talking 
reminds  you  of  a  Frenchman,  and  he  shrugs  his  shoulders  and 
gesticulates  like  one.  But  he  has  the  port  and  presence 
of  an  European  gentleman  of  high  rank ;  a  nameless  something 
which  I  never  saw  but  in  persons  accustomed  to  command ; 
a  countenance  bronzed  by  exposure  below  the  eyebrows;  a 
fair,  high,  ample,  intellectual,  but  receding  forehead ;  a  slightly 
aquiline,  but  rather  small  nose  ;  a  long  Austrian  lip,  the  expression 
of  which  is  of  exceeding  sweetness  when  in  repose ;  full  fleshy 
cheeks,  birt  not  high  cheek  bones ;  dark,  bright,  merry  eyes  of 
hazel  hue;  graceful,  well-formed  neck;  strong  muscular  limbs, 
indicating  health  and  great*  activity ;  small  hands  and  feet,  and 
dark  hair,  sprinkled  with  gray,  as  fine  in  texture  as  silk.  I  should 
never  have  taken  him  for  an  Indian.  Some  persons  who  saw  him 
several  years  ago,  tell  me,  their  impression  is  that  he  looked 
partially  like  one,  bub  admit,  their  opinion  may  have  been 
influenced  by  their  having  been  previously  told  he  was  of 
Indian  extraction.  I  will  here  insert  a  description  of  him  by  ' 
another  hand,  furnished  me  by  Mr.  Williams.  "  His  complexion  is 

been  bought  at  the  court  by  a  gentleman,  attached,  at  that  time,  to  our  embassy.  I 
was  informed  that  the  dresses  once  worn  by  the  queen,  were  afterwards  distributed 
among  the  ladies  of  the  court,  who  would  sometimes  dispose  of  them  in  this  manner 
at  auction. 

"Round  mil,  Northampton^ 
"  Jany.  3,  1851." 


OIJR    FIRST    INTERVIEW.  345 

rather  dark,  like  that  of  one  who  had  become  bronzed  by  living 
much  in  the  open  air,  and  he  passes  for  a  half-breed.  But  his  fea 
tures  are  decidedly  European,  rather  heavily  moulded,  and 
strongly  characterized  by  the  full,  protuberant  Austrian  lips 
This,  the  experienced  observer  is  well  aware,  is  never  found  in  the 
aboriginal,  and  very  rarely  among  the  Americans  themselves.  Ills 
head  is  well  formed,  and  sits  proudly  on  his  shoulders.  His  eyes 
are  dark,  but  not  black.  His  hair  may  be  called  black,  is  rich  and 
glossy,  and  interspersed  with  gray.  His  eyebrows  are  full,  and  of 
the  same  color — upon  the  left  is  a  scar.  His  beard  is  heavy,  and 
nose  aquiline.  The  nostril  is  large  and  finely  cut.  His  tempera 
ment  is  genial,  with  a  dash  of  vivacity  in  his  manners,  he  is  fond 
of  good  living,  and  inclines  to  embonpoint,  which  is  the  character 
istic  of  the  Bourbon  family." 

While  refolding  the  dress  of  the  poor  queen,  I  asked  him  if  he 
could  account  for  the  conduct  of  the  Prince  de  Joinville  in  disclos 
ing  so  important  a  secret  as  that  of  his  royal  birth,  and  requesting 
him  to  give  up  rights  previously  unknown  to  him,  and  which, 
without  information  derived  from  the  Prince,  he  would  have  had 
no  means  of  ascertaining.  lie  replied,  in  substance,  it  might 
indeed  seem  strange,  but  the  only  satisfactory  explanation  he 
would  suggest  was,  that  although  he  was  personally  ignorant  of  his 
origin,  yet  there  were  those  both  in  Europe  and  this  country  who 
were  acquainted  with  it,  and  that  Louis  Phillippe  being  at  that 
time  anxious  to  fortify  his  family  in  power  by  every  possible 
means,  contracting  alliances  with  other  royal  lines  of  Europe,  yet 
knew  that  in  him  existed  an  obstacle  which  might  possibly  prevent 
the  accomplishment  of  all  his  designs,  and  had  therefore,  perhaps, 
delegated  his  son  to  reveal  the  fact  to  him  so  as  to  escape  the  conse 
quences  of  its  coming  to  light  some  other  way.  However,  I  may 
add  that,  at  this  interview,  Mr.  Williams  positively  declined  stating 
all  that  passed  between  him  and  the  Prince  de  Joinville.  "I  do 
not  trouble  my  mind,  he  continued,  "much  about  the  matter,  other 
wise  I  might  easily  render  myself  unhappy  by  repining  at  the  will 


346  THE    LOST   PRINCE. 

of  God.  But  I  submit  myself  entirely  to  His  will.  My  story  is  on 
the  winds  of  Heaven,  and  will  work  its  way  without  me.  They 
have  got  it  in  France.  Copies  of  my  daguerreotype  have  been  sent 
to  eminent  men  there.  God  in  His  providence  must  have  some 
niysterious  ends  to  answer,  or  He  never  would  have  brought  me  so 
low  from  such  a  height.  He  has  cast  my  lot  among -this  poor 
Indian  people,  and  I  have  ministered  and  will  minister  to  them,  if  it 
please  Him  until  death.  I  don't  want  a  crown.  I  am  convinced  of 
my  royal  descent ;  so  are  my  family.  The  idea  of  royalty  is  in  our 
minds,  and  we  will  never  relinquish  it.  You  have  been  talking," 
he  concluded,  smiling  between  jest  and  earnest,  "with  a  king 
to-night.  Come,  let  us  go  down  stairs,  and  I  will  show  you  some 
thing'  else."  He  then  went  again  to  his  valise  and  took  out  some 
miniatures  and  a  daguerreotype.  "There  is  the  picture  of 
Madame,"  he  said,  putting  into  my  hands  the  miniature  of  a  very 
beautiful  young  lady.  "That  was  how  my  wife  looked  when  I 
married  her.  And  there,"  giving  mo  another,  "  is  my  likeness  at 
the  same  time.  I  suppose  you  know  who  that  is,"  he  continued, 
taking  back  the  miniatures  and  giving  me  a  daguerreotype.  It  was 
his  likeness  such  as  he  now  is,  but  having  a  broad  band  fastened  by 
an  ornamented  cross  passed  over  the  shoulder  as  worn  by  European 
princes.  In  the  daguerreotype  the  lights  and  shadows  of  his 
marked  and  expressive  face  are  brought  fully  out,  and  the  sun's  pen 
cil  makes  him  look  every  inch  a  king.  Strange,  indeed,  if  a  St. 
Regis  Indian  could  be  the  original  of  such  a  portrait,  drawn  by  so 
unfailing  an  artist.  The  steamboat  by  this  time  was  drawing  near 
to  Burlington,  and  Williams  employed  the  few  moments  that 
remained,  in  describing  his  situation  at  St.  Regis.  He  said  that 
having  left  his  wife  in  the  west,  he  was  living  alone  in  a  little  hut, 
almost  destitute  of  the  necessaries  of  life,  without  books,  without 
companions,  except  the  Indians,  and  that  he  occupied  his  time  in 
teaching  a  few  children. 

The  boat  stopped — he  hurried  down,  and  I  parted  with  him. 


PUTNAM'S  MAGAZINE.  347 


CHAPTER  XVII. 
PUTNAM'S    MAGAZINE. 

WHEN  our  interview  was  over,  I  bad  little  idea  I  should  ever  again 
see  Mr.  Williams ;  but  the  strange  story  I  had  heard  made  a  great 
impression  on  my  mind.  It  haunted  me.  I  could  not  get  rid  of  it, 
and  when  I  tried  to  throw  it  off,  it  would  recur  again.  I  had  seen 
something  of  men,  and  been  a  not  inattentive  observer.  Mr.  Wil 
liams  was  one  of  the  most  simple  men  I  had  ever  met,  and  apart 
from  simplicity  there  is  little  excellence  and  questionable  truth.  I 
saw  clearly  all  the  difficulties  with  which  his  story  was  surrounded, 
but  I  reposed  confidence  in  him ;  and  I  am  happy  to  say  that, 
although  my  confidence  has  often  been  put,  in  the  course  of  discus 
sion,  to  the  severest  test,  it  remains  unshaken.  Though  I  saw  him 
under  circumstances  least  favorable  to  impress  the  mind  with 
ideas  of  noble  birth — among  Indians,  in  plain,  simple  dress,  in 
poverty,  in  depression,  in  social  isolation,  and  unfriended  destitu 
tion — yet,  there  was  nothing  in  his  appearance  or  manner,  his 
bodily  or  mental  characteristics,  to  jar  with  the  idea  excited  by  his 
words.  Everything  was  in  keeping.  Had  any  other  person  I  ever 
met  told  me  such  a  story,  I  should  have  laughed  him  in  the  face. 
He  was  evidently  a  man  who  had  a  history  which  did  not  lie  on  the 
surface,  because  nature  never  placed  such  a  man  in  such  a  position. 
He  was  clearly  an  exotic.  With  no  sign  of  the  Indian,  he  bore 
every  mark  of  a  mixture  of  French  and  German  blood,  and  good 
blood,  too.  But  what  chiefly  led  me  to  believe  his  statements 
were  true,  was,  that  he,  soberly  and  seriously,  told  improbabilities 
as  facts,  without  knowing  what  there  was  to  sustain  them.  A  pre 
tender  would  never  have  done  this.  He  would  have  had  all  his 
proofs  cut,  dried,  and  labelled,  and  his  story,  consistent  or  incon 
sistent,  fully  made  out.  With  Mr.  Williams  it  was  entirely 
different.  He  mentioned  certain  strange  things  which  had  hap- 


848  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

pened  to  him,  and  a  few  isolated  hints  of  confirmation,  merely 
showing  there  might  be  evidence  fuller  and  more  explicit.  With 
nothing  to  gain,  he  risked,  as  the  event  has  proved,  everything. 

I  was  surprised  that  no  one  had  taken  the  trouble  to  probe 
the  mystery  which  hung  about  him,  since,  if  it  were  a  case  of 
deception,  it  was  one  of  the  most  extraordinary  the  world  has 
seen,  and  deserved  on  that  account  to  be  chronicled;  and,  if 
his  statements  were,  indeed,  true,  there  could  not  be  a  richer  pearl 
of  historic  fact  rescued  from  oblivion. 

I  repeated  what  he  had  said,  to  many  persons,  and  made  all  pos 
sible  inquires  concerning  him.  He  had  mentioned  the  Hon.  J,  C.. 
Spencer,  of  Albany,  as  one  to  whom  he  had  communicated  the 
facts  I  have  detailed;  .and,  meeting  that  gentleman,  in  Convention, 
I  stated  the  impression  his  story  had  made  on  my  mind,  when  Mr. 
Spencer,  with  earnestness,  exclaimed,  "  His  story  made  a  great 
impression  on  my  mind,  too,  sir — a  very,  very  great  impression;" 
and,  then,  went  on  to  mention  several  facts  of  which  I  was  pre 
viously  ignorant,  and  among  them,  the  omission  of  the  Dauphin's 
name  from  the  funeral  solemnities.  I  had  seen  too  much  of  the 
ripe  judgment  and  legal  acumen  of  Mr.  Spencer,  not  to  feel  certain 
that  there  was  something  to  be  discovered  in  a  historic  question 
which  had  riveted  his  attention  ;  and,  though  he  concluded  by  say 
ing,  that,  he  feared  it  was  now  too  late  to  gain  positive  evidence, 
and  that  the  whole  subject  would,  probably,  remain  a  mystery  like 
the  man  in  the  iron  mask ;  the  result  of  our  conversation  was  to  sti 
mulate  my  desire  to  clear  away  the  ob'scurity. 

Shortly  after,  I  repeated  Mr.  Williams's  story  to  the  Rev.  Dr. 
Hawks,  who  was  as  much  interested  in  it  as  I  had  been,  and 
requested  me  to  put  what  I  had  said  in  writing,  which  I  did  in 
the  shape  of  a  lettter  addressed  to  him.  He  read  my  letter 
to  some  friends,  and  this  drew  from  Dr.  J.  "W.  Francis,  who  was 
present,  an  account  of  a  conversation  with  M.  Genet,  respecting 
the  Dauphin.  He  said  that,  in  the  year  1818,  there  was  a  social 
party  at  the  house  of  Dr.  Hosack,  in  New  York,  at  which  there 


PUTNAM'S  MAGAZINE.  349 

were  present,  beside  himself,  Dr.  Macneven,  Counsellor  Sampson, 
Thomas  Cooper,  of  Carlisle,  Count  Jean  D'Angley,  and  M.  Genet, 
formerly  ambassador  from  France.  In  the  course  of  the  conversa 
tion,  the  subject  of  the  Dauphin  was  introduced,  and  the  inquiry 
started  as  to  his  fate.  At  length,  Genet  distinctly  said,  "  Gentle 
men,  the  Dauphin  of  France  is  not  dead,  but  was  brought  to  Ame 
rica."  The  conversation  continued,  for  some  time,  and  M.  Genet 
informed  the  company,  among  other  things,  that  he  believed  the 
Dauphin  was  in  Western  New  York,  and  that  Le  Ray  de  Chaumont 
knew  all  about  it. 

The  issue  here  raised  is  a  mere  collateral  one,  and  has  no  neces 
sary  connection  with  the  main  argument;  but  as  the  names  of 
many  highly  respectable  gentlemen  are  introduced,  it  may  be  as 
well  to  consider  it  in  this  place.  The  facts  are  simply,  that  M. 
Genet  did  make  the  statements  referred  to  at  the  time,  as  he  did 
also  at  many  other  times,  and  to  many  other  persons,  and,  therefore, 
had  his  own  reasons  for  supposing  the  Dauphin  to  be  then  alive  in 
America,  and  that  Le  Kay  was  in  the  secret.  In  the  latter  he  may 
have  been  mistaken.  For  many  years,  as  I  learn  from  members  of 
his  family,  he  entertained  hopes  of  discovering  the  Dauphin,  but 
seems  to  have  relinquished  expectations  of  success  in  his  latter 
years,  and  especially  after  conversing  with  Billaud  Varennes,  in 
Philadelphia,  who  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  Prince  was  dead. 
Though  an  ambassador  of  the  Republic,  Genet  was  warmly  and 
affectionately  attached  to  Louis  XVI.  and  his  family,  and  had  him 
self  been  on  the  point  of  bringing,  at  the  martyred  king's  request, 
both  his  children  to  America,  when  he  came  out  as  ambassador. 
A  carriage,  with  a  false  back,  in  which  the  children  were  to  have 
been  concealed,  was  provided  for  their  escape ;  but  on  the  eve  of 
the  execution  of  the  project,  the  carriage  was  seized  and  destroyed 
bythe  mob.  This  fact,  and  other  circumstances,  which  cannot  now 
be  ascertained,  may  have  induced  him  to  believe  the  Prince  was 
brought  to  his  original  destination  by  the  intrigues  of  Louis  XVIII., 
whose  character  and  designs  he  well  knew,  having  himself  seen  a 


350  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

letter  from  the  Count  de  Provence  to  the  Arch-anarchist.  Again, 
Count  Real  and  Count  Jean  D'Angley  were  in  conference  with  Le 
Ray  de  Chaumont,  in  181V,  as  stated  by  Dr.  Francis,  at  a  time  when 
the  existence  of  Louis  XVII.  was  being  agitated  in  Paris. 

Apart  from  these  circumstances,  there  is  nothing  to  indicate  that 
Le  Ray  had  any  knowledge  of  the  affair,  except  an  allusion  in  his 
conversation  with  Mr.  Williams,  in  1819  or  1820.  Mr.  Williams 
was  at  that  time  residing  at  Oneida,  in  which  place  there  also  lived 
a  Col.  de  Ferriere,  who  had  fled  from  France  during  the  Revolution, 
and  married  an  Indian  woman,  who  is  still  living.  Le  Ray  inquired 
of  Williams  concerning  the  health  and  welfare  of  De  Ferriere, 
adding  that  he  had  been  a  great  sufferer  in  the  royal  cause :  that 
the  King's  family  had  been  widely  scattered,  but  that,  notwith 
standing  all  the  misfortunes  of  De  Ferriere,  he  was  no  greater  suf 
ferer  than  a  member  of  the  royal  family,  whom  both  Colonel  de 
Ferriere  and  he  believed  to  be  in  this  country. 

Now,  in  1816  or  '17,  De  Ferriere  went  to  France,  and  took 
leveral  Indians  with  him.  Before  starting,  he  obtained  from  Mr. 
tVilliams  three  separate  signatures  to  some  legal  document.  One 
)f  the  Indians  afterwards  related  that  he  had  been  introduced  into 
•.he  presence  of  some  person  of  distinction  in  Paris,  and  asked, 
miong  other  questions,  who  was  then  the  religious  teacher  in  Oneida, 
when  he  replied  Eleazar  Williams ;  he  was  again  asked  if  he  was 
certain  as  to  his  being  there,  and  on  his  replying  in  the  affirmative, 
was  dismissed.  It  is  a  well  known  fact  that  De  Ferriere  went  to 
Europe  a  poor  man,  that  he  returned  a  rich  one,  and  that  he  was 
ifterwards  in  correspondence  with  the  royal  family  of  France. 

In  October,  1852,  I  wrote  to  Mr.  Williams  for  additional  infor- 
nation,  if  he  could  afford  me  any,  respecting  the  subject  of  our 
conversation  on  the  steamboat,  and  asked  if  he  had  any  objection 
to  the  publication  of  the  facts  he  had  mentioned,  not  knowing,  at 
the  time,  that  any  fuller  accounts  than  I  had  seen  had  been  prin 
ted.  In  his  reply,  dated  Ilogansburg,  Nov.  4,  1852,  he  informed 
me  of  the  reception  of  a  letter  from  Paris,  purporting  to  proceed 


PUTNAM'S  MAGAZINE.  351 

from  the  secretary  of  the  President,  making  inquiries,  in  a  respect 
ful  manner,  concerning  the  events  of  his  life,  and  also  of  similar 
communications  from  several  eminent  French  ecclesiastics,  but  said 
that  he  had  not  replied  to  them,  as  the  subject  was  "  very  afflictive  " 
to  him.  "  It  has  been,  and  is,"  he  continued,  "  a  very  great  annoy 
ance,  from  which  I  would  gladly  be  delivered.  You  cannot  be  sur 
prised,  reverend  sir,  when  I  say  that  my  feelings  have  been  such, 
••it,  times,  as  no  pen  can  describe,  nor  tongue  express.  I  am  in 
a  state  of  exile  among  the  Indians,  and  compelled,  at  times  to  beg 
my  bread,  although  connected  with  a  Christian  Church,  who  has 
means  in  abundance  to  sustain  her  humble  and  self-denying  mis 
sionary  honorably.  It  is  true  I  am  allowed  a  little  pittance,  which 
is  scarcely  enough  to  clothe  me;  yet  I  still  continue  to  labor 
patiently  in  the  cause  of  my  Divine  Master,  who  suffered  and  died,. 
but  is  now  my  exalted  Saviour.  I  seek  not  an  earthly  crown, 
but  heavenly,  where  we  shall  be  made  kings  and  priests  unto  God 
—to  him  be  glory  and  dominion  for  ever  and  ever.  Nothing  keeps 
me  in  my  present  position  but  that  gracious  promise  of  my  blessed 
Saviour,  '  Be  thou  faithful  unto  death  and  I  will  give  thee  a  crown 
of  life.'  " 

His  letter  only  increased  my  sympathy  in  his  behalf,  and,  though  he 
seemed  quite  indifferent  to  the  publication  of  the  strange  story,  it 
seemed  an  evident  duty  to  him,  to  the  church  of  which  he  was  a 
minister,  and  to  history,  of  which,  provided  his  origin  could  be 
ascertained,  he  would  form  a  portion,  to  make  some  effort  to  clear 
up  the  mystery. 

I  knew  he  must  be  in  great  want  and  destitution;  that,  as  far  as  I 
could  ascertain,  he  was  laboring  zealously  among  the  Indians,  and 
deserved  more  consideration  at  the  hands  of  the  church  than  he  had 
received ;  and,  therefore,  after  consultation  with  Dr.  Hawks,  who 
was  deeply  interested  in  his  case,  and  strongly  urged  me  to  make 
some  effort  to  ascertain  the  truth  in  the  matter,  I  determined  to 
visit  the  north  and  see  him. 

I  accordingly  left  New  York  for  this  purpose,  on  !7th  November, 


352  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

and  arrived  at  Morra,  in  the  neighborhood  of  his  residence,  on  tho 
following  day;  meeting  an  old  resident  who  had  known  Mr. 
Williams  for  many  years,  named  Harrington,  I  asked  him  which  he 
thought  the  oldest,  without  intimating  for  what  purpose  I  made  tho 
inquiry.  Without  any  hesitation  he  replied,  that  he  was  himself 
sixty-eight  years  of  age,  but  had  always  considered  himself  younger 
than  Mr.  "Williams.  He  added,  that  Williams  wras,  without  doubt, 
an  European.  His  son,  an  intelligent  and  respectable  man,  who  has 
had  every  opportunity  of  knowing  the  truth  in  the  matter,  wrote, 
at  my  request,  the  following  certificate: — "I  was  brought  up  at 
Hogansburg,  and  have  served  in  the  army  as  a  private,  under 
General  Worth.  I  have  known  Indians  of  various  tribes, 
especially  the 'Seminoles  and  the  Iroquois.  I  have  known  Indians 
as  long  as  I  have  known  white  men.  I  am  personally  acquainted 
with  the  Rev.  Eleazar  Williams,  and  have  known  him  since  my 
childhood.  I  do  not  believe  him  to  be  an  Indian.  He  is  entirely 
unlike  the  rest  of  his  family.  I  knew  some  of  his  supposed 
brothers,  especially  Jar  vis  Williams.  They  bore  no  resemblance  to 
Eleazar.  He  looks  like  a  German  or  Frenchman ;  they  were 
undoubtedly  Indians.  The  general  impression  among  intelligent 
people,  in  this  neighborhood,  who  know  Mr.  Williams,  is,  that  he 
is  not  an  Indian.  His  reputed  mother  does  not  acknowledge  him 
to  be  her  son.  Mr.  Williams  bears  an  excellent  character  among 
us,  and  is  highly  respected.  I  know  an  Indian  as  well  as  I  know  a 
cow  or  a  horse." 

Every  inquiry  which  I  made  in  the  neighborhood  of  Mr.  Wil- 
liams's  residence,  led  to  precisely  the  same  conclusion.  I  found 
there  were  certain  facts  to  which  every  one  I  conversed  with,  in 
Hogansburg  and  the  neighborhood,  was  ready  to  testify,,  viz.  that 
there  was  no  personal  resemblance  between  Williams  and  any  of 
his  nominal  kindred,  $ead  or  living ;  that  he  had  no  marks  what 
ever  of  being  an  Indian,  in  the  estimation  of  persons  who  see 
Indians  every  moment  of  their  lives ;  that  old  Mary  Ann  Williams 
preserved  an  unaccountable  silence  and  mystery  respecting  him,  and 


353 

did  not  acknowledge  Lira  to  be  her  son ;  tliat  ho  was  hated, 
opposed,  and  thwarted  in  every  possible  manner  by  the^  Eomish 
priest  and  his  people,  but  labored  to  do  his  duty  faithfully  under 
these  discouraging  circumstances. 

His  landlady  at  Hogansburg,  said,  "  I  don't  know  whether  he  is 
Indian  or  not.  He  does  not  look  like  one.  If  I  had  not  heard 
that  he  was  one,  I  should  not  suppose  that  he  was,  any  more  than 
you.  He  is  not  like  any  of  his  family.  All  the  other  children  are 
dead."  And  I  may  add,  they  all  died  of  consumption.  I  found  the 
absence  of  his  name  from  the  baptismal  register  was  undoubted ; 
the  Rev.  Francis  Marcoux,  Eomish  priest,  at  St.  Kegis,  having  lately 
acknowledged  the  omission  to  the  Hon.  Phineas  Atwater,  formerly 
Indian  agent,  but  endeavored  to  account  for  it  by  saying,  that  he 
was  privately  baptized  on  account  of  sickness,  'which  certainly  is 
no  reason  why  his  baptism  should  not  have  been  registered. 

His  temporary  absence  on  missionary  service  deprived  me  of  the 
pleasure  of  seeing  him,  but  I  obtained  full  insight  into  his  position, 
estimation  in  the  neighborhood,  and  other  things  necessary  to  the 
formation  of  a  correct  judgment.  He  is  missionary  at  St.  Eegis 
and  Hogansburg,  both  miserable,  lonely  places,  receiving  no  pay 
ment  from  the  Indians  among  whom  he  labors,  and  but  a  small 
stipend  from  the  Missionary  Committee.  The  rigors  of  the 
climate  are  excessive ;  the  thermometer  in  winter  being  frequently 
thirty  degrees  below  zero,  and  one  can  scarcely  conceive  a  situation 
for  an  intelligent  mind  more  lonely,  more  unfriended,  more  desti 
tute.  His  residence  is  on  the  Indian  Eeservation,  a  wild  tract  of 
woodland,  partially  cleared,  here  and  there,  at  the  edges.  At  the 
time  of  my  visit,  dead  evergreen  swamps,  decayed  vegetation,  rude 
fences,  half  prostrate,  surrounded  the  ricketty  shed,  admitting 
the  cold  at  a  thousand  crevices,  in  which  resided  poor  Williams 
and  the  old  Indian  woman,  his  reputed  mother,  whom  he  heroi 
cally  treats  as  if  she  were  his  parent,  though  believing  himself  to 
be  the  son  of  the  peerless  Marie  Antoinette.  He  had  no  church 
building,  but  was  trying  to  build  a  school-house  on  the  Indian 


354  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

Reservation,  which  stood  roofless  in  the  piercing  cold,  the  picture 
of  desolation. 

Having  failed  to  meet  Mr.  Williams  at  Hogansburg,  I  went  to 
Canghnawaga,  in  hopes  of  finding  him,  but  was  again  disappointed. 
I,  however,  inquired  among  the  Indians,  as  to  their  impressions  of 
his  race,  and  found  the  same  opinion  prevalent  there,  as  in  the 
vicinity  of  his  residence. 

On  my  way  home  I  had  another  interview  with  the  Hon  J.  C. 
Spencer,  in  Albany,  from  whom  I  derived  many  additional  items  of 
information.  From  him  I  learned,  that  Prof.  Day,  on  his  return 
from  Europe,  in  an  interview  with  Mr.  Williams,  threw  some  litho 
graphs  and  engravings  on  the  table ;  at  the  sight  of  one  of  which, 
and  without  seeing  the  name,  Williams  was  greatly  excited,  and 
cried,  "  Good  God,  I  know  that  face.  It  has  haunted  me  through 
life,"  or  words  to  that  effect.  On  examination,  it  proved  to  be  the 
portrait  of  Simon  the  jailer. 

I  afterwards  received  a  letter  from  Prof.  Day,  in  answer  to 
inquiries  made  of  him  on  the  subject,  in  which  he  gave  the  com 
bined  recollections  of  himself  and  family.  The  incident  occurred  at 
Northampton,  in  the  summer  of  1850-51.  Previous  to  seeing  the 
engraving,  Mr.  Williams  had  spoken  of  a  hideous  countenance  which 
had  haunted  him  for  years.  At  the  time  the  portrait  was  shown  to 
him,  Prof.  Day's  hand  was  over  the  name.  "  He  was  silent,"  writes 
Prof.  Day,  "  for  a  moment,  and  then  said, l  that  is  the  countenance,' 
or  words  to  tJiat  effect — but  added,  that  in  one  respect,  it  did  not 
agree  with,  his  recollections,  for  the  man  whose  features  had  haunted 
him  all  his  life  was  bald.  It  was  impossible  to  decide,  from  the 
lithograph,  whether  such  was  the  case  with  Simon,  or  not,  as  he  is 
represented,  with  his  hat  on,  but,  on  looking  at  the  inscription,  under 
the  print,  it  was  evident  that  he  might  have  been  bald,  as  he  was 
fifty-eight  years  old  when  guillotined  with  Robespierre.1"  Of  course, 
in  this,  and  all  similar  cases  of  recognition,  the  proof  can  only  be 
conclusive  to  the  individual  who  is  the  subject  of  it.  Mr.  Spencer 
likewise  mentioned  ho  had  been  informed  by  Mr.  Williams, .  that 


PUTNAM  S    MAGAZINE.  355 

he  had  ascertained  from  his  reputed  mother,  that  two  boxes  of 
clothing,  and  other  articles  had  been  left  with  him  at  the  time  of 
his  adoption.  One  of  these  boxes  has  been  carried  off  by  a  daughter 
of  Thomas  Williams,  and  cannot  now  be  recovered.  The  other, 
there  is  every  reason  to  suppose  is  still  in  Montreal,  but  efforts  are 
made  in  certain  quarters  to  conceal  it.  In  this  box  were  three  coins 
or  medals,  one  of  gold,  one  of  silver,  and  one  of  copper — fac-similes 
of  each  other — being  the  medals  struck  at  the  coronation  of  Louis 
XVI.  and  Marie  Antoinette.  The  gold  and  silver  medals  being  of 
value,  were  sold  by  the  Indians  in  Montreal.  The  copper  one  was 
retained  and  is  now  in  my  possession.  The  gold  medal  has  also 
been  seen  in  the  possession  of  a  Eomish  bishop  at  Montreal  or 
Quebec. 

The  probability  that  these  traces  of  the  Dauphin  are  to  be  found  in 
Montreal  is  increased  by  the  proximity  of  Caughnawaga  to  that  city. 
Caughnawaga  is  a  straggling  Indian  village  on  the  St.  Lawrence, 
opposite  Lachine,  and  within  sight  of  Montreal.  It  consists,  besides 
a  number  of  scattered  huts,  of  two  long  narrow  streets  varying  con 
siderably  in  width.  The  houses  are  low  and  shabby,  most  of  them 
of  wood,  but  some  of  dark  stone.  The  masonry  is  of  the  rudest 
kind.  A  Koman  Catholic  church,  a  solid  stone  building,  of  some 
slight  pretensions  to  architecture,  stands  in  the  middle  of  one  of  the 
streets.  In  looking  at  the  dingy  houses,  the  narrow  streets,  the 
crowd  of  little  Indian  children ;  and  considering  the  loneliness  of  tho 
spot  in  former  years  before  railroads  and  steamboats  had  brought 
it  into  connection  with  the  busy  world,  one  cannot  help  feeling  how 
secure  a  hiding-place  for  the  poor  scion  of  royalty  this  village  pre 
sented.  And  the  same  remarks  apply  more  strongly  still  to  St. 
Regis,  which  lies  on  the  present  boundary  between  Canada  and  tho 
U.  S.  •  But  from  these  secluded  spots  the  Indians,  who  partake 
much  of  the  character  and  roving  habits  of  the  gipsey,  wander  forth 
over  the  surrounding  country,  selling  baskets,  and  bartering  what 
ever  of  value  comes  into  their  possession.  Those  who  placed  the 
Dauphin  among  the  Indians,  might  be  sure  that  the  tomb  could 


356  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

scarcely  be  a  more  secret  shelter;  but  at  the  same  time  if  they 
desired  to  identify  him,  as  their  leaving  these  relics  would  inti 
mate,  they  could  have  had  little  hope  that  the  habits  of  the  Indians 
would  permit  the  retention  of  any  traces  of  royalty. 

Having  obtained  all  the  information  I  could  without  seeing  Mr. 
Williams,  I  returned  to  New  York.  On  Dec.  the  7th,  I  received  a 
note  from  him,  stating  he  was  in  the  city.  Upon  calling  at  his 
hotel,  I  found  that,  having  heard  of  my  journey  to  the  north,  he  had 
come  to  New  York  to  see  me.  lie  accompanied  me  to  the  study  of 
Dr.  Hawks,  in  whose  presence  he  confirmed  the  statements  he 
had  previously  made  to  me.  In  the  course  of  the  conversation 
which  took  place  between  us  at  my  house,  I  drew  from  him  a 
detailed  account  of  the  interview  between  him  and  the  Prince  de 
Joinville,  alluded  to  in  the  early  part  of  this  narrative,  to  which  I 
will  now  proceed,  merely  premising  that, 'although  given  in  an 
uninterrupted  form,  it  was  in  a  great  measure  elicited  by  dint  of 
questioning  and  cross-questioning,  so  as  to  obtain  all  the  particulars 
concerning  the  value  of  which  Mr.  Williams  did  not  seem  to  bo 
sufficiently  aware ;  but  there  is  no  thought  or  fact  he  did  not 
express,  and  the  language,  as  near  as  a  retentive  memory  can 
give  it,  is  in  his  own  words,  though  somewhat  condensed.  After 
describing  the  correspondence  between  him  and  Mr.  Thomas  L. 
Ogden,  and  re-affirming  strongly  the  fact  that  the  Prince  had  made 
inquiries  concerning  him,  immediately  on  his  arrival  in  the  country, 
he  said,  in  substance,  as  follows  : — 

"  In  Oct.,  1841,  I  was  on  my  way  from  Buflalo  to  Green  Bay, 
and  took  a  steamer  from  the  former  place  bound  to  Chicago,  which 
touched  at  Mackinac,  and  left  me  there,  to  await  the  arrival  of  the 
steamer  from  Buffalo  to  Green  Bay.  Vessels  which  had  recently 
come  in  announced  the  speedy  arrival  of  the  Prince  de  Joinville ; 
public  expectation  was  on  tiptoe,  and  crowds  were  on  the  wharves. 
The  steamer  at  length  came  in  sight,  salutes  were  fired  and 
answered,  the  colors  run  up,  and  she  came  into  port  in  fine  style. 
Immediately  she  touched,  the  Prince  and  his  retinue  came  on  shore 


357 

and  went  out  some  little  distance  from  the  town,  perhaps  half  a 
mile,  to  visit  some  natural  curiosities  in  the  neighborhood — the 
Sugar  Loaf  Eock  and  the  Arch  Rock.  The  steamer  awaited  their 
return.  During  their  absence  I  was  standing  on  the  wharf  among 
the  crowd,  when  Captain  John  Shook,  now  at  Huron,  Ohio,  who 
will  confirm  my  statement,  came  up  to  me  and  asked  whether 
I  was  going  on  to  Green  Bay,  adding  that  the  Prince  de  Joinville 
had  made  inquiries  of  him  concerning  a  Rev.  Mr.  Williams,  and  that 
he  had  told  the  Prince  he  knew  such  a  person,  referring  to  me, 
whom  he  supposed  was  the  man  he  meant,  though  he  could  not 
imagine  what  the  Prince  could  want  with  or  know  of  me.  I 
replied  to  the  Captain  in  a  laughing  way,  without  having  any  idea 
what  a  deep  meaning  was  attached  to  my  words,  '  Oh,  I  am  a  great 
man,  and  great  men  will  of  course  seek  me  out.'  Soon  after,  the 
Prince  and  his  suite  arrived,  and  went  on  board.  I  did  the  same, 
and  the  steamer  put  to  sea.  It  was,  I  think,  about  two  o'clock 
when  we  left  Mackinac.  When  we  were  fairly  out  on  the  water, 
the  Captain  came  to  me  and  said,  'The  Prince,  Mr.  Williams, 
requests  me  to  say  to  you  that  he  desires  to  have  an  interview  with 
you,  and  will  be  happy  either  to  have  you  come  to  him,  or  allow 
me  to  introduce  him  to  you.'  'Present  my  compliments  to  the 
Prince,'  I  said,  '  and  say,  I  put  myself  entirely  at  his  disposal, 
and  will  be  proud  to  accede  to  whatever  may  be  his  wishes  in  the 
matter.'  The  Captain  again  retired,  and  soon  returned  bringing 
the  Prince  de  Joinville  with  him.  I  was  sitting  at  the  time  on  a 
barrel.  The  Prince  not  only  started  with  evident  and  involuntary 
surprise  when  he  saw  me,  but  there  was  great  agitation  in  his  face 
and  manner — a  slight  paleness  and  a  quivering  of  the  lip — which  I 
could  not  help  remarking  at  the  time,  but  which  struck  me  more 
forcibly  afterwards,  in  connection  with  the  whole  train  of  circum 
stances,  and  by  contrast  with  his  usual  self-possessed  manner.  He 
then  shook  me  earnestly  and  respectfully  by  the  hand,  and  drew  me 
immediately  into  conversation.  The  attention  he  paid  me  seemed 
to  astonish  not  only  myself  and  the  passengers,  but  also  the  Prince's 


358  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

retinue.  At  dinner  time  there  was  a  separate  table  laid  for  the 
Prince  and  his  companions,  and  he  invited  me  to  sit  with  them,  and 
offered  me  the  seat  of  honor  by  his  side.  But  I  was  a  little  abashea 
by  the  attentions  of  the  Prince,  and  there  was  an  American  officei 
who  had  attached  himself  to  the  party,  and  behaved  in  an  obtrusive 
and  unbecoming  manner,  which  seemed  to  annoy  them,  and  indeed 
one  of  the  Prince's  companions  had  expressed  to  me  his  disgust  at  his 
behavior.  So  I  thought  I  would  keep  out  of  the  circle,  and  begged 
the  Prince  to  excuse  me,  and  permit  me  to  dine  at  the  ordinary  table 
with  the  passengers,  which  accordingly  I  did.  After  dinner  the  con 
versation  turned,  between  us,  on  the  first  French  settlements  in  Ame 
rica,  the  valor  and  enterprise  of  the  early  adventurers,  and  the  loss 
of  Canada  to  France,  at  which  the  Prince  expressed  deep  regret. 
In  the  course  of  his  remarks,  though  in  what  connection  I  cannot 
now  say,  he  told  me  he  left  his  suite  at  Albany,  took  a  private 
conveyance,  and  went  to  the  head  of  Lake  George.  He  was  very 
copious  and  fluent  in  speech,  and  I  was  surprised  at  the  good 
English  he  spoke — a  little  broken  indeed — like  mine — but  still 
very  intelligible.  We  continued  talking  late  into  the  night,  reclin 
ing  in  the  cabin,  on  the  cushions,  in  the  stern  of  the  boat.  "When 
we  retired  to  rest,  the  Prince  lay  on  the  locker  and  I  in  the  first 
berth  next  to  it.  The  next  day  the  steamer  did  not  arrive  at  Green 
Bay  until  about  three  o'clock,  and  during  most  of  the  time  we  were 
in  conversation.  Looking  back  thoughtfully  upon  what  was  said, 
I  can  now  perceive,  the  Prince  was  gradually  preparing  my  mind 
for  what  was  to  come  at  last,  although  then  the  different  subjects 
seemed  to  arise  naturally  enough.  At  first,  he  spoke  of  the  con 
dition  of  affairs  in  the  United  States,  and  the  American  Eevolu- 
tion.  He  expressed  admiration  for  our  institutions,  and  spoke 
at  large  of  the  assistance  rendered  to  the  Colonies  in  the  struggle 
with  the  mother  country,  by  Louis  the  Sixteenth.  He  said  he 
did  not  think  sufficient  gratitude  was  evinced  by  Americans  to 
that  monarch,  and  that,  whenever  his  intervention  was  alluded  to, 
it  was  attributed  to  selfish  motives,  and  to  a  desire  to  humble  the 


PUTNAM'S  MAGAZINE.  359 

power  of  England  on  this  continent,  by  depriving  her  of  her  fairest 
colonial  possessions,  but,  in  his  opinion,  Louis  XVI.  felt  a  true 
regard  for  America,  and  that  on  every  return  of  the  4th  of  July, 
when,  throughout  the  United  States,  the  nation  was  celebrating  its 
independence,  there  should  be  an  especial  salute  fired  to  the 
memory  of  the  king  who  had  contributed  so  much  to  the  result. 
Such  was  the  substance  of  what  was  said  by  the  Prince  on  that  sub 
ject,  lie  then  turned  to  the  French  Revolution,  and  said,  Louis 
XVI.  was  innocent  of  any  tyrannical  designs  toward  the  people  of 
France,  and  nothing  he  did  personally  could  justify  or  excuse  the 
excesses  of  the  Revolution;  that  the  last  foundations  of  that 
event  were  laid  in  the  preceding  reign,  and,  the  misconduct  and 
misgovernment  of  Louis  XV.  were  chargeable  with  the  sad  events 
which  occurred,  to  a  very  great  extent,  although  the  storm  had 
been  slowly  brewing  for  centuries.  The  people  of  France,  though 
they  had  no  just  cause  to  complain  of  Louis  XVI.,  yet  had  a  right 
to  do  so  of  the  oppressive  institutions  then  existing,  of  the  tyranny 
of  the  aristocracy,  and  the  burdens  laid  en  them  by  the  church.  He 
then  referred  to  the  changes  which  had  since  taken  place  in  the  form 
of  government,  and  to  the  present  amelioration  of  the  condition  of 
tlie  French  people  under  an  elective  monarchy.  On  our  arrival 
at  Green  Bay,  the  Prince  said,  I  would  oblige  him  by  accom 
panying  him  to  his  hotel,  and  taking  up  my  quarters  at  the 
Astor  House.  I  begged  to  be  excused,  as  I  wished  to  go  to  the 
house  of  my  father-in-law.  He  replied,  he  had  some  matters  of 
great  importance  to  speak  to  me  about,  and  as  he  could  not  stay 
long  at  Green  Bay,  but  would  take  his  departure  the  next  day,  or 
the  day  after,  he  wished  I  would  comply  with  his  request.  As 
there  was  some  excitement  consequent  on  the  Prince's  arrival,  and 
a  great  number  of  persons  were  at  the  Astor  House  waiting  to  see 
him,  I  thought  I  would  take  advantage  of  the  confusion  to  go  to 
my  father-in-law's,  and  promised  to  return  in  the  evening,  when  he 
would  be  more  private.  I  did  so,  and  on  my  return  found  the 
Prince  alone,  with  the  exception  of  one  attendant,  whom  he 


360  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

dismissed.  The  gentlemen  of  his  party  were  in  an  adjoining  room 
laughing  and  carousing,  and  I  could  distinctly  hear  them  during 
my  interview  with  the  Prince.  He  opened  the  conversation 
by  saying,  he  had  a  communication  to  make  to  me  of  a  very 
serious  nature  as  concerned  himself,  and  of  the  last  importance  to 
me, — that  it  was  one  in  which  no  others  were  interested,  and, 
therefore,  before  proceeding  further,  he  wished  to  obtain  some 
pledge  of  secresy,  some  promise  that  I  would  not  reveal  to  any  one 
what  he  was  going  to  say.  I  demurred  to  any  such  conditions 
being  imposed  previous  to  my  being  made  acquainted  with  the 
nature  of  the  subject,  as  there  might  be  something  in  it,  after  all, 
prejudicial  and  injurious  to  others,  and  it  was  at  length,  after  some 
altercation,  agreed  that  I  should  pledge  my  honor  not  to  reveal 
what  the  Prince  was  going  to  say,  provided  there  was  nothing  in 
it  prejudicial  to  any  one,  arid  I  signed  a  promise  to  this  effect  on  a 
sheet  of  paper.  It  was  vague  and  general,  for  I  would  not  tie 
myself  down  to  absolute  secresy,  but  left  the  matter  conditional. 
When  this  was  done,  the  Prince  spoke  to  this  effect : — 

u  You  have  been  accustomed,  sir,  to  consider  yourself  a  native  of 
this  country ;  but  you  are  not.  You  are  of  foreign  descent ;  you  were 
born  in  Eurpoe,  sir,  and  however  incredible  it  may  at  first  seem  to 
you,  I  have  to  tell  you  that  you  are  the  son  of  a  king.  There  ought 
to  be  much  consolation  to  you  to  know  this  fact.  You  have  suf 
fered  a  great  deal,  and  have  been  brought  very  low,  but  you  have 
not  suffered  more,  or  been  more  degraded  than  my  father,  who  was 
long  in  exile  and  poverty  in  this  country ;  but  there  is  this  differ 
ence  between  him  and  you,  that  he  was  all  along  aware  of  his  high 
birth,  whereas  you  have  been  spared  the  knowledge  of  your  origin." 

When  the  Prince  had  said  this,  I  wras  much  overcome,  and 
thrown  into  a  state  of  mind  which  you  can  easily  imagine.  In  fact 
I  hardly  knew  what  to  do  or  say,  and  my  feelings  were  so  much 
excited  that  I  was  like  one  in  a  dream,  and  much  was  said  between 
us  of  which  I  can  give  but  an  indistinct  account.  However,  I 
remember,  I  told  him,  his  communication  was  so  startling  and  un- 


PUTNAM'S  MAGAZINE.  361 

expected,  that  he  must  forgive  me  for  being  incredulous,  and  that 
really  I  was  "  between  two." 

"  What  do  you  mean,"  he  said,  "  by  being  *  between  two  ?'  " 
I  replied  that,  on  the  one  hand,  it  scarcely  seemed  to  me,  he 
could  believe  what  he  said,  and  on  the  other,  I  feared  he  might  bo 
under  some  mistake  as  to  the  person.  He  assured  me,  how 
ever,  he  would  not  trifle  with  my  feelings  on  such  a  subject,  but 
spoke  the  simple  truth,  and  that  in  regard  to  the  identity  of 
the  person,  he  had  ample  means  in  his  possession  to  satisfy  me 
there  was  no  mistake  whatever.  I  then  requested  him  to  pro 
ceed  with  the  disclosure  already  partly  made,  and  to  inform 
me  in  full  of  the  secret  of  my  birth.  He  replied  that  in  doing  so, 
it  was  necessary  that  a  certain  process  should  be  gone  through  in 
order  to  guard  the  interest  of  all  parties  concerned.  I  inquired 
what  kind  of  process  he  meant.  Upon  this  the  Prince  rose  and 
went  to  his  trunk,  which  was  in  the  room,  and  took  from  it  a 
parchment  which  he  laid  on  the  table,  and  set  before  me,  that  I 
might  read  and  give  him  my  determination  in  regard  to  it.  There 
were  also  on  the  table  pen  and  ink  and  wax,  and  he  placed  there 
a  governmental  seal  of  France,  the  one,  if  I  mistake  not,  used  under 
the  old  monarchy.  It  was  of  precious  metal,  but  whether  of  gold 
or  silver,  or  a  compound  of  both,  I  cannot  say.  I  think,  on  reflec 
tion,  the  latter ;  but  I  may  be  mistaken,  for  my  mind  was  so  bewil 
dered,  and  agitated,  and  engrossed  with  one  absorbing  question, 
that  things  which  at  another  time  would  have  made  a  strong 
impression  on  me  were  scarcely  noticed,  although  I  must  confess 
that  when  I  knew  the  whole,  the  sight  of  the  seal  put  before  me  by 
a  member  of  the  family  of  Orleans  stirred  my  indignation.  The 
document  which  the  Prince  placed  before  me  was  very  handsomely 
written,  in  double  parallel  columns  of  French  and  English.  I  con 
tinued  intently  reading  and  considering  it  for  a  space  of  four  or  five 
hours.  During  this  time  the  Prince  left  me  undisturbed,  remaining 
for  the  most  part  in  the  room,  but  he  went  out  three  or  four  times. 
The  purport  of  the  document,  which  I  read  repeatedly  word  by 

16 


362  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

word,  comparing  the  French  with  the  English,  was  this :  it  was  a 
solemn  abdication  of  the  crown  of  France  in  favor  of  Louis 
Philippe,  by  Charles  Louis,  the  son  of  Louis  XVI.,  who  was  styled 
Louis  XVII.,  King  of  France  and  Navarre,  with  all  accompanying 
names  and  titles  of  honor,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  old 
French  monarchy,  together  with  a  minute  specification  in  legal 
phraseology  of  the  conditions,  and  considerations,  and  provisos, 
upon  which  the  abdication  was  made.  These  conditions  were,  in 
brief,  that  a  princely  establishment  should  be  secured  to  me  either 
in  this  country  or  in  France,  at  my  option,  and  that  Louis  Philippe 
would  pledge  himself  on  his  part  to  secure  the  restoration,  or  an 
equivalent  for  it,  of  all  the  private  property  of  the  royal  family 
rightfully  belonging  to  me,  which  had  been  confiscated  in  France 
during  the  Revolution,  or  in  any  way  got  into  other  hands.  Now 
you  may  ask  me  why  I  did  not  retain,  at  all  hazards,  this  docu 
ment,  or,  at  any  rate,  take  a  copy  of  it;  but  it  is  very  easy  for 
you,  sitting  quietly  there,  to  prescribe  the  course  which  prudence 
and  seli-interest  would  dictate.  A  day  or  two  afterwards  all  these 
points,  and  the  different  lights  in  which  the  thing  might  be  viewed, 
came  to  my  mind ;  but  at  the  moment  I  thought  of  nothing  except 
the  question  of  acceptance  or  rejection.  And  then,  remember,  the 
sudden  manner  in  which  the  whole  affair  came  upon  me,  and  the 
natural  timidity  and  bashfulness  of  one  who  had  always  considered 
himself  of  such  obscure  rankrwhen  called,  without  preparation,  to 
discuss  such  topics  with  a  man  of  high  position  like  the  Prince. 
Besides  which,  my  word  of  honor  had  been  so  recently  and 
solemnly  pledged,  and  a  sense  of  personal  dignity  excited  by  the 
disclosures  of  the  Prince,  that  I  never  so  much  as  thought  of  taking 
any  advantage  of  the  circumstances,  but  simply  and  solely  whether 
or  not  I  should  sign  my  name,  and  set  my  seal  to  a  deliberate  sur 
render  of  my  rights  and  those  of  my  family.  It  was  a  deeply 
painful  and  harrowing  time,  and  I  cannot  tell  you,  and  you  cannot 
imagine,  -how  I  felt  when  trying  to  decide  this  question.  At 
length  I  made  my  decision,  and  rose,  and  told  the  Prince  that  I 


363 

had  considered  the  matter  fully  in  all  its  aspects,  and  was  prepared 
to  give  him  my  definite  answer  upon  the  subject ;  and  then  went 
on  to  say,  that  whatever  might  be  the  personal  consequences  to 
myself,  I  felt  that  I  could  not  be  the  instrument  of  bartering  away 
with  my  own  hand,  the  rights  pertaining  to  me  by  my  birth,  and 
sacrificing  the  interests  of  my  family,  and  that  I  could  only  ..give  to 
him  the  answer  which  De  Provence  gave  to  the  ambassador  of 
Napoleon  at  Warsaw,  "  Though  I  am  in  poverty  and  exile  I  will 
not  sacrifice  my  honor." 

The  Prince  upon  this  assumed  a  loud  tone,  and  accused  me  of 
ingratitude  in  trampling  on  the  overtures  of  the  king,  his  father, 
who,  he  said,  was  actuated,  in  making  the  proposition,  more  by 
feelings  of  kindness  and  pity  towards  me  than  by  any  other  consi 
deration,  since  his  claim  to  the  French  throne  rested  on  an  entirely 
different  basis  to  mine,  viz.  not  that  of  hereditary  descent,  but  of 
popular  election.  When  he  spoke  in  this  strain  I  spoke  loud  also, 
and  said,  that  as  he,  by  his  disclosure,  had  put  me  in  the  position 
of  a  superior,  I  must  assume  that  position,  and  frankly  say  that  my 
indignation  was  stirred  by  the  memory,  that  one  of  the  family  of 
Orleans  had  imbrued  his  hands  in  my  father's  blood,  and  that 
another  now  wished  to  obtain  from  me  an  abdication  of  the 
throne.  When  I  spoke  of  superiority,  the  Prince  immediately 
assumed  a  respectful  attitude,  and  remained  silent  for  several  min 
utes.  It  had  now  grown  very  late,  and  we  parted,  with  a  request 
from  him  that  I  would  reconsider  the  proposal  of  his  father,  and 
not  be  too  hasty  in  my  decision.  I  returned  to  my  father-in-law's, 
and  the  next  day  saw  the  Prince  again,  and  on  his  renewal  of  the 
subject  gave  him  a  similar  answer.  Before  he  went  away  he  said, 
'  Though  we  part,  I  hope  we  part  friends.'  For  years  I  said  little 
on  the  subject,  until  I  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Kimball,  dated  at 
Baton  Bouge,  informing  me  of  the  dying  statements  of  Belanger, 
and  then,  when  this  report  came  from  the  south  confirming  what 
the  Prince  had  said,  the  thing  assumed  a  different  aspect.  This  let 
ter  is,  I  think,  among  my  papers  at  Green  Bay,  but  for  years  I  have 


364  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

kept  a  minute  journal  of  everything  which  has  occurred  to  me, 
and  have,  no  doubt,  an  abstract  of  it  at  Hogansburg.  Our  conver 
sation  to-night  will  go  down." 

1  was  much  struck  with  the  little  value,  in  point  of  evidence, 
which  Mr.  Williams  seems  to  have  attached  to  the  Prince's  asserted 
disclosures.  After  giving  me  the  above  account,  however,  he 
added — "  I  see  more  and  more,  that  the  matter  rests  between  the 
Prince  and  myself,  and  I  am  quite  willing  that  it  should.  I  have 
been  in  hopes  that  some  movement  would  be  made  in  Europe  in  rny 
favor ;  but,  as  you  say,  the  affair  must  be  begun  here,  and  I  will  let 
the  world  know  all.  The  Prince  cannot  deny  what  I  say,  and  my 
impression  is  that  he  will  keep  entirely  silent." 

"  But  silence  will  be  equivalent  to  confession." 

"  It  will  be  so." 

At  this  time,  I  learned  that  Mr.  Williams  had  kept  a  journal 
during  the  greater  portion  of  his  life.  He  mentioned  the  circum 
stance  casually,  but  seemed  to  have  no  idea  that  it  could  be  of  any 
service  as  evidence.  I  inquired  if  he  had  preserved  any  contempo 
rary  record  of  his  interview  and  conversations  with  the  Prince  ? 
He  replied,  he  believed  he  had,  but  it  was  a  long  time  since  he  hr.d 
examined  his  old  papers,  and  a  great  portion  of  them  were  at  Green 
Bay — but,  possibly,  some  of  the  journals  might  be  at  Hogansburg. 
The  next  time  he  went  to  the  north,  he  brought  me  the  portions 
of  his  journal  relave  to  1841  and  1848.  The  reader,  who,  by  this 
time,  has  had  sufficient  evidence  of  a  fact  which  General  Gass  con 
siders  apocryphal,  is  in  a  better  condition  than  formerly  to  judge 
of  the  importance  to  be  attached  to  these  documents.  I  wish  much 
that  space  would  permit  me  to  present  the  whole  of  the  journal  for 
the  year  1841.  I  will  give  some  copious  extracts,  because  it  is 
necessary  to  exhibit  some  picture  of  his  mind  and  life  at  a  time 
when  not  occupied  with  any  parochial  charge. 

JOURNAL   FOE   1841. 
"  Green  Bay,  Jan.  1,  1841 — Thanks  be  to  God,  I  am  permitted  once 


PUTNAM'S  MAGAZINE.  365 

more  to  see  another  year.  How  numerous  have  been  the  mercies  of  God 
towards  me  in  the  year  past,  and  what  thanks  have  I  returned  to  the  God 
of  all  mercies  for  the  blessings  he  has  conferred  upon  me  ?  Bless  the  Lord, 
0  my  soul,  and  give  him  thanks  for  all  his  benefits.  May  I  be  humble  for 
my  ingratitude  to  that  blessed  God  who  has  sustained  my  life  to  this  time. 
03  Holy  Father,  enable  me,  by  thy  heavenly  grace,  to  devote  all  my  time 
and  talents  to  thy  honor  and  glory,  and  at  last,  by  thy  great  mercy  and 
the  merits  of  my  Saviour,  may  I  be  admitted  to  thy  Heavenly  Kingdom. 

"  Little  Kakalin,  Jan.  3. — It  has  been  an  unpleasant  day.  I  read  much 
all  day  in  the  Holy  Scriptures.  Somewhat  indisposed. 

*  ******* 

"  Jan.  17,  Sunday  Evening. — I  had  a  pleasant  interview  with  several 
of  the  Oneidas,  who  are  inquiring  the  way  of  salvation.  I  pointed  out  to 
them  the  proper  and  only  object  of  their  faith,  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  I 
explained  to  them  several  passages  of  Scripture. 

"  Jan.  18 — I  went  down  to  Green  Bay,  called  upon  the  Rev.  Mr.  Potter, 
dined  with  him.  There  was  a  discussion  between  us  upon  the  doctrine  of 
the  saints'  perseverance. 

"  Jan.  22,  Friday. — Went  down  to  Green  Bay  to  pay  Judge  A.  $25, 
and  had  a  long  conversation  about  the  Church.  He  is  somewhat  loose  in 
his  principles,  yet  he  would  be  a  churchman.  Sanctification  of  the  heart 
was  strongly  held  up  to  him. 

'•'•Jan.  23,  Saturday. — I  am  preparing  to-day  to  officiate  to-morrow. 
0,  my  Heavenly  Father,  prepare  my  heart  for  the  services.  May  I  be 
sincere  and  devout  in  my  attendance  upon  thee,  and  give  me  grace  and 
strength  to  proclaim  thy  Holy  Gospel  in  a  suitable  manner. 

******** 

"  Green  Bay,  Feb.  4,  1841. — I  came  down  in  haste  this  morning  to  visit 
a  sick  man — he  is  in  a  dangerous  situation,  both  in  soul  and  body.  I  have 
administered  to  him  all  the  consolation  which  the  Christian  religion  affords, 
and  the  prayers  of  the  Church. 

"  Green  Bay,  Feb  5,  Friday. — Called  again  upon  the  sick  man ;  he  is 
somewhat  better.  1  again  exhorted  him  to  have  a  lively  faith  in  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ. 

******** 

"  Feb.  15. — Our  son  is  much  better  to-day,  and  I  hope  he  will  continue 


366  THE    LOST   PRINCE. 

to  amend.  The  weather  is  fine.  I  went  to  the  sugar  camp.  The  Indian 
boy  knocks  the  snow  from  the  roof,  and  I  arrange  the  sap  dishes.  The 
Oneidas  have  been  with  us,  and  communicated  to  me  many  unpleasant 
news  in  relation  to  their  missionary.  I  exhorted  them  to  live  in  peace 
with  him  and  adhere  to  his  instructions. 

"  Feb.  16. — I  have  been  at  Duck  Creek,  and  administered  baptism  to  a 
sick  child.  I  believe  it  is  now  sick  to  death.  May  God  receive  it  to  eternal 
glory.  I  saw  many  of  my  Oneida  friends,  and  they  wished  me  to  come 
Dack  to  them. 

"  Feb.  19,  Friday. — Very  cold,  but  the  sky  clear.  Went  out  to  the  sugar 
camp  to  see  it  was  arranged  and  put  in  order.  I  saw  several  deer  and 
wolves.  My  horse  and  myself  were  in  the  water  some  time,  but  we  extri 
cated  ourselves  after  a  hard  struggle,  by  the  aid  of  a  Frenchman  and  an 
Indian,  who  had  a  hearty  laugh  at  my  misfortune. 

******** 
"  April  10. — Mrs.  Williams  returned  from  the  sugar  camp,  where  she 
has  been  superintending,  for  three  weeks  past,  the  making  of  sugar.  I 
have  been  back  and  forth  to  see  the  men  did  their  duty.  We  have  made 
at  least  1000  Ibs.  of  fine  sugar.  I  have  been  left  nearly  for  weeks  alone. 
I  cooked  myself  and  took  care  of  the  cattle. 

******** 
"May  20. — Went  down  to  Green  Bay,  and  had  an  interview  with  Mr. 
Whitney  in  relation  to  our  landed  property ;  but  no  good  resulted  from  it. 
It  is  hard  upon  us. 

******** 
"  May  30. — I  am  still  in  a  feeble  state  of  health,  but  recovering  in  a 
gradual  manner.     The  physician  is  doing  what  he  can  for  me. 

******** 
"June  11. — How  many  painful  tasks  I  have  to  perform.  To-day  I 
visited  a  sick  man  who  professes  to  be  a  churchman,  from  Mass.,  and 
would  have  me  visit  him,  as  he  understood  I  was  a  minister  of  the  Protest 
ant  Episcopal  Church.  I  did  all  the  church  required  of  me,  as  one  of  its 
ministers,  towards  the  sick  man.  I  exhorted  him  to  have  faith  in  Christ 
and  repentance  towards  God." 

******** 

On  June  22,  1841,  Mr.  Williams  and  his  son  set  out  on  board  the 


PUTNAM'S  MAGAZINE.  367 

De  Witt  Clinton,  Capt.  Squares,  with  the  intention  of  going  into 
the  State  of  New  York,  and  on  Tuesday,  June  29,  reached  Oneida. 
On  his  way  to  New  York  he  was  taken  sick  at  Cahoes,  and  sent  a 
Mr.  Wilkinson  to  the  city  with  letters  to  Mr.  Thomas  L.  Ogden. 
His  indisposition  continued  for  several  weeks. 
On  Tuesday,  October  1,  occurs  the  following  entry  : — 

"We  returned  to-day  from  our  journey  to  St.  Regis;  we  went  in  a 
wagon  all  the  way,  and  returned  by  the  same  route.  We  found  our 
friends  all  well.  We  put  up  with  Bowker,  where  I  received  all  my  Indian 
friends  who  wished  to  see  me.  I  had  an  interview  with  the  American 
chiefs,  who  were  much  troubled  with  the  $500  which  they  received  from 
the  State  of  New  York.  The  British  part  of  the  tribe  are  claiming  for  a 
portion  of  the  same,  but  the  American  part  are  opposed  to  this  claim 
There  has  been  a  great  altercation  between  the  two  parties,  in  relation  to 
this  affair.  By  the  request  of  the  two  parties,  the  British  and  American 
commissioners  are  appointed  to  adjust  this  matter.  I  am  strongly  urged 
by  the  American  party  to  remain  and  sustain  their  claim;  but  there  are 
certain  circumstances  which  have  come  to  my  knowledge,  which  hasten  me 
to  return  as  soon  as  possible  to  Green  Bay.  I  am  greatly  disappointed  in 
regard  to  my  business  with  Mr.  Ogden,  which  was  the  principal  object  of 
this  journey.  My  time  and  expense  are  lost  to  me.  We  shall  return  to 
morrow." 

The  reader  will  here  observe,  there  was  important  business  tend 
ing  to  detain  Mr.  Williams  at  St.  Regis ;  but,  simultaneously  with 
the  reception  of  information  from  Thomas  L.  Ogden,  concerning 
his  private  affairs,  he  learnt  something  which  obliged  him  to  return 
immediately  homeward.  Let  him  now  read  the  following  cer 
tificate  :— 

"  I  hereby  certify,  that,  in  the  year  1841,  the  Rev.  Eleazar  Williams  was 
staying  at  my  house,  in  Hogansburg,  and  left,  abruptly,  to  go  to  the  west, 
without  concluding  his  business ;  and,  in  a  letter  received  from  him,  shortly 
afterwards,  from  Green  Bay,  he  informed  me  that  the  cause  of  his  abrupt 
departure  was  an  intimation  which  he  had  received  of  the  visit  of 
the  Prince  de  Joinville,  to  Green  Bay.  I  have  read  a  copy  of  the 


368  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

letter  then  vTriUen  me,  contained  in  his  letter-book,  and  recognise 
it  as  being  correct.  It  is  possible  that  I  may  have  the  letter  itself  among 
my  papers,  and  I  will  search  for  it ;  but,  at  any  rate,  there  can  be  no  doubt 
as  to  the  fact  that  he  did  write  the  passage  in  question,  as  I  recol 
lect  it  perfectly. 

'ELIAS   BOWKER. 
"  Hogansburg,  August  24,  1853." 

The  letter  referred  to  by  Mr.  Bowker  bears  date  December  27, 
1841  ;  and  tbe  passage  with  which  we  are  concerned,  is  as  follows : 

"  I  am  anxious  to  learn  what  maybe  the  decision  of  the  American  and  Bri 
tish  commissioners,  who  were  about  to  meet  and  act  as  judges  over  the  $500. 
At  the  time  I  left  Hogansburg,  Mr.  Eldridge  promised  to  write  and  inform 
me  the  result  of  the  above  meeting  of  the  commissioners,  but  no  commu 
nication  have  I  received  as  yet  from  that  gentleman.  Will  you  be  pleased 
to  inform  him  that  I  should  be  happy  to  hear  from  him.  It  was  my 
intention  to  remain  in  Hogansburg,  till  after  the  meeting  of  the  commis 
sioners,  but  I  was  hindered  in  consequence  of  the  intimation  of  the  Prince 
de  Joinville  of  visiting  Green  Bay,  and  I  was  just  in  time  to  meet  him  on 
the  route." 

Thus,  although,  we  have  not,  as  yet,  been  so  fortuoate  as  to  dis 
cover  the  letter  of  Mr.  Thomas  L.  Ogden,  circumstances  come  in  to 
supply,  almost  entirely,  the  deficiency ;  and,  if  the  reader  could 
form  a  proper  judgment  of  the  immense  mass  of  Mr.  Williams's 
papers,  of  all  kinds,  and  the  condition  that  they  are  in,  he  would 
only  wonder  that  anything  could  be  found,  and  the  measure  of 
exactness  attained,  which,  I  hope,  has  been  arrived  at.  There  ore, 
at  the  present  moment,  several  large  boxes  of  papers,  &c.,  in 
Ogdensburg,  and  it  is  possible  that  further  light  may  be  derived 
from  them.  But,  to  continue  the  journal : — 

"  Syracuse,  October  4,  Monday. — Went  out  and  visited  my  Onondag 
friends.  I  am  still  feeble. 

"Detroit,  October  11,  Monday. — Arrived  here  this  morning,  and  expect 
to  go  on  this  afternoon.  My  reflections  to-day  and  yesterday  upon  death, 
judgment,  and  eternity,  have  been  lively.  0,  that  they  may  lead 


369 

me  to  live  more  in  preparation  for  those  solemn  events.  0,  merciful 
Father,  grant  me  true  contrition,  and  unfeigned  sorrow,  for  all  I 
have  thought  and  done  amiss ;  quicken  me  hy  Thy  Holy  Spirit,  and  enable 
me  to  live  to  Thee,  and  to  glorify  Thee  in  my  body  and  my  spirit,  which 
arc  thine.  I  trust  the  sickness  with'which  I  have  been  afflicted  has  a  ten 
dency  to  drive  me  to  think  more  upon  God. 

;i  October  14. — On  board  of  the  steamer. — I  have  written  to  Mr.  Ogden, 
General  Potter,  and  Mr.  Le  Fort,  the  Onondaga  chief. 

-  October  15,  Friday  Evening. — On  Lake  Huron,  the  day  has  been  very 
pleasant.  By  the  request  of  the  passengers,  I  officiated  this  evening — 
preached  from  Luke  vi.  12.  The  audience  were  very  attentive.  I  am 
again  afflicted  with  a  severe  pain  in  my  left  side.  May  I  feel  that  I  am 
i,.  the  midst  of  death,  and  so  number  my  days  that  I  may  apply  my  heart 
unto  wisdom.  My  son  is  somewhat  unwell." 

*•  *  .    *  #  #  •* 

Mackinac,  Oct.  16,  Saturday. — The  steamer  arrived  here  at  two  o'clock, 
p.  M.  My  son  is  somewhat  indisposed,  and  on  that  account  I  am  more 
willing  to  remain  here,  until  the  Green  Bay  boat  comes. 

I  have  had  a  pleasant  interview  with  the  Rev.  Mr.  Coit,  of  the  Congre- 
gationalist  Church.  Mr.  C.  has  spent  his  time  much  among  the  Chippe- 
way  Indians.  In  his  labors  of  love  he  has  been  successful.  I  trust  many 
souls  have  been  converted  under  his  ministry.  Evening. — It  is  proposed 
to  have  the  Divine  Service  to-morrow  at  the  Presbyterian  Meeting-house. 
Tn  the  morning  I  am  to  officiate. 

MacJcinac,  Oct.  17,  Sunday  Evening. — I  performed  the  service  this 
morning — all  the  gentlemen  of  the  garrison,  the  soldiers  and  the  citizens 
of  the  place  were  in  attendance.  My  subject  was  upon  Apostasy,  which 

gave  great  offence  to  Mr. .     I  find  he  has  been  excommunicated  for  his 

apostasy.  Truth  will  have  its  own  weight  upon  the  guilty  conscience. 
Rev.  Mr.  Coit  preached  this  afternoon  to  the  same  congregation ;  his  dis 
course  was  well  adapted  to  the  occasion,  and  was  heard  with  much  atten 
tion.  Several  gentlemen  of  the  place  called  upon  me  this  evening,  and  I 
had  a  pleasant  interview  with  them.  I  am  invited  to  administer  holy 
Baptism  to-morrow  morning. 

Two  soldiers  called  and  asked  for  Prayer-books.  I  was  only  able  to  give 
them  one,  which  was  accompanied  with  some  tracts. 

16* 


8*70  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

My  son  is  much  better — still  complains  of  pain  in  the  head.  May  God 
give  him  grace  to  be  submissive  to  his  Divine  will. 

On  Lake  Michigan,  Oct.  18,  Monday. — The  regular  steamer  for  Green 
Bay  (for  which  we  have  been  waiting),  arrived  in  the  port  of  Mackinac 
to-day,  at  twelve  o'clock.  His  royal  highness,  Prince  de  Joinville,  and 
his  suite,  were  among  the  passengers.  On  landing,  the  Prince  and  his 
party  went  immediately  to  visit  the  Arch  Rock.  In  the  meantime  I  had 
an  interview,  with  Captain  Shook,  of  the  steamer,  who  stated  that  the 
Prince  had  made  inquiries  of  him,  two  or  three  times  since  leaving  Buffalo, 
about  Mr.  Williams,  the  missionary  to  the  Indians  at  Green  Bay,  and  that 
as  he-fcnew  no  other  gentleman  in  that  capacity  excepting  myself,  I  rcmst 
be  the  person,  the  object  of  his  inquiry.  I  replied,  'that  cannot  be,  Cap 
tain.  He  must  mean  another  person,  as  I  have  no  acquaintance  with  the 
Prince.'* 

I  shall  now  inform  the  Prince,  said  the  Captain,  that  there  is  a  gentle 
man  on  board,  of  the  same  name  as  that  of  his  inquiry,  who  is  a  mission- 

*  An  obvious  difficulty  here  presents  itself,  which  was  commented  on  upon  the  first 
publication  of  the  affair,  in  February,  and  which  the  production  of  the  fresh  evidence, 
showing  that  he  went  out  west  expressly  to  meet  the  Prince  de  Joinville  renders  more 
startling.  In  reply  to  the  captain's  information  that  the  Prince  had  inquired  after  him, 
he  immediately  says,  "That  cannot  be,  captain.  He  must  mean  another  person,  as  I 
have  no  acquaintance  with  the  Prince."  Now,  in  explanation  of  the  apparent  dis 
crepancy,  I  would  remark — 1.  That  it  is  true  Mr.  Williams  went  to  the  West  to  meet 
the  Prince  de  Joinville,  because  the  letter  to  Mr.  Bowker,  and  the  testimony  of  thai 
gentleman,  taken  in  conjunction  with  his  journal,  prove  he  did  so,  and  that  it  is  also 
true,  the  conversation  recorded  above  occurred,  because  Captain  Shook,  as  will  here 
after  be  shown,  confirms  the  statement  of  the  journal.  Both  facts  then  stand,  and 
there  is  nothing  to  prejudice  the  entire  veracity  of  Mr.  Williams's  statements.  The 
only  question  is,  what  was  his  meaning  in  his  reply  to  the  captain.  I  answer,  simply 
to  express  the  idea  he  afterwards  advanced  to  the  Prince,  viz.  that  he  imagined  De 
Joinville  himself  mistook  him  for  some  other  person.  Though  he  had  hastened  his 
return  to  Green  Bay,  in  consequence  of  the  intimation  from  Mr.  Ogden,  he  yet  was 
unable  to  account  for  the  anxiety  of  the  Prince  to  see  him,  and,  naturally  enough, 
supposed  it  was  founded  on  misconception,  as  he  had  no  acquaintance  with  him.  Tc 
this  expression  of  doubt  was  added,  as  appears  from  his  other  account,  a  jocost 
remark,  which  shows  how  unsuspicious  he  was  of  what  was  coming — "  Ob,  I  am  & 
great  man,  and  great  men  will  seek  me  out." 


371 

ary  to  the  Indians  at  Green  Bay.  Upon  this,  the  Captain  left  me,  and  in 
about  half  an  hour,  he  returned,  and  was  followed  by  a  gentleman,  to 
whom  I  was  introduced  as  the  Prince  de  Joinville.  I  was  struck  at  the 
manner  of  his  salutation.  He  appeared  to  be  surprised  and  amazed,  as 
he  grasped  my  hand  in  both  of  his,  which  was  accompanied  by  strong 
and  cheering  gratulations  of  his  having  had  an  opportunity  to  meet  me, 
and  that  upon  the  surface  of  one  of  the  inland  seas  in  the  Western  world, 
"Amazing  sight !"  he  continued,  "it  is  what  I  have  wished  to  see  for 
this  long  time.  I  trust  I  shall  not  be  intruding  too  much  on  your  feelings 
and  patience,  were  I  to  ask  some  questions  in  relation  to  your  past  and 
present  life  among  the  Indians.  We,  the  Europeans,  to  satisfy  curiosity  are 
sometimes  too  inquisitive.  But  I  presume,  Rev.  sir,  it  will  be  a  pleasure 
to  you  to  satisfy  the  curiosity  of  the  stranger  now  before  you,  who  is  tra 
velling  over  the  country  and  lakes  which  were  first  discovered  by  our  fore 
fathers."  His  eyes  were  intently  fixed  upon  me — eyeing  my  person  from 
the  crown  of  my  head  to  the  sole  of  my  feet. 

The  Prince  in  his  cursory  remarks  upon  the  first  adventures  of  the  French 
in  these  western  wilds  was  interesting.  He  spoke  of  La  Salle,  Fathers 
Hennepin,  and  Marquette  (the  latter,  the  first  discoverer  of  the  river 
Mississippi)  in  strains  of  commendation,  as  men  of  great  courage,  and  pos 
sessing  the  spirit  of  enterprise  in  an  unparalleled  degree. 

He  spoke  also  with  regret  of  the  loss  of  Canada  to  France.  He  would 
attribute  this  to  the  want  of  energy  and  foresight  in  the  ministry ;  that 
France  could  have  easily,  at  that  period,  sent  twenty  thousand  men  into 
Canada,  to  maintain  her  possessions  in  that  quarter,  as  her  naval  force  was 
then  nearly  equal  to  that  of  England. 

October  19,  Tuesday. — This  morning  the  Prince  resumed  his  observations 
upon  the  French  Revolution — its  rise,  its  progress,  and  its  effects  upon 
France,  and  more  particularly  to  the  United  States,  which  were  affecting 
and  touching  in  the  extreme.  The  awful  catastrophe  that  fell  upon  France, 
the  dissolution  of  the  royal  family,  and  the  destruction  of  the  king,  he 
strongly  asserted  originated  from  the  American  revolution,  and  that  the 
people  in  the  United  States  can  never  be  too  grateful  to  the  unfortunate 
Louis  XVI.  for  his  powerful  interposition  in  their  behalf.  "It  is  very 
evident,"  said  he,  "  they  do  not  duly  appreciate  the  aid  he  afforded  them  in 


372  THE    LOST   PRINCE. 

the  day  of  distress.  It  is  very  evident  also,  that,  from  the  very  day  when 
the  Court  of  Versailles  formed  an  alliance  with  America,  the  operations  of 
the  British  against  them  were  paralyzed ;  the  naval  force  of  France  ren 
dered  more  essential  service  to  their  cause  than  her  land  force.  The  At 
lantic  sea  was  soon  covered  with  ships-of-war  and  privateers ;  these  were 
a  formidable  barrier  against  England  in  sending  her  troops  and  munitions 
of  war  to  America.  In  this  war  France  lost  thirty-five  thousand  men  and 
twenty-five  ships  of  the  line.  But,  for  these  powerful  aids,  no  monuments 
are  raised  to  perpetuate  their  memory.  Louis  XVI.  ought  to  be  placed 
next  to  General  Washington  as  a  liberator  of  the  American  people.  His 
interference  in  their  behalf  is  attributed  altogether  to  his  political  finesse 
and  his  hatred  against  England ;  hence  he  is  not  entitled  to  their  praise  or 
thanks.  But,  Rev.  sir,  were  the  American  people  duly  to  consider  the  im 
portant  aid  he  gave  them  in  their  struggle  with  the  mother  country,  its 
happy  result,  and  the  dreadful  catastrophe  that  fell  upon  his  government, 
his  family,  and  himself;  he  would  truly  and  justly  be  considered  as  a  mar 
tyr  to  American  independence.  The  king  encountered  an  opposition  from 
the  Count  de  Vergennes  and"  the  Court,  when  he  took  the  suffering  cause 
of  the  Americans  in  hand.  He  was  moved  by  the  representations  of  the 
American  commissioners,  and  the  Queen  was  no  less  urgent  to  save  the 
sinking  cause  of  the  American  people.  My  grandfather  and  father  were 
present  when  the  last  struggle  took  place  between  the  King  and  the  minis 
try  upon  the  article  of  alliance  with  the  United  Colonies  of  America.  That 
day — it  was  a  happy  day  for  Americans — but  for  the  King,  it  was  the  day 
of  his  death!  Yes,  Rev.  sir,  on  that  day,  when  the  King  put  his  name 
to  the  instrument,  he  sealed  his  death-warrant.  The  ingratitude  of  the 
American  people  towards  the  King's  memory  is  one  of  the  darkest  stains 
upon  the  stars  and  stripes  of  the  American  flag  and  independence/' 

This  afternoon  the  Prince  expressed  his  wish  to  take  my  son  with  him  to 
France  for  an  education.  In  connection  with  this  he  was  informed  that 
we  had  an  infant  who  had  not  yet  received  baptism.  He  readily  consented 
to  stand  as  a  godfather,  and  would  give  the  name  of  his  mother  to  the 
child.  But,  alas !  on  my  first  landing  I  received  the  melancholy  intelli 
gence  that  the  lovely  babe  was  in  her  grave — buried  on  the  preceding  Sun 
day,  service  performed  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Porter,  of  the  Congregationalist 


PUTNAM'S  MAGAZINE.  373 

Churcn.  When  the  news  was  communicated  to  the  Prince,  he  appeared  to 
sympathise  with  me,  and  remarked,  taking  me  by  the  hand.  "Descendant 
of  a  suffering  race,  may  you  be  supported  in  this  affliction." 

About  ten  o'clock,  the  Prince  was  pleased  to  enter  into  his  remarks  more 
particularly,  upon  the  family  of  the  unfortunate  king,  which  were,  at  first 
with  me,  somewhat  curious  and  interesting ;  but  as  he  proceeded  in  his 
narration,  my  feelings  were  greatly  excited,  as  it  filled  my  inward  soul  with 
poignant  grief  and  sorrow,  which  were  inexpressible.  The  intelligence  was 
not  only  new  but  awful  in  its  nature  To  learn,  for  the  first  time,  that  I 
am  connected  by  consanguinity  with  those  whose  history  I  had  read  with 
so  much  interest ;  and  for  whose  sufferings  in  prison,  and  the  manner  of 
their  deaths,  I  had  moistened  my  cheeks  with  sympathetic  tears.  Is  it  so  ? 
Is  it  true,  that  I  am  among  the  number,  who  are  thus  destined  to  such  de 
gradation — from  a  mighty  power  to  a  helpless  prisoner  of  the  state — from  a 
palace  to  a  prison  and  dungeon — to  be  exiled  from  one  of  the  finest  empires 
in  Europe,  and  to  be  a  wanderer  in  the  wilds  of  America — from  the  society 
of  the  most  polite  and  accomplished  courtiers,  to  be  associated  with  the 
ignorant  and  degraded  Indians  ?  Degraded  as  they  are,  as  to  civilization 
and  polite  arts,  yet  I  am  consoled  at  the  idea,  that  I  am  among  the  lords 
of  the  soil  of  this  western  continent,  who  are  are  as  precious  in  the  sight  of 
Heaven  as  the  usurpers  of  their  territories !  0  my  God,  am  I  thus  des 
tined  !  "  Thy  will  be  done."  To  be  informed  that  I  had  rights  in  Europe, 
and  one  of  these  was  to  be  the  first  over  a  mighty  kingdom ;  and  this  right 
is  demanded  of  me,  to  surrender,  for  an  ample  and  splendid  establishment. 
The  intelligence  was  so  unexpected,  my  mind  was  paralyzed  for  a  moment  j 
it  was  overwhelming  to  my  feelings.  There  was  a  tremor  in  my  whole 
system,  accompanied  with  a  cold  perspiration.  The  Prince  saw  my  agita 
tion,  and  left  the  room,  with  an  excuse,  for  ten  or  fifteen  minutes. 

A  splendid  parchment  was  spread  before  me  for  signature,  to  be  affixed 
with  the  stamp  and  seal  of  Louis  XVI.  After  consideration  of  several 
hours,  weighing  the  subject  with  much  and  cool  deliberation,  it  was  res 
pectfully  refused.  In  those  awful  and  momentous  moments,  it  was  happy 
that  my  mind  was  carried  to  the  similar  proposition  and  offers  made  to 
Louis  XVIII. ,  by  Napoleon,  in  1802.  Being  impelled  from  a  sense  of  duty 
to  sustain  the  honor  of  kinga  for  centuries,  the  same  answer  was  given 


3*74  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

— "Though  I  am  in  poverty,  Borrow,  and  exile,  I  shall  not  sacrifice  my 
honor." 

Gracious  God!  What  scene  arn  I  passing  through  this  night?  Is  it 
in  reality,  or  a  dream  ?  My  refusal  to  the  demand  made  of  me,  I  am 
sure  can  be  no  earthly  good  to  me,  but  I  save  my  honor,  and  it  may  be  for 
the  benefit  of  the  generations  yet  unborn.  It  is  the  will  of  Heaven.  I  am 
in  a  state  of  obscurity.  So  shall  1  remain  while  in  this  pilgrimage  state. 
I  will  endeavor,  with  all  humility,  to  serve  the  King  of  Heaven,  and  to  ad 
vance  his  holy  cause  among  the  ignorant  and  benighted  people,  which  has 
been  my  delight. 

Although  the  unexpected  intelligence  is  a  new  source  of  trouble,  which 
is  already  working  in  my  inward  soul  with  inexpressible  sorrow,  which 
will  accompany  me  to  my  grave ;  yet  I  trust,  that  Almighty  arm,  which 
has  hitherto  "  preserved  me,  will  now  sustain  me.  To  the  God  of  my  sal 
vation  I  fly  for  comfort  and  consolation,  in  this  hour  of  distress.  Let  Christ 
be  all,  and  in  all.  Saviour  of  the  world,  have  mercy  upon  thy  unworthy 
servant,"  and  for  the  glory  of  thy  name,  turn  from  him  all  those  evils  that 
he  most  justly  has  deserved ;  and  grant,  that  in  all  his  troubles,  he  may  put 
his  whole  trust  and  confidence  in  thy  mercy,  and  ever  more  serve  thee  in 
holiness  and  pureness  of  living,  to  thy  honor  and  glory.  "For  with  God 
nothing  is  impossible."  All  that  I  have  heard  I  will  lay  up  in  my  heart, 
with  the  greatest  secresy. 

October  21,  Thursday. — The  Prince  and  suite  left  Green  Bay  yesterday, 
at  twelve  o'clock,  and  lodged  last  night  at  Capt.  John  McCarty's  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  river  to  my  residence.  It  rained  all  the  afternoon. 

The  adieus  between  the  Prince  and  myself  were  affectionate  ;  he  pro 
mised  to  write  me,  on  his  arrival  at  New  York.  The  gentlemen  officers 
presented  me  with  their  cards ;  were  urgent  to  give  them  a  call,  should  I 
ever  visit  France.  May  the  best  blessing  of  Heaven  rest  upon  the  whole 
party. 

It  is  impossible  to  know  how  other  persons  are  affected  by  this 
journal,  but,  under  the  proved  circumstances  of  his  having  kept 
such  a  record,  with  more  or  less  regularity,  all  his  life,  and  the 
important  entry,  concerning  his  interview  with  the  Prince  de 
Joinville,  occurring  in  the  very  midst  of  the  yearly  chronicle,  and 
fortified,  both  as  to  character  and  authenticity,  by  all  that  precedes, 


375 

and,  as  we  shall  see,  by  all  that  follows,  it  appears  to  me  a  testi 
mony,  which  a  reasonable  person  cannot  lightly  set  aside.  There 
is,  it  is  true,  much  about  the  whole  affair,  passing  strange,  but, 
as  regards  the  conduct  of  Mr.  Williams,  it  is  characteristically  con 
gruous,  even  in  the  midst  of  the  eccentricity  it  exhibits.  The 
conduct,  throughout,  is  of  a  piece  witli  the  man.  There  is  a 
singular  mixture  of  simplicity,  nobility,  good  feeling,  absence  of 
worldly  tact  and  cunning,  and  a  mode  of  .viewing  things,  natural  in 
one  accustomed  to  the  councils  of  the  children  of  the  forest;  in 
which,  when  unpolluted  by  the  intrusion  of  Anglo-Saxon  chicanery, 
abstract  right  and  justice  are  the  fundamental  considerations.  He 
was,  also,  evidently  bewildered  by  the  strangeness  of  the  event,  and 
had  no  idea  of  turning  it  to  his  pecuniary  advantage,  which,  in 
some  minds,  would  have  been  the  principal  consideration.  Even 
the  manner  in  which  he  dismisses  the  whole  party,  with  a  blessing, 
is  in  keeping  with  the  habit,  which  may  be  observed  throughout 
the  journals  of  Mr.  Williams,  of  bestowing  a  benediction  on  every 
one,  friend  or  foe,  and  as  Mr.  John  Jay  has  well  remarked,  in  a 
letter  on  the  subject,  is  also  in  accordance  with  the  forgiving  dis 
position,  history  attributes  to  Louis  XVII. 

To  regard  this  document  as  a  forgery,  you  must  suppose  a  noble 
and  pious  mind  guilty  of  an  amount  of  deception,  absolutely  unpar 
alleled,  and  that,  too,  without  any  object ;  for  it  has  evidently  been 
written  many  years,  and  would  never  have  been  produced  to  the 
world  but  for  me.  Mr.  Williams  considered  it  a  thing  of  no 
moment,  and  never  dreamt  of  exhibiting  it  as  evidence,  and,  in  fact, 
ridiculed  the  idea,  that  anything  which  came  from  him,  would  be 
received  by  the  public,  in  proof  of  his  assertions.  He  looked  upon 
his  journal  merely  as  repetition  of  his  statement,  whereas,  under 
the  circumstances,  and  especially  the  fortuitous  manner  in  which 
the  whole  subject  has  been  brought  up,  without  any  agency  on  his 
part,  it  has  all  the  force  of  distinct,  separate  testimony.  This  will  be 
exhibited  more  strongly  as  we  proceed. 

"  October  23,  Saturday. — I  hava  commenced  to  collect  materials  for 


376  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

letter  to  be  sent  to  the  Prince  de  Joinville,  in  compliance  with  his  request. 
My  mind  has  been  agitated  since  his  departure,  in  consequence  of  the  intel 
ligence  he  communicated  to  me,  which  is  startling  in  its  nature.  May  God 
support  me  in  these  trying  times,  and  keep  my  mind  in  a  proper  frame. 

u  Little  KaJcalin,  Oct.  26. — Went  down  the  bay ;  dined  with  Mr.  Quin- 
dre.  His  lady  (a  Roman  Catholic)  informed  me  that  the  priest,  Rev.  Mr. 
Bondual,  stated  to  her  that  the  Prince  was  much  pleased  and  highly  grati 
fied  with  his  interview  with  me,  and  that  the  information  I  had  communi 
cated  to  him.  of  the  first  visits  of  the  French  traders  into  this  section  of  the 
country,  was  of  great  value  to  him,  &c.  I  heard  from  the  Prince  this 
afternoon.  I  find  he  and  his  party  had  lodged  at  Cato's  (a  black  man),  in 
Stockbridge  woods.  This  has  created  much  laughter  among  some,  as  1 
understand.  He  was  compelled  to  this  as  there  was  no  other  house  near, 
it  being  already  dark  and  in  the  midst  of  a  heavy  rain. 

******** 

"  Oct.  31,  Sunday  Evening. — This  has  been  a  solemn  day  with  me,  on 
several  accounts.  My  reflections  have  been  upon  my  short-comings  to  the 
great  duties  enjoined  upon  me  by  that  holy  religion  which  I  profess.  Why 
is  it  I  am  so  much  troubled  with  my  spiritual  state  ?  As  to  my  foreign 
birth,  it  is  not  only  new  to  me,  but  it  is  awful.  This  has  changed  my 
feelings  materially.  I  am  an  unhappy  man  ;  and  in  my  sorrow  and  mourn 
ful  state  I  would  often,  with  a  sigh,  cry  out.  0  my  father  !  0  my  mother  ! 
It  is  done — it  is  past ;  and,  0  my  God,  I  would  humbly  submit  to  thy  holy 
will  in  that  which  thou  hast  done  towards  us.  Thou  hast  dealt  towards 
us  as  thou  didst  towards  Nebuchadnezzar  in  the  days  of  old.  We  are 
afflicted,  and  in  a  situation  of  degradation  and  poverty.  Shall  we  remain 
thus  till  we  know  that  the  Most  High  ruleth  in  the  kingdom  of  men,  and 
giveth  it  to  whomsoever  he  wilt  ?  Holy  Father,  remember  not  our  offences, 
nor  the  offences  of  our  forefathers,  neither  take  thou  vengeance  of  our  sins. 
Spare  us,  Good  Lord,  whom  thou  hast  redeemed  with  thy  precious  blood, 
and  be  not  angry  with  us  for  ever.  0  grant  me  grace  to  consecrate  myself 
entirely  to  thy  service,  and  whatever  painful  trials  I  may  be  called  on  to 
sustain,  wilt  Thou  support  me  under  them  and  at  length  deliver  me  from 

them  for  Christ's  sake. 

******** 

"  Nov.  18 — I  have  just  returned  from  the  Bay,  and  saw  Mr.  Ellis,  who 


PUTNAM'S  MAGAZINE.  377 

informed  me  Mr.  Whitney  has  threatened  to  go  against  us  in  a  suit.     I 
have  engaged  Mr.  F.  to  attend  to  this. 

******** 
"Nov.  30. — From  some  circumstances  which  have  transpired  within  two 
days  past  connected  with  the  intelligence  I  have  received  from  the  Prince 
de  Joinville,  my  mind  has  been,  and  is  now,  greatly  exercised.  Why 
should  I  think  on  this  subject,  which  is  so  unpleasant,  or  rather  so  afflictive? 
Yet  it  obtrudes  itself,  as  it  were  into  my  mind  in  spite  of  my  resistance. 
0,  the  fate  of  my  dearest  friends  !  My  soul  is  troubled  within  me,  at 
times,  on  account  of  them.  I  seek  comfort  and  rest,  but  I  find  none.  The 
awful  intelligence  has  made  me  wretched,  to  which  no  language,  no  con 
ception,  can  be  true.  Hours  have  I  spent  in  the  solitary  wilderness, 
mourning  over  my  fate  and  the  fate  of  my  family.  Why  was  it  permitted 
that  I  should  know  this  ?  But  to  God,  the  Judge  of  all,  I  leave  it. 

******** 

'•'•Dec.  16. — Although  I  have  had  it  in  my  head  that  I  would  read  the 
history  of  the  French  Revolution,  I  have  been  afraid  to  read  anything  of 
the  kind ;  but  at  length  I  have  been  induced  to  read  a  certain  author,  but 
my  mind  has  been  too  much  excited  by  the  work,  so  that  I  have  returned 
it  to  the  owner. 

******** 

"  Dec.  24. — I  am  preparing  to  go  down  to  the  Bay  to  attend  the  Christ^ 
mass  service  at  the  Episcopal  church.  Pleasant  day.  Somewhat  indis 
posed. 

Dec.  25,  Saturday. — This  has  been  a  good  day  to  me  for  my  religious 
exercises.  0  blessed  Jesus,  I  praise  thee  that  thou  wert  manifested  in  the 
flesh  to  be  the  Saviour  of  the  world.  Save  me  from  my  sins  I  humbly 
beseech  thee." 

Those  who  have  objected  to  the  truth  of  the  statement  of  Mr. 
Williams,  on  account  of  the  absence  of  pecuniary  tact,  in  his  deal 
ings  with  the  Prince,  by  which  he  failed  to  secure  the  tempting 
worldly  advantages  presented  tt>  him,  may,  when  they  read  these 
extracts  from-  his  journal,  acknowledge  that,  possibly,  there  may  be 
moments  and  straits  in  existence,  when  the  soul  cannot  turn  its 


378  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

regards  to  dollars  and  cents,  and  when  the  weight  of  sorrow 
descends  with  a  crushing  and  stupefying  power,  permitting  only 
the  appalling  darkness  of  life's  tragedy  to  he  felt  and  seen.  It  may  bo 
lack  of  worldly  wisdom,  but,  I  own,  I  cannot  sympathize  with  those 
who  conceive,  it  would  have  been  more  natural  for  Mr.  Williams, 
instead  of  acting  in  the  high-spirited  and  unselfish  manner,  he 
describes,  to  have  regarded  the  information  of  the  Prince,  merely  in 
the  light  of  a  pecuniary  God-send,  and  endeavored  to  see  how  much 
he  could  make  of  it.  On  the  contrary,  it  was  just  the  intelligence 
to  drive  the  thought  of  money  from  the  mind.  It  was  like  a  thun 
derbolt,  an  avalanche,  or  anything  that  is  most  sudden  and  most 
terrible. 

The  necessities  of  space  compel  me  now  to  pass  on,  without  fur 
ther  comment,  to  the  journal  for  1848,  when  he  received  informa 
tion  of  the  dying  disclosures  of  Bellanger,  in  New  Orleans.  The 
reader  must  remember  that  seven  years  have  elapsed  since  first  the 
tidings  of  his  origin  were  communicated  to  him. 

"  Green  Bay,  March  10. — In  the  letter  I  have  received  fronl  Mr.  Thos. 
Kimball,  from  Baton  Rouge,  Louisiana,  my  curiosity  is  somewhat  excited, 
and  it  may  be  a  novel  news. 

"  He  states  that  the  information  he  received  from  a  respectable  gentleman 
was  such  a  startling  news  with  him,  as  to  induce  him  to  communicate  the 
intelligence  to  the  person  who  was  the  subject  of  it,  and  with  whom  he  was 
acquainted.  He  states  by  the  death  (in  January  last)  of  an  aged  and 
respectable  French  gentleman,  either  in  New  Orleans  or  Helena,  that  he 
made  disclosures  at  the  last  hours  of  his  life,  that  he  was  the  person  who 
aided  in  the  escape  of  the  Dauphin,  or  the  son  of  Louis  XVL.  King  of 
France,  from  the  temple  in  1795;  his  transportation  to  North  America, 
and  his  adoption  among  the  Indians  ;  all  this  that  he  may  live  and  be  hidden, 
and  live  beyond  the  reach  of  his  enemies,  who  had  been  murderers  of  hia 
royal  parents ;  and  that  the  person  alluded  to  as  the  Dauphin  is  no  other 
than  the  Rev.  Eleazar  Williams,  .the^  Missionary  to  the  Oneida  Indians; 
and  that  the  gentleman  whojhad  the  principal  agency  in  the  escape  of  the 
Dauphin,  was  strictly  and  solemnly  bound  by  the  sacramental  oath  of  the 


379 

Roman  Catholic  Church  never  to  disclose,  particularly  in  Europe,  of  the 
descent  or  family  of  the  royal  youth  whom  he  was  about  to  convey  to  North 
America ;  and  that  it  was  not  until  he  saw  himself  drawing  near  to  a  close  of 
his  earthly  career,  that  he  would  disclose  the  secret  which  had  heen  locked 
up  in  his  bosom  for  half  a  century ;  and  that  he  would  do  this  the  more 
cheerfully  now,  without  infringing  his  conscience,  because  he  was  in 
America,  and  that  it  may  be  a  benefit  to  his  most  dear,  beloved,  but  unfor 
tunate  friend,  the  Dauphin ;  in  uttering  the  last  his  whole  frame  was 
agitated,  and  shed  abundance  of  tears  ;  and  that  near  one  of  his  last  excla 
mations  was,  '0  !  the  Dauphin  !  may  he  be  happy  and  restored  !' 

"  The  intelligence  is  so  improbable,  it  had  no  weight  nor  consideration 
with  me ;  and  thinking  at  the  same  tune  there  may  be  mistake  as  to  the 
person,  I  shall  wait  patiently  the  meaning  of  all  this,  for  a  further  informa 
tion  from  Mr.  Kimball  upon  this  new  and  mysterious  subject. 

'-'•March  13. — Went  to  Green  Bay,  and  dined  with  the  Rev.  Mr.  Porter, 
and  had  a  long  conference  with  Judge  Aindt  respecting  the  Oneidas,  with 
whom  he  is  at  war  in  relation  to  some  lumber  which  he  had  purchased. 

"March  15. — Went  to  the  Sugar  Camp  with  Mr.  Wartmen  to  make  some 
inquiries.  This  is  a  beautiful  day,  and  it  was  delightful  to  be  among  the 
lofty  pines. 

'•'•March  16. — Received  some  letters  from  my  friends  in  Oneida,  in  one  of 
which  I  am  informed  that  my  father  is  in  a  feeble  state  of  health.  . 

'•'•March  18. — I  wrote  to-day  to  the  Rev.  Joshua  Leavitt,  of  Boston,  in 
which  I  recapitulated  the  intelligence  I  had  received  from  Mr.  Kimball,  in 
relation  to  the  Dauphin  of  France.  On  mature  reflection  upon  the  subject, 
I  must  confess  the  news  is  becoming  more  startling  with  me.  It  is  true 
that  I  have  no  recollection  of  my  existence  in  the  world  until  at  the  age 
of  thirteen  or  fourteen  :  what  passed  with  me  previous  I  am  unable  to 
decipher.  Since  my  recollection  is  perfect,  there  are  some  incidents  con 
nected  with  my  life,  I  must  confess,  which  are  strange,  and  which  I  am 
unable  to  reconcile  with  each  other.  The.  suspicion  in  the  minds  of  some 
that  I  am  not  the  son  of  Thomas  Williams  may  be  mistaken,  and  the  story 
of  Van  Derheyden  of  Albany,  in  1814,  has  created  hi  my  mind  an  idea 
that  I  may  be  an  adopted  child,  as  I  find  the  Iroquois  have  adopted  more 
than  sixteen  persons  of  both  sexes  of  the  Canadian  origin. 

"  March  24. — I  have  written  to  Mr.  L.  of  Boston,  .and  sent  the  letter 


380  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

containing  the  mysterious  news  in  relation  to  my  origin.  Although  this 
melancholy  subject  was  communicated  to  me  in  1841,  and  now  again,  it  is 
renewed  and  brought  before  me  from  another  quarter,  I  may  truly  say,  that 
as  often  as  the  subject  is  brought  to  the  mind  the  eyes  of  the  afflicted  man 
are  filled  with  tears. 

"Yes,  in  1841,  when  the  awful  intelligence  was  communicated  to  me, 
my  blood  seemed  to  chill  and  my  heart  to  rush  into  my  throat,  and  I  became 
affected  in  a  manner  which  I  now  find  it  difficult  to  describe.  May  I 
humbly  submit  to  the  will  of  Heaven.  0  for  more  grace  and  Christian 
resignation ! 

"March  27. — Last  evening  there  were  several  of  the  Oneidas  lodged  at 
my  house,  who  made  great  inquiries  after  the  history  of  the  primitive 
church.  They  were  referred  to  the  day  of  Pentecost,  and  I  dwelt  largely 
upon  it.  They  were  very  thankful  for  the  instruction. 

"  "March  28. — Went  to  Grand  Kakalin,  called  upon  Mr.  Grignor,  and 
dined  with  him,  and  soon  Governor  Doty  joined  with  us. 

"  This  evening  I  am  invited  to  go  to  the  Oneida  settlement,  to  attend  the 
funeral  of  one  of  the  warrior  chiefs.  He  was  a  communicant.  April  3. 
Went  to  Green  Bay,  and  was  at  the  Fort,  and  had  a  long  conversation 

with  .  He  is  an  infidel.  May  the  Lord  show  him  the  error  of  his 

ways. 

"  I  have  had  many  such  people  to  deal  with." 

In  the  foregoing  journal,  Mr.  Williams  alludes  to  having  written 
twice  to  the  Rev.  Joshua  Leavitt,  of  Boston,  in  relation  to  the 
communication  from  the  South.  Learning  that  Mr.  Leavitt  is  now 
a  resident  in  New  York,  I  called  on  him,  and  inquired  what  he 
remembered  on  the  subject.  He  kindly  gave  me  the  required 
information,  and  wrote  me  two  letters,  from  which  I  extract  the 
following : — 

"During  my  residence  in  Boston,  from  1842  to  1848  inclusive,  I  was  in 
correspondence  with  Mr.  Eleazar  Williams,  and  was  visited  by  him  several 
times,  partly  for  relationship  and  partly  on  a  matter  of  business,  in  which 
he  wished  my  assistance.  In  the  spring  of  the  year  1848,  I  received  from 
Mr.  Williams  one  or  two  letters,  in  one  of  which  was  contained  a  state 
ment  concerning  the  decease  of  an  old  Frenchman,  who  declared  that  the 


881 

Dauphin  of  France  was  still  living  and  in  this  country.  This  statement  I 
procured  to  be  printed  in  a  small  daily  paper  in  Boston  called  the  '  Chrono- 
type,'  where  it  appeared  on  the  12th  April,  1848.  In  the  autumn  of  tho 
same  year,  Mr.  Williams  called  on  me,  and  greatly  astonished  me  by 
saying  that  he  himself  was  the  supposed  Dauphin.  He  seemed  much 
disturbed  and  distressed  about  the  matter,  and  even  terrified  at  the  possible 
consequences  of  the  disclosure,  and  I  thought  wished  not  to  have  any 
further  publication  on  the  subject  if  it  could  be  avoided.  He  also 
expressed  the  regret  he  should  feel  in  losing  his  cherished  relationship  to  the 
Williams  family,  and  declared  that  he  should  always  feel  towards  them  an 
unabated  affection" 

In  the  other  letter,  Mr.  Leavitt,  speaking  of  the  disclosures 
made  to  him  in  the  autumn  of  1848,  says  that  Mr.  Williams  "re 
marked,  with  sadness,  on  the  disquiet  the  affair  had  caused  him, 
interfering  with  his  chosen  work  of  tho  ministry,  and  even  filling 
him  with  alarm  for  his  personal  safety."  In  his  distress  of  mind,  it 
was  natural  for  him  to  apply  to  Mr.  Leavitt,  as  this  gentleman  is 
connected  by  marriage  with  the  Williams  family,  and  had  shown 
him  much  kindness  in  his  troubles.  A  slip  from  the  Ohronotype, 
of  April  12, 1848,  is  before  me,  containing  the  statement  referred  to, 
which  is  nearly  literal  in  its  agreement  with  the  journal  of  Mr.  Wil 
liams,  except  that  the  portion  relating  to  himself  is  omitted,  and 
the  Island  of  Cuba  is  referred  to  in  connection  with  Bellanger,  which 
may  probably  have  arisen  from  confounding  the  word  Helena  with 
Havana.  This  journal  throws  a  curious  light  on  the  workings  of 
Mr.  Williams's  mind.  Deeply  affected  at  first  by  the  revelation  of 
the  Prince,  he  seems,  in  course  of  time,  to  have  learned  to  treat  the 
subject  with  indifference.  It  appeared  to  him  entirely  improbable. 
But  the  same  tale  comes  from  another  quarter;  and  the  first 
impression  having  faded  away,  it  is  looked  upon  as  a  novelty,  and 
has  no  weight  with  him.  Slowly  his  mind  gathers  itself  up ; 
awakens  its  recollections  ;  renews  its  impressions ;  combines  things 
widely  separated,  whose  connection  it  did  not  at  first  perceive  ;  and 
then  anxiety  begins,  and  he  has  recourse  to  a  friend  for  advice ; 


382  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

timidly  unfolds  to  him  his  griefs  and  his  apprehensions,  and  wishes 
to  hush  the  affair  up  lest  it  should  injure  him. 

Having  obtained  from  the  Rev.  Mr.  Williams,  and  other  available 
sources,  most  of  the  information  and  documents  contained  in  this 
and  the  preceding  chapter,  I  embodied  the  whole  in  an  article 
which  was  published  in  u  Putnam's  Magazine,"  for  February,  1853, 
the  design  of  which  was  simply  to  awaken  inquiry  and  investiga 
tion,  and  discover,  if  possible,  what  there  was  to  substantiate  the 
conclusion,  to  which  the  representations  made  to  me  seemed  to 
lead,  but  which  were,  as  yet,  in  too  crude  and  unconnected  a  form 
to  base  upon  them  any  other  than  a  hypothetical  inference.  Fully 
conscious  of  all  the  difficulties  with  which  the  subject  was 
environed,  I  carefully  abstained  from  expressing  any  positive 
opinion,  except  my  conviction,  that  Mr.  Williams  was  mentally  and 
morally  incapable  of  inventing  the  story  he  had  told  me.  Having 
recapitulated  the  main  points  of  asserted  testimony,  which  I  left 
for  the  future  to  prove  or  disprove,  I  wrent  on  to  say : — 

Now  there  can  be  no  question,  that  if  all  these  points  could  be 
proved,  the  irresistible  conclusion  would  be,  that  Louis  XVII.  and 
the  Eev.  Eleazar  "Williams  are  identical.  Even  in  the  imperfect 
degree  in  which  I  know  and  have  stated  them,  they  would  carry 
conviction  with  them ;  much  more,  if  brought  out  in  detail,  with 
all  attendant  circumstances. 

Questions  of  identity  are  among  the  most  difficult  and  interest 
ing  with  which  law  is  conversant.  The  settlement  of  them 
requires  varied  and  peculiar  evidence.  The  negative  and  the 
affirmative  have  both  to  be  clearly  shown.  Two  apparently 
different  things  must  be  demonstrated  to  be  one.  Resemblances 
must  be  proved  to  be  not  accidental,  but  inherent  to  the  degree  of 
sameness. 

Where  the  utmost  stretch  of  human  ingenuity  has  been  used  for 
concealment ;  where  more  than  half  a  century  has  passed  since  the 
supposed  divergence  of  a  life  from  its  natural  line ;  where 
evidence,  scanty  at  the  best,  has  been  destroyed,  both  purposely 


383 

and  negligently,  absolute  demonstration,  perhaps,  cannot  be 
attained  ;  but  we  may  reach,  even  under  such  circumstances,  a 
degree  of  moral  certainty,  second  only  to  demonstration,  and 
amply  sufficient  to  enable  a  sound  mind  to  render  a  decisive 
verdict,  satisfactory  to  the  intellect  and  the  conscience. 

Now  prove  to  me  the  truth  of  all  that  I  have  alleged  as  asserted 
and  probable,  and  no  course  would  be  left  but  to  pronounce  such  a 
judgment  in  favor  of  identity  ;  for  the  evidence  before  us  goes  to 
show,  I  apprehend,  exactly  what  it  is  requisite  to  have  shown. 

1st.  That  Louis  XVII.  did  not  die  in  1795. 

2d.  That  he  was  carried  to  the  region  in  which  Mr.  Williams 
spent  his  youth. 

3d.  That  Mr.  Williams  is  not  an  Indian ;  and, 

4th.  That  Mr.  Williams  is  Louis  XVII. 

These  are  the  four  propositions  which  the  case  presents  for  proof 
— a  negative  and  an  affirmative  one,  with  reference  to  each  cha 
racter,  under  which  one  and  the  same  individual  has  at  different 
times  and  places  appeared. 

The  testimony  is  multiform,  direct,  indirect,  documentary, 
circumstantial ;  but  notwithstanding  its  exceedingly  varied  nature, 
it  is  wonderfully  consistent.  It  would  require  extreme  ability  to 
fabricate  it  out  of  nothing — the  utmost  mendacity  and  hardihood, 
to  build  it  up  on  a  baseless  foundation. 

The  history  involves  many  most  curious  inquiries  into  human 
motive  among  persons  in  the  most  widely  different  positions  in 
life.  It  would  be  impossible,  without  writing  a  volume,  to  do 
justice  to  these.  I  will  just  indicate  one  or  two. 

Mr.  Williams  asserts  that  the  Prince  de  Joinville  told  him  in  the 
manner  I  have  described,  that  he  is  the  son  of  Louis  XVI.  Now 
here  is  the  direct  testimony  of  a  responsible  person  to  a  simple  fact. 
The  assertion  is  either  true  or  false.  If  false,  it  involves  the 
degradation  of  Mr.  Williams  from  the  ministry.  If  true,  it  settles 
the  whole  question  of  identity,  unless  we  can  imagine  it  possible 
that  the  Prince  de  Joinville  took  the  trouble  of  travelling  from 


384  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

Paris  to  Green  Bay  to  speak  at  random,  or  to  tell  a  falsehood  on  a 
subject  of  paramount  importance  to  himself  and  to  France.  It  is 
not  supposable  that  such  a  person  would  say  and  do  what  he  is 
asserted  by  Mr.  Williams  to  have  said  and  done,  without  having 
previously  attained  to  the  last  degree  of  conviction  pertaining  to 
the  possibility  of  human  convictions,  and,  moreover,  without  being 
vested  with  authority  from  Louis  Philippe  himself  to  make  the 
disclosure ;  and  thus  his  words  issued  from  the  innermost  arcana 
of  France,  proving  that  not  a  day  elapsed  from  June,  1795,  in 
which  some  watchful  eye  did  not  keep  knowledge  of  the  exiled 
Prince.  On  the  other  hand,  what  possible  inducement  can  there 
be  for  Mr.  Williams  to  say  what  is  untrue  on  this  subject  ?  The 
clergy  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church  value  their  commission 
too  highly  to  throw  it  away  by  telling  unmeaning  falsehoods  tend 
ing  to  nothing  but  disgrace  and  ruin.  Mr.  Williams  is,  I  know,  a 
sane,  sober-minded,  practical  man,  who  has  had  all  his  life  to  deal 
with  the  sternest  realities,  and  I  believe  he  speaks  words  of  truth 
and  soberness.  He  has  not  the  capacity  to  invent  such  a  dramatic 
scene  as  that  between  him  and  the  Prince,  and  if  he  has,  he  might 
long  ago  have  turned  it  to  account.  What  conceivable  motive  can 
such  a  man  have  to  fabricate  an  airy  and  vain  fiction,  that  he,  the 
poor  Indian  missionary,  is  the  descendant  of  long  lines  of  Euro 
pean  kings,  and  that  a  prince  royal  of  France,  now  living,  and  who 
can  be  brought  face  to  face  with  him,  told  him  so.  Again,  if  Mr. 
Williams's  statement  be  correct,  the  motives  of  Louis  Philippe  in 
making  the  disclosure  are  a  problem.  I  am  inclined  to  believe 
that  pity  and  commiseration  entered  largely  into  them.  At  the 
same  time  Bellanger  was  living,  and  De  FerriSre,  and  Le  Ray.  The 
secret  was  known  in  Canada,  and  the  citizen-king  may,  as  Mr. 
Williams  writes  me,  have  "  seen  an  object  in  that  quarter,  who 
might  sooner  or  later  be  an  obstacle  to  his  ambitious  views,  and 
defeat  the  permanency  of  his  throne,  and  the  securing  of  the  same 
to  his  family."  As  to  the  improbability  that  a  poor  man  like  Wil 
liams  would  reject,  on  a  point  of  honor,  offers  so  splendid  and 


385 

liberal,  I  OWD,  it  is  great ;  but  his  own  explanation  of  his  feelings 
is  before  the  reader,  and  nothing  but  the  regally  proud  and 
romantic  heroism  it  displays,  so  rare  in  Tnis  age,  renders  it 
incredible. 

Not  only  the  physical  but  the  mental  characteristics  of  Mr.  Wil 
liams,  curiously  correspond  with  what  the  Dauphin  would  probably 
be  if  alive,  and  in  such  a  position  after  such  a  complicated  career.  He 
possesses  a  great  amount  of  native  talent ;  an  easy  grace  and  dignity 
of  manner  when  in  polite  society,  which  seems  innate ;  a  winning 
sweetness  of  disposition,  and  much  simplicity ;  apparently  warm 
religious  feelings ;  but  his  judgment  in  matters  of  self-interest  is  not 
of  the  strongest ;  fluent  and  eloquent  in  diction,  his  ideas  are  not 
always  well-assorted — a  mystery  to  himself  as  well  as  to  others, 
subject  to  perpetual  questionings,  he  is  sometimes  abrupt — accus 
tomed  to  Indian  life,  there  is  semi-barbarism  mingled  with  courtly 
grace,  and  roving  habits  with  warm  affections — in  a  word,  he  seems 
like  one  jumbled  out  of  place  by  destiny,  a  partial  wreck,  shattered, 
but  not  broken.  And  the  peculiarity  of  his  character  must  be 
taken  into  account,  in  forming  an  estimate  of  his  conduct,  the  sin 
gularity  of  which  will  create  in  many  minds  a  prejudice  against  his 
veracity,  since  they  will  be  unable  to  understand  how  a  poor  man 
could  reject  offers  so  splendid,  or  a  man  of  the  world  neglect  the 
opportunity  of  establishing  his  regal  birth,  which  the  communica 
tion  of  De  Joinville  afforded.  In  his  situation  they  would  have 
acted  differently.  True,  but  he  and  they  are  very  different  per 
sons.  It  is  but  justice  to  say  that,  whatever  may  prove  the  ulti 
mate  truth  of  his  claims,  the  origination  of  them  does  not  rest  with 
him ;  unsought  evidence  has  found  him  out,  and  new  proofs  are 
rising  from  unexpected  quarters.  He  has  never  tried  to  make  capi 
tal  of  his  story.  The  present  publication  does  not  proceed  in  any 
way  from  his  suggestion,  though  he  has  given  his  consent  to  it. 

Nearly  equal  in  importance  with  any  point  in  the  evidence,  is  the 
early  idiocy  of  Mr.  Williams  corresponding  with  the  condition  in 
which  the  Dauphin  is  known  to  have  been.  It  goes  far  to  substan- 

17 


386  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

tiate  the  truth  of  the  story,  for  since  Williams  could  not  have  been 
born  an  idiot,  there  must  have  been  some  fearful  acts  lying  at  the 
basis  of  his  history  to  reduce  him  to  such  a  condition.  In  all 
recorded  cases  in  which  the  memory  has  been  destroyed  by  sudden 
injury  to  the  brain,  the  whole  chain  of  lost  knowledge  has  been 
brought  back  as  by  an  electric  shock.  But,  in  this  case,  the 
destruction  of  memory  was  not  sudden,  but  owing  to  the  benumb 
ing  process  of  a  long  series  of  sufferings,  mental  and  bodily,  which 
took  away  the  power  of  perception,  and  weakened  that  of  reten 
tion.  The  sonl  fell  into  a  merciful  sleep,  and  when  it  again 
awakened,  there  was  nothing  to  recall  except  a  few  vague  ideas 
and  one  terrible  image  of  the  past,  which  was  burnt  into  his  soul. 
A  draught  of  Lethe  gave  to  one  man  two  lives.  Born  the  second 
time  without  birth,  he  who  died  a  prince  was  regenerated  a  beggar, 
and  the  heir  of  kings  surviving  his  own  death,  and  the  overthrow 
of  his  race,  is  metamorphosed  into  a  red  man,  and  having  been  bap 
tized  by  a  Romish  bishop  amid  the  pageantries  of  a  European  court, 
lives  to  preach  the  Gospel  in  America  fifty-seven  years  after  his 
exile*  Republics,  constitutions,  kingdoms,  and  an  empire,  have, 
during  that  space,  been  overthrown.  They  who  moved  and  ruled 
them  have  passed  away,  and  the  present  occupant  of  Versailles  and 
the  Tuileries  may  follow  them,  while  the  veteran  missionary  is  still 
in  possession  of  his  wigwam  on  the  St.  Lawrence. 

Complicated  and  mysterious  as  this  matter  is,  it  has  a  fearful 
simplicity  when  brought  to  a  direct  issue  between  Mr.  Williams  and 
the  Prince  de  Joinville.  The  latter  has  the  reputation  of  being  a 
high-minded  and  honorable  gentleman,  and  I  trust  will  act  openly 
and  candidly  on  a  question  of  so  much  importance. 


TOKENS  OF  PERSONAL  IDENTITY.  387 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

TOKENS  OP    PEESONAL  IDENTITY. 

IT  seems  necessary,  briefly,  to  consider,  in  a  separate  chapter,  the 
tokens  of  personal  identity  between  Louis  XVII.  and  the  Eev. 
Eleazar  Williams;  and  I  will  do  this  without  interrupting  the 
thread  of  my  narrative.  This  is  a  portion  of  our  subject  of  the 
highest  importance — because,  were  there  a  failure  here,  all  other 
arguments  and  evidence  would  be  of  no  avail.  If  there  were  cer 
tain  known,  unchangeable  peculiarities,  in  the  person  of  the  youth 
ful  king,  all  or  any  of  which  were  absent  from  the  person  of  Mr. 
Williams,  it  would  be  impossible  to  make  out  a  case  of  identity : 
but,  if  it  can  be  clearly  shown,  that  every  ascertainable  peculiarity 
in  the  person  of  Louis  XVII.,  both  natural  and  accidental,  exists  in 
the  person  of  Mr.  Williams,  I  have  established  the  sine  qua  non,  and 
laid  a  firm  foundation  on  which  every  other  portion  of  the  evidence 
can  rest. 

The  publication  of  my  article,  in  Putnam's  Magazine,  drew  forth 
the  almost  universal  criticism  of  the  press,  which  was  favorable, 
beyond  the  deserts,  in  a  literary  point  of  view,  of  a  piece  hastily  writ 
ten,  and  whose  main  object  was  to  excite  discussion  and  elicit  truth. 
By  many  writers,  it  was  regarded  as  a  final  argument,  in  a  contro 
versy  it  merely  opened ;  and  thus,  by  some,  the  strength  of  the 
evidence,  as  it  then  stood,  was  much  overrated ;  and,  by  others,  great 
injustice  was  done  to  me  and  to  the  historic  question ;  and  what 
was  strictly  tentative,  was  regarded  as  an  exhibition  of  credulity. 

The  Eev.  Mr.  Williams  was  then  staying  in  New  York,  to  pre 
pare,  and  simultaneously  print,  his  translation  of  the  prayer-book 
into  Mohawk,  and  soon  became  the  object  of  general  curiosity  and 
remark.  Many  gentlemen,  and  especially  Frenchmen,  and  others 
familiar  with  the  lineaments  and  peculiarities  of  the  Bourbon  family, 


388  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

called  on  him,  to  test,  by  personal  examination,  the  truth  of  the 
asserted  resemblance.  It  was  a  severe  ordeal,  and  one  I  was 
curious  to  see  how  he  would  pass.  A  person  playing  a  part  must 
almost  inevitably  have  failed,  and  exhibited  some  sign,  by  over  or 
under-acting,  of  insincerity.  But,  Mr.  "Williams  had  no  part  to  play, 
and  his  simplicity  of  character,  quiet,  dignified,  good  nature,  and 
the  freedom  from  all  apprehension,  attending  an  honest  heart,  with 
nothing  to  conceal  and  nothing  to  pretend  to,  carried  him  safely 
through. 

I  do  not  remember  a  single  instance  of  a  person  leaving  his  pre 
sence  with  an  unfavorable  impression — not  one  who  did  not  seem 
to  feel — and,  in  many  cases,  this  feeling  was  warmly  expressed — 
that,  whatever  might  be  the  ultimate  issue  of  the  investigation,  the 
idea  of  deception,  on  his  part,  was  out  of  the  question.* 

*  A  published  account  of  one  of  these  interviews  is  so  graphic  and  honorable  to  all 
parties,  that  I  perpetuate  it  in  a  note.  It  is  from  the  pen  of  M.  Arpin,  then  editor  of 
the  Courrier  des  State  Unis.  "In  a  modest  chamber  of  an  unpretending  hotel,  we 
found  a  man,  possessed  of  a  very  simple  exterior,  his  face  quite  good-looking  and  pre 
possessing.  He  received  us  with  cordial  courtesy.  Mr.  Williams  is  the  type  of  the 
missionary  whom  religion  sends  out  among  the  uncivilized.  He  has  nothing  of  that 
dry  austerity  we  too  frequently  find  among  those  who  have  the  cure  of  souls  in  large 
cities.  His  affable  manner,  impressing  us  at  once  with  his  good  nature,  and  his  eye 
so  readily  assuming  a  look  of  gentle  cheerfulness,  are  in  harmony  with  the  work  he  is 
called  to  fulfil.  It  is  obvious  that  persuasion  rather  than  authority  is  his  means  of 
drawing  the  Indian  listeners  within  the  Christian  church.  He  is  an  apostle  of  the 
primitive  style.  If  we  were  less  profoundly  struck  than  his  partizans  with  his  resem 
blance  to  the  Bourbons — if  we  do  not  discover  in  him  the  inost  characteristic  trait  of 
the  race,  the  Bourbon  nose,  we  must,  nevertheless,  confess,  that  the  brow  and  lower 
portion  of  the  face,  offer  striking  analogies  with  certain  physiognomies  of  the  family. 
Thus  Mr.  Williams  instantly  reminded  us  of  Louis  XVIII.,  whose  features  are  strongly 
impressed  on  our  memory.  The  sight  of  the  respectable  missionary,  certainly,  does 
not  carry  entire  conviction,  but  it  is  very  far  from  forbidding  it.  It  only  remains  to 
add,  that  Mr;  Williams  has  an  air  of  perfectly  good  faith,  and  that,  while  our  conver 
sation  with  him,  and  deliberate  scrutiny  of  his  person  have  not  wholly  converted  us, 
we  are  compelled  to  pursue  the  inquiry  of  which  he  is  the  object  further — for,  under 
neath  this  outside,  upon  which  candor  and  bonhommie  are  so  strongly  imprinted,  wo 
cannot  realize  that  either  a  dupe  or  an  impostor  is  concealed. 

To  show  the  impression  made  on  M.  Arpin's  rnind  at  the  time,  I  may  add  to  his  nar 
rative,  that  as  he  was  bidding  adieu,  he  said  to  Mr.  Williams,  in  a  tone  of  respectful 


TOKENS  OF  PERSONAL  IDENTITY.  389 

The  result  of  the  personal  scrutiny,  to  which  he  was  subjected, 
was  no  less  favorable.  The  marked  resemblance  of  person  and 
physiognomy  to  the  Bourbon  family  was  universally  admitted.  He 
might  differ  from  this  or  that  individual  of  the  race,  in  particular 
features,  but  the  impress  of  blood  and  descent  was  on  the  man. 

But,  there  is  one  point  of  family  resemblance  so  strongly  marked 
that,  it  cannot  fail  to  strike  every  attentive  observer,  who  is 
acquainted  with  the  Bourbon  lineaments.  I  allude  to  the  forma 
tion  of  the  lower  jaw  and  ear.  You  may  go  back  for  centuries  in 
the  royal  family,  and  in  all  their  portraits,  where  the  arrangement 
of  the  dress  and  hair  permits,  you  will  find  the  same  marked  con 
formation,  which  that  of  Mr.  Williams  exhibits.  The  ear,  large  and 
full  at  top,  lessens  almost  to  a  point  at  the  lower  extremity,  and, 
without  any  indentation  at  the  bottom,  joins  the  rounded  sweep  of 
the  jaw.  The  same  peculiar  curve  might  be  interchangeably  used 
in  the  portraits  of  Louis  XVI.,  Louis  XVIIL,  Charles  X.,  the 
Duchess  D'Angouleme,  the  Due  de  Bordeaux,  and  the  Kev.  Eleazar 
"Williams ;  and  a  skilful  artist  might  amuse  himself  by  successively 
producing  the  six  heads  on  the  same  base  line.  But,  the  likeness  is 
not  merely  that  of  feature,  but  also  of  bodily  form.  There  is  before  me 
a  full  length  portrait  of  Louis  XVIIL,  in  the  dress  so  well  described 
by  Lamartine.  Making  allowance  for  its  immense  obesity  and  fan 
tastical  attire,  it  is  the  image  of  my  friend,  from  top  to  toe ;  the 
same  lines  in  the  face  are  there — the  same  shaped  head,  growing, 
as  it  were,  without  neck,  out  of  the  broad  shoulders — the  same 
length  and  squareness  of  body  to  the  hips — the  same  short  legs — 
and  the  hand  and  fingers  in  the  same  attitude  most  familiar  in  con 
versation  with  Mr.  Williams. 

The  closer  the  investigation  was  pushed,  the  clearer  it  was  seen 
that,  peculiarities  which,  at  first,  excited  doubt,  tended  more 
strongly  to  identification. 

but  manly  candor,  "Were  yon  seated  on  the  throne  of  France,  sir,  I  should  deem  It 
my  duty  to  oppose  you,  as  a  Republican ;  but,  in  your  present  position,  and  for  the 
truth  of  history,  I  will  gladly  do  anything  I  can  to  aid  in  the  investigation." 


390  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

Thus  the  Bourbon  nose,  as  it  is  called,  which  all  the  pretenders 
possessed  to  a  marvel,  was  found  wanting  in  all  the  portraits  of  the 
young  Prince,  whose  nose  corresponded,  as  much  as  that  of  a  child 
could  with  a  grown  person's,  with  the  nose  of  Mr.  Williams. 
Whoever  will  take  the  trouble  of  examining,  will  perceive,  the 
Dauphin  could,  at  no  period  of  life,  have  had  a  strongly-marked 
acquiline  nose ;  and,  however,  such  a  feature  is  connected  in  most 
minds  with  the  Bourbons,  the  possession  of  it  by  Mr.  Williams 
would  have  been  fatal  to  his  identity  with  the  Prince.  In  all  but 
profile,  however,  there  is  no  discernible  difference  between  his  noso 
and  that  of  Louis  XVIII. ;  the  general  size,  shape,  and  position 
of  both  being  the  same,  and  the  central  protuberance  being  alike, 
but  more  faintly  indicated  in  one  than  in  the  other. 

So  also  with  the  color  of  the  eyes.  Those  who  took  their 
impressions  from  popular  histories,  found  difficulty  in  the  hazel 
hue  of  Mr.  Williams's  eyes,  which  they  expected,  as  those  of  a . 
Bourbon  would  be  blue.  A  member  of  the  New  York  press  told 
me  that,  meeting  Williams  at  the  house  of  a  friend,  his  impres 
sions,  otherwise  favorable,  were  against  him  on  this  account ;  but 
added,  he  soon  found  he  was,  himself,  in  error,  and  called  my 
attention  to  the  portrait  of  the  Dauphin,  in  the  Bryan  Gallery,  in 
which  the  eyes  are  identical  with  those  of  Mr.  Williams.  I  went 
to  the  Gallery,  when  Mr.  Bryan  said,  he  could  pledge  himself  for 
the  authenticity  of  the  portrait,  having  purchased  it  at  the  sale  of 
the  collection  of  M.  Prousteau  de  Mont  Louis,  in  Paris,  in  1851. 
This  gentleman  was  a  royalist,  and  enjoyed  a  high  reputation  as  a 
connoiseur  and  collector;  and  his  name  is  a  sufficient  guarantee 
that  whatever  came  from  his  collection  is  genuine.  In  this 
portrait,  not  only  the  eyes,  but  the  lower  part  of  the  face,  jaw, 
and  lips,  might  even  now  serve  as  a  representation  of  Mr. 
Williams.  It  was  evidently  taken  during  his  imprisonment  in  the 
Temple,  as  it  bears  tokens,  in  the  emaciation  of  the  form,  and  the 
pinched  and  painful  expression  of  the  features,  of  disease  and  suf 
fering.  The  accompanying  outline  drawing  gives  a  faithful  repre- 


'• 


LOUIS     XVII  . 

from   lilt  picture    intlie   Bryan     Gallrrv  t  Ye  w  fork 

Q.  P.    P  UT^AM    8c    C°     N.Y.  -      : 


TOKENS    OP    PERSONAL   IDENTITY.  391 

sentation  of  it,  which  the  reader  can  compare  with  the  portraits  of 
Mr.  Williams  in  1806  and  1853. 

While  speaking  of  pictures  I  will  introduce  the  testimony  of  the 
Chevalier  Fagnani  and  M.  B.  H.  Muller,  both  eminent  portrait 
painters  in  this  city. 

M.  Fagnani  has  had  every  means  of  forming  a  correct  judgment 
on  the  subject,  having  lived,  since  childhood,  in  intimate  acquaint 
ance  with  the  families  of  the  Sicilian  and  Spanish  Bourbons,  of 
whom  he  has  painted  no  less  than  ten  portraits.  The  eyes  of  n 
skilful  artist  are  not  likely  to  be  deceived  by  faint  resemblances,  nor 
to  overlook  indications  of  identity  of  blood,  which  escape  an  ordi 
nary  observer.  He  met  Mr.  Williams,  for  the  first  time,  in  a 
crowded  room,  and  I  was  curious  to  observe  his  conduct  on  the 
occasion.  Standing  at  some  little  distance  at  the  outside  of  a  group, 
he  eyed  him  from  head  to  foot  with  the  calm,  critical  gaze  with 
which  he  would  have  scrutinized  a  statue  or  a  picture ;  dwelt  on 
the  contour  of  his  face,  the  play  of  his  features,  and  the  manner  of 
his  address  and  conversation ;  and  then,  as  if  satisfied,  turned  quietly 
aside.  A  friend,  who  was  much  interested  in  ascertaining  his 
opinion,  inquired,  "  Well,  Fagnani,  what  do  you  think  as  to  his 
being  a  Bourbon?"  "I  don't  think  at  all,"  was  the  reply,  "/ 
know." 

The  following  letter,  which  is  of  historic  interest,  was  written 
after  M.  Fagnani  had  repeated  interviews  with  Mr,  Williams,  and 
painted  the  portrait  from  which  the  engraving  in  the  frontispiece 
is  taken : 

"NEW  YORK,  February  14,  1853. 
"  REV.  JOHN  H.  HANSON  : 

"  My  DEAR  SIR. — In  complying  with  your  request  to  inform  you  of  my 
impressions  with  regard  to  the  identity  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Williams  and 
Louis  XVII.,  the  Dauphin  of  France,  and  what  acquaintance  I  have  of  the 
peculiar  lineaments  of  the  Bourbon  race,  I  must  premise  by  informing  you 
that  of  the  immediate  family  of  Louis  XVI.  I  know  nothing,  beyond  having 
seen  the  original  portraits  of  them  at  Versailles :  but  with  the  features  of 


392  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

the  Sicilian  and  Spanish  Bourbons,  who  are  closely  allied  by  intermarriage 
as  well  as  blood,  with  those  of  France,  and  strongly  resemble  them,  I  have 
been  familiar  from  childhood.  To  enumerate  those  whose  portraits  I  have 
painted,  besides  having  seen  and  known  many  others,  I  may  mention  the 
Dowager  Queen  of  Naples,  mother  of  the  present  King  Ferdinand  II. ;  the 
Prince  of  Capua,  and  Count  of  Trapuna,  brothers  of  the  King,  and  grand 
sons  of  Caroline,  sister  of  Marie  Antoinette ;  Queen  Christina  of  Spam, 
widow  of  Ferdinand  VII. ;  Isabella  II.,  the  reigning  Queen  of  Spain  ;  and 
her  sister,  the  Duchess  of  Montpensicr  ;  and  two  daughters  of  the  Infant 
Don  Francis  de  Paul,  Uncle  to  Queen  Isabella.  Of  the  House  of  Hapsburg 
I  have  painted  the  portraits  of  the  Arch-Duke  Charles,  brother  of  the 
Emperor  Francis  II. ;  and  the  Arch-Duchess  Augusta,  daughter  of  Leopold, 
the  present  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany.  From  the  particular  examination  an 
artist  must  necessarily  make  of  his  sitters,  many  points  strike  him  which 
would  escape  a  more  superficial  observer.  In  painting  the  portrait  of  Mr. 
Williams,  I  noticed  many  of  the  peculiar  characteristics  which  are  devel 
oped  in  a  greater  or  less  degree  in  most  of  the  princes  of  the  House  of 
Bourbon  whose  portraits  I  have  taken.  When  I  first  saw  Mr.  Williams,  I 
was  more  particularly  impressed  with  his  resemblance  to  the  portraits  of 
Louis  XVI.  and  XVIII. ;  and  the  general  Bourbonic  outline  of  his  face  and 
head.  As  I  conversed  with  him,  I  noticed  several  physiognomical  details, 
which  rendered  the  resemblance  to  the  family  more  striking.  The  upper 
part  of  the  face  is  decidedly  of  a  Bourbon  cast,  while  the  mouth  and  lower 
part  resemble  the  House  of  Hapsburg.  I  also  observed,  to  my  surprise, 
that  many  of  his  gestures  were  similar  to  those  peculiar  to  the  Bourbon 
race. 

"  Had  I  met  Mr.  Williams,  unconscious  that  he  was  in  any  way  other 
than  his  name  would  indicate,  I  should  immediately  have  spoken  of  his  like 
ness  to  the  Bourbon  family  ;  and  although  a  resemblance  of  the  kind  might 
possibly  be  an  accidental  freak  of  nature,  still,  taken  in  connection  with 
the  facts  you  have  brought  before  the  public,  and  the  quantity  of  corrobo 
rative  testimony  adduced,  it  leaves  no  doubt  in  my  mind  of  the  very  great 
probability  that  Mr.  Williams  and  the  Dauphin  are  the  same  person. 
Hoping  that  this  interesting  historical  problem  may  be  speedily  and  satis 
factorily  solved,  I  remain,  my  dear  sir,  very  truly  yours, 

"GUISEITE  FAGNANI." 


TOKENS    OF    PERSONAL    IDENTITY.  393 

M.  B.  II.  Muller,  residing  in  Howard  street,  New  York,  was  a 
pupil  of  the  celebrated  revolutionist  David,  and  also  of  Grog.  Ho 
was  employed  to  take,  after  death,  the  picture  of  Louis  XVIII.,  of 
whom  he  still  preserves  an  admirable  crayon  sketch.  The  features, 
in  their  deep  repose,  are  the  very  image  of  Mr.  Williams,  when 
asleep.  I  called  on  M.  Muller,  in  company  with  Mr.  "Williams  and 
Mr.  A.  Fleming.  It  was  in  the  evening,  and  the  room,  at  first,  but 
dimly  lighted ;  yet  his  recognition  of  the  likeness  to  the  Bourbon 
family  was  immediate,  and  his  expression  of  it  intense.  As  soon  as 
lie  saw  him,  and  almost  without  explanation  of  the  cause  of  our 
visit,  he  declared  the  resemblance  would  have  struck  him  anywhere, 
and,  with  characteristic  nervous  rapidity  of  action,  proceeded  to 
indicate  the  many  points  of  marked  and  minute  similarity.  "  The 
eyes,  the  eyes,  too  !"  he  exclaimed.  "He  has  the  eyes  of  the  Dau 
phin."  I  asked  him  how  he  knew.  He  replied,  from  seeing  por 
traits  of  him  in  France.  By  a  strange  coincidence  Muller  was  well 
acquainted  with  the  present  Emperor  while  in  New  York,  who,  he 
said,  had  frequently  sat  on  the  old  hair  sofa  on  which  Mr.  Williams 
was  then  seated.  I  have  elsewhere  spoken  of  the  testimony  of  M. 
Muller  respecting  the  body  exhibited  as  that  of  Louis  XVII.  in  the 
Temple. 

On  another  occasion,  a  French  officer,  who  had  been  in  the  body 
guard  of  Louis  XVIII.,  calling  on  Mr.  Williams,  said,  the  longer  he 
looked  at  him,  the  more  he  recalled  the  image  of  the  king,  not  only 
in  feature,  but  in  familiar  indefinable  gestures. 

A  gentleman  of  high  rank,  on  the  continent,  who  happened  to  see 
him  in  the  pulpit,  immediately  touched  a  friend  who  was  sitting 
beside  him,  and  said,  "  There,  that  is  the  Bourbon  they  have  found, 
if  there  be  any  truth  in  physiognomy,"  and  expressed  his  full  con 
viction,  afterwards,  from  what  he  had  heard  in  Legitimate  circles, 
in  Europe,  that  Louis  XVII.  was  alive,  and  his  belief,  from  the  pub 
lished  statements,  that  Mr.  Williams  must  be  the  man. 

It  was  often  a  matter  of  amusement  to  me  to  watch  the  effect  of 
introduction,  on  some  ardent,  impressible  Frenchman,  who,  previous 

17* 


394  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

to  seeing  him,  had  ridiculed  the  affair  with  a  "  Bah,  bah,"  but  who, 
after  looking  on  him,  for  a  minute,  and  interchanging  a  few  hurried 
words,  would  begin  to  speculate  on  the  probable  political  conse 
quences  of  the  affair,  and  could  hardly  be  made  to  understand  that 
Mr.  Williams  was  a  clergyman,  and  made  no  political  pretensions. 

It  has  not  unfrequently  happened,  that  persons  meeting  him 
casually  in  the  streets,  for  the  first  time,  have,  without  any  other 
clue,  but  the  resemblance,  at  once  addressed  him  by  name.* 

The  Count  de  Balbi,  an  illegitimate  son  of  Louis  XVIII.,  who  was 
in  this  country,  is  said  to  have  been  remarkably  like  Mr.  Williams, 
and  many  persons  have  recognised  the  one,  from  having  seeing  the 
other.  I  have  accumulated  evidence  on  this  point,  because,  I  wish 
to  place  it  historically  above  the  reach  of  contradiction,  and  to 
show  the  remarkable  character  of  the  resemblance,  bearing  the 
test  of  rigid  artistic  scrutiny,  as  well  as  obvious  to  every  one 
who  has  an  eye  for  proportions  and  form.  All  this  gives  it  an 
importance  not  due  to  the  generality  of  resemblances,  which  are 
partly  the  work  of  forgetfulness,  and  part  of  fancy,  and  disappear 
when  subjected  to  rigid  comparison.  Were  France,  and  not  the 
western  wilderness  the  scene,  the  wonder  would  be  less.  It  may 
be  easy  to  find  persons  with  Bourbon  physiognomy  in  Paris,  and  as 
easy  to  account  for  it ;  but,  by  itself,  it  is  a  startling  phenomenon 
to  find,  among  the  Mohawks,  a  man  exhibiting  the  physiognomical 
traits  of  the  House  of  Bourbon,  and,  notwithstanding  such  a  life  as 
that  of  Eleazar  Williams,  retaining,  also,  their  familiar  gestures,  and 
not  only  so,  but  presenting  precisely  those  modifications  of  the 

*  Several  instances  of  this  have  fallen  under  my  own  observation.  The  following 
is  deserving  of  preservation  : — "  As  to  the  personal  likeness  of  Mr.  Williams  to  the 
Bourbon  family,  we  are  glad  to  put  on  record  this  fact,  that  the  writer  of  these  lines 
having  heard  that  likeness  spoken  of,  recognised  Mr.  Williams  long  after,  when  he 
saw  him  for  the  first  time,  simply  from  the  Bourbon  cast  of  his  complexion  and  fea 
tures,  and,  without  introduction,  saluted  him  by  name.  We  venture  the  assertion, 
that  Mr.  Williams  would  not  appear  in  any  room  filled  with  persons  acquainted  with 
the  portraits  of  the  Bourbon  family,  without  that  resemblance  being  at  once  generally 
recognised.— Boston  Daily  Adoertiw,  February  17, 1863 


TOKENS    OF    PERSONAL    IDENTITY.  395 

Bourbon  features,  which  characterized  the  unfortunate  Louis  XVII. 
But  there  was  a  still  closer  scrutiny  through  which  it  was  neces 
sary  Mr.  Williams  should  pass.  If,  of  Indian  descent,  it  was  not 
probable  that,  however  his  European  aspect  might  deceive  the^ 
unscientific  observer,  the  eyes  of  professional  men  would  discover 
no  trace  of  Indian  blood,  when  his  person  was  subjected  to  rigid, 
medical  examination. 

There  are  certain  characteristics  of  the  Indian  race  which  are  all 
but  indellible,  and  appear,  after  the  lapse  of  centuries,  even  on  the 
cheek  of  beauty.  When  the  fact  of  origin  has  died  into  a  tradition, 
you  can  mark  the  red  blood  coursing  with  a  duskier  hue  beneath 
the  mantling  blush  brought  from  other  climes,  and  imparting  fixity 
and  palor  to  its  softness.  Skin,  hair,  craniological  formation  in 
the  closer  degrees  of  affinity,  present  ready  and  infallible  tests. 

It  was  also  requisite  that  the  various  marks  on  the  body  of  Mr. 
Williams  should  be  examined  and  certified.  Observing  scars  on  his 
knees,  Mr.  Williams  had  supposed  them  to  be  scrofulous,  and  I  so 
stated  them  to  be,  on  his  authority. 

On  referring  to  the  work  of  M.  De  Beauchesne,  I  found  it  neces 
sary,  for  the  identity,  that  there  should  be  the  scars  of  tumors, 
also,  on  the  wrists  and  elbows ;  and,  on  examination,  found  them 
on  the  arms  of  Mr.  Williams,  in  the  spots  indicated,  though  he 
had  not  observed  them.  I  then  obtained  a  formal  examination 
of  his  person,  by  Drs.  Francis,  Kissam,  and  Gerondelo,  who,  after 
consultation,  and  without  knowing  Desault's  opinion  that  Louis 
XVII.  was  not  affected  with  scrofula,  came  to  the  conclusion  of  the 
non-scrofulous  character  of  the  scars  on  the  person  of  Mr.  Williams, 
which  fact,  while  otherwise  favorably  impressed,  they  considered 
fatal,  though,  as  it  turned  out,  it  is  exactly  confirmatory  of  the 
identity.  I  give  their  certificates  below : 

"  NEW  YORK,  February  12,  1853. 
'  REV.  MR.  HANSON  : 

"  DEAR  SIR. — We  respectfully  inclose  to  you  the  following  statement,  as 
the  result  of  an  examination  made  at  your  request.  The  physical  develop 
ment  of  Mr.  Elea^ar  Williams,  is  that  of  a  robust  European,  accustomed 


396  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

to  exercise,  exposure  to  the  open  air,  and  indicative  of  the  benefit  of  generous 
diet,  and  a  healthy  state  of  the  digestive  organs.  He  might  readily  be 
pronounced  of  French  blood.  His  general  appearance  and  bearing  are  of  a 
superior  order  :  his  countenance  in  repose  is  calm  and  benignant :  his  eyes 
hazel,  expressive  and  brilliant,  and  his  whole  contour,  when  animated, 
indicates  a  sensitive  and  impressible  organization.  His  cerebral  develop 
ment  is  nowise  noticeable,  and  his  mental  manifestations  are  in  harmony 
therewith.  If  any  peculiarity  is  predominant,  it  is  his  apparent  indiffer 
ence  to  the  pretensions  or  claims  of  his  advocates.  There  are  no  traces  of 
the  aboriginal  or  Indian  in  him.  Ethnology  gives  no  countenance  to  such  a 
conclusion.  This  fact  is  verified  by  anatomical  e-xamination,  and  no 
unsoundness  of  mind  or  monomania  has  been  manifested,  by  any  circum 
stance  evinced  in  communion  with  him.  His  age  might  be  estimated  as 
approaching  seventy  years.  After  a  careful  examination  of  the  several 
cicatrices  which  are  to  be  seen  in  various  parts  of  the  surface  of  his  body, 
more  especially  those  discernible  about  the  articulations  of  the  knees,  we 
are  fully  convinced  that  the  joints  themselves  are  in  a  perfectly  normal  con 
dition,  and  that  they  have  never  been  affected  by  scrofula  or  any  deep- 
seated  inflammation.  The  scars,  which  are  more  numerous  on  the  right 
than  the  left  leg,  are  colorless  and  superficial,  indicating  an  ulcerative 
process  of  the  integuments  at  an  early  period  of  life ;  these  marks  show  no 
strumous  diathesis,  but  might  equally  be  the  result  of  early  bodily  severities 
inflicted  by,  or  consequent  upon,  a  protracted  confinement  in  impure  or 
deteriorated  air,  restricted  or  bad  diet,  and  other  deprivations,  or  by  the 
habits  of  a  wandering  and  imbecile  youth  amidst  the  wilds  of  nature.  The 
remnants  of  diseased  action  found  on  the  arms,  above  the  elbows,  and  about 
the  wrists,  though  less  conspicuous,  are  of  a  like  character.  The  face,  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  brows  both  of  the  right  and  left  eye,  exhibits  proofs  of 
wounds.  These  manifestations  of  injury  cannot  so  easily  be  traced  to  a 
definite  period  of  life,  inasmuch  as  they  are  in  gome  measure  masked  by 
the  eyebrows  themselves  ;  but  they  partake  of  the  character  of  incised  or 
lacerated  wounds.  The  cicatrix  on  the  superior  part  of  the  right  side  of 
the  forehead,  being  somewhat  more  than  an  inch  in  extent,  would  appear 
to  have  originated  from  a  simple  incised  wound. 

With  all  consideration,  your  most  obedient  friends, 

"  JOHN  W.  FRANCIS,  M.D. 
"RICHARD  S.  KISSAM,  M.D  " 


TOKENS    OF   PERSONAL   IDENTITY  397 

'NEW  YORK,  February  12,  1853. 
"  REV  J.  H.  HANSON  : 

"REV.  AND  DEAR  SIR. — You  have  requested  me,  as  the  medical  adviser 
of  the  Rev.  Eleazar  Williams,  to  render  an  account  of  his  personal  charac 
teristics,  and  the  marks  of  former  disease  visible  on  his  body.  He  has  a 
lofty  aspect,  strongly  marked  outline  of  figure,  obviously  European  com 
plexion,  and  a  slight  tinge  of  scrofulous  diathesis.  His  age  seems  to 
border  on  seventy — his  share  of  native  intellect  is  above  mediocrity,  and  his 
mind,  sound  in  its  integrity  and  pertinent  in  judgment,  is  as  unaspiring  as 
his  heart  is  cordial  and  affectionate.  The  limit  of  his  ambition  appears  to 
be  faithfully  to  fulfil  his  mission  as  a  minister  of  Christ.  The  scars  I  have 
examined  are  located  on  both  keees,  particularly  on  the  right — both  elbows 
corresponding  in  character  with  those  on  the  lower  articulations — and  both 
arms,  near  the  wrists,  more  obscure  than  the  former.  They  must  all  have 
occurred  in  childhood — and,  particularly  those  about  the  knees  and  elbows, 
are  such  as  would  be  left  by  ulcers,  produced  by  a  morbid  condition  of  the 
system,  brought  on  by  unwholesome  diet,  exposure  to  damp  foul  air,  and 
great  depression  of  mind.  They  are  in  no  sense  scrofulous,  but  might  have 
been  accelerated,  perhaps  slightly  aggravated,  by  a  superficial  taint  of  that 
particular  diathesis.  With  a  sincere  hope  you  may  succeed  in  settling  the 
question  which  the  most  palpable  facts  have  propounded, 

"  I  remain,  very  respectfully,  yours  truly, 

"B.  GERONDELO,  M.D." 

After  the  publication  of  these  letters  in  the  April  number  of  Put 
nam's  Magazine,  my  attention  was  called,  by  Mr.  A.  Fleming,  to  the 
letter  of  Madame  de  Rambaud  to  the  Duchesse  D'Angouleine,  in 
which  she  states  that  the  Dauphin  had  on  his  arm  inoculation 
marks,  of  which  one  was  in  the  shape  of  a  crescent.  Upon  this,  we 
we  went  together  to  Mr.  Williams,  and  requested  permission  to 
examine  his  arm,  when  we  found  precisely  the  scars  indicated.  To 
place  the  fact  historically  beyond  reach  of  doubt,  I  requested  Dr. 
J.  W.  Francis  to  re-exarnine  him.  He  did  so,  and  made  the  follow 
ing  addition  to  the  certificate : 

"  It  deserves  to  be  stated  that  there  are  two  distinct  marks  of  inoculation 


398  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

on  the  upper  part  of  the  left  arm,  one  of  which  is  of  a  semi-circular  or 

crescent  shape  on  the  outer  margin. 

"JOHN  W.  FRANCIS,  M.D." 

It  is  but  very  recently  that  inoculation  or  vaccination  has  been 
introduced  among  the  Indians;  it  was  unknown  by  them  in  the 
childhood  of  Mr.  Williams ;  the  scars  have  every  appearance  of  age ; 
and  he  has  not  been  inoculated  within  his  memory.  That  he 
should  have  the  marks  of  inoculation  is,  therefore,  remarkable — 
that  they  should  coincide  in  shape  with  those  on  the  arm  of  Louis 
XYIL,  is  still  more  so.  In  addition,  I  would  call  attention  to  the 
further  coincidence  of  the  scar  on  the  eyebrow  corresponding  with 
a  blow  given  the  Prince,  by  Simon,  by  which  ho  nearly  cut  his  eye 
out.* 

To  the  foregoing  medical  certificates,  I  now  add  the  following  • 

"  REV.  J.  H.  HANSON  : 

"  DEAR  SIR. — You  have  requested  me,  as  a  physician,  living  in  the 
immediate  vicinity  of  the  St.  Regis  Indians,  and  in  habits  of  close  pro 
fessional  intercourse  with  them,  to  state  my  opinion  as  to  the  race  of  the 
Rev.  Eleazar  Williams.  I  beg,  therefore,  to  state,  briefly,  that,  in  my  opinion, 
he  has  no  ethnological  connection  with  the  St.  Regis  Indians,  nor  with  any 
other  Indians  I  have  ever  known,  and  that  my  opinion  is  based  on  profes 
sional  examination  of  the  persons  of  the  Rev.  Eleazar  Williams,  and  of  seve 
ral  Indians,  as  well  as  a  minute  knowledge  of  the  particular  characteristics 
of  the  Indian  race.  If  Mr.  Williams  be  an  Indian,  it  is  in  the  absence  of  all 
those  ethnological  signs  discernible  in  form,  feature,  texture  of  the  skin, 
hair,  and  other  similar  tokens  well-known  to  the  profession,  which,  as  far 
as  my  observation  and  information  extend,  are  considered  decisive. 
"  Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"H.  N.  WALKER,  M.D. 

"  Hogansburg,  New  York,  August  25,  1853." 

It  is,  then,  I  conceive,  satisfactorily  established,  that,  while  the 
Rev.  Eleazar  Williams  is,  infallibly,  not  of  Indian  origin,  every  per 
sonal  token,  natural  and  accidental,  necessary  to  establish  identity 

Hot 


TOKENS    OF    PERSONAL    IDENTITY.  399 

between  him  and  Louis  XVIL,  exists ;  that  he  has  not  only  the 
strongest  indications  of  being  a  member  of  the  Bourbon  family,  but 
also  the  known  individual  peculiarities  of  the  Dauphin,  and  scars 
upon  his  body  in  character,  location,  and  shape,  such  as  would  be 
011  the  body  of  the  unfortunate  Prince,  if  alive.  But,  for  the  sake 
of  clearness.,  let  me  present  the  subject  in  a  tabular  form  : — 

Louis  XVIL  resembled  the  rest  THE  PLEV.  E.  WILLIAMS  resem- 

of  the  Bourbon  family  in  form  and  bles   the    Bourbon  family  in  form 

feature,  with  the  exception  of  the  and  feature,  with  the  exception  of 

absence,    in   him,   of  an    aquiline  the  absence,  in  him,  of  an  aquiline 

nose.     He  had  hazel  eyes,  tumors  nose.     He  has  hazel  eyes,  the  scars 

on  both  wrists,  both  elbows,   and  of  tumors  or  sores  in  early  life  on 

both  knees,  a  scar  on  the  eyebrow,  both  wrists,  both  elbows,  and  both 

and  inoculation  marks  on  the  arm,  knees,  a  scar  on  the  eyebrow,  and 

one   of  which  was    of   a  crescent  inoculation  marks  on  the  arm,  one 

shape.  of  which  is  of  a  crescent  shape. 

Bcmarkable  as  these  coincidences  are,  I  beg  to  inform  that 
class  of  candid  critics,  who,  when  at  loss  for  argument,  can  ridi 
cule,  without  that  which  gives  to  ridicule  all  its  force — adherence 
to  truth — and,  in  the  absence  of  which,  it  is  like  the  cackle  of  the 
bird  that  saved  the  capitol,  without  its  accidental  utility,  that  I 
only  attach  to  them,  in  my  argument,  the  force  of  a  sine  qua  non. 
I  do  not  say  Mr.  Williams,  on  account  of  these  things,  is  Louis  XVII., 
but,  simply,  that  he  may  be.  May,  however,  is  a  word  of  very  gra 
duated  significance,  and  I  wish  some  arithmetician  would  calculate 
the  probabilities  of  finding  in  the  person  of  an  Iroquois  chief,  every 
thing  physically  necessary  to  identification  with  an  European 
monarch,  natural  and  accidental.  And,  if  to  this  calculation  lie 
would  add  another,  and  decipher  the  further  probabilities  that,  in 
the  Indian  chief,  presenting  all  the  above  physical  coincidences 
with  the  king,  there  should  centre  all  the  other  tokens  of  identity, 
derived  from  circumstantial  evidence  which  this  volume  contains,  I 
should  be  glad  to  learn  the  number  of  figures  composing  his  arith 
metic. 


400  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

THE   PRINCE   DE   JOINVILLE   AND   M.    A.    DE   BEATJOHESNE. 

IMMEDIATELY  on  the  publication  of  the  February  number  of 
u  Putnam's  Magazine,"  copies  of  it  were  sent  to  the  Prince  do 
Joinville,  by  various  persons ;  and  1  awaited  with  some  curiosity, 
but  no  apprehension,  the  response  that  gentleman  would  give  to 
the  appeal  made  to  him.  Desiring  to  ascertain  the  truth,  I  had  so 
worded  my  article  as  to  insure  a  reply  of  some  sort,  which  I 
thought  would  materially  aid  the  investigation.  Sincerity  has  it? 
own  expression,  which  it  is  as  difficult  to  feign,  as  it  is  easy  tc 
discern. 

I  felt  convinced  if  the  Prince  had  been  wrongly  accused,  the 
fact  would  appear  on  the  surface  of  his  reply ;  and  if  rightly,  he 
must  either  make  a  candid  acknowledgment,  and  spare  me  the 
trouble  of  further  investigation,  or  involve  himself  in  some  palpa 
ble  contradiction,  leading,  by  a  more  circuitous  route,  to  an 
equally  satisfactory  result.  It  is  true,  I  ran  one  risk.  It  was  the 
policy  of  the  Prince,  if  he  desired  to  conceal  the  truth,  to  make  a 
line  of  himself,  and  present  the  smallest  amount  of  surface  to  the 
shot  of  an  opponent.  Prudence  might  thus  ape  the  semblance  of 
dignity,  and  hypocrisy  adopt  the  language  of  sincerity.  It  was 
possible,  therefore,  he  might  reply: — "The  Prince  de  Joinville 
denies  having  made  the  disclosures  asserted  by  M.  Williams." 

This  was  all  the  public  required,  and  had  he  said,  merely,  this,  it 
would  have  been  almost  impossible  to  bring  the  charge  home  to 
him,  however  true — ridicule  would  have  been  cast,  by  his  cool  indif 
ference  on  the  affair — the  investigation  would,  probably,  have 
stopped,  and  if  further  evidence  relative  to  the  interview,  came  to 
light,  room  would  have  been  open  for  explanation  adapted  to  the 
requirements  of  circumstance.  But  I  was  playing  a  game  of  cshessk 


DE  JOINVILLE    AND    DE  DEAUCHESNE.  401 

in  which,  acting  alike  with  candor,  and  boldness,  I  had  to  calcu 
late  the  probabilities  of  oversight  on  the  other  side.  The  Bourbon 
family  had  never  exhibited  much  practical  acuteness,  to  say 
nothing  of  wisdom  ;  and  indeed,  I  am  afraid,  certain  critics,  when 
at  a  loss  for  other  arguments,  will  say,  Mr.  Williams  has  too  much 
sense  to  come  of  the  stock.  I  did  not,  therefore,  anticipate  the 
wisest  management.  Human  nature  is  the  same  in  prince  and 
plebeian,  and  every  one  who  has  not  the  perverse  genius  of  a 
Talleyrand,  which  I  knew  De  Joinville  had  not — if  conscience  tells 
him  he  is  in  a  dangerous  position — will  become  nervous  and  throw 
in  unnecessary  explanations,  defences,  and  palliatives,  which,  will 
make  against  him  if  the  case  be  of  sufficient  importance  to  demand 
critical  scrutiny.  I  looked,  in  case  an  insincere  course  was 
adopted,  for  a  reply  extra-prudentially  long,  and  I  was  not  mistaken. 

The  acknowledgment  of  the  interview,  by  the  Prince,  was  all 
important,  because  even  this  fact  was  considered  apocryphal  by 
many.  This  was  natural  in  England,  where  distance  gives  a 
shadowy  character  to  events  in  America,  and  I  was  not  astonished 
to  read  in  the  "London  Morning  Chronicle,"  the  following  pas 
sage  : — "  We  are  aware  that  the  success  of  certain  fantastic  literary 
impostures  by  the  gifted  Edgar  Poe,  may  have  tempted  other 
writers  to  try  their  hands  at  hoaxing  the  public,  and  that  this 
article  may  be  a  specimen  of  vraisemblable  inventions.  But,  at 
any  rate,  this  would  leave  it  the  merit  of  much  ingenuity  and 
readableness,  while  it  would  be  open  to  condemnation  for  tho 
impertinent  use  of  the  names  of  living  persons,  amongst  others  of 
the  Prince  de  Joinville." 

In  this  country,  where  characters  were  capable  of  being  easily 
ascertained,  the  case  was  different.  But  ridicule  was  thrown  on 
the  affair,  while  in  process  of  investigation,  and  when  brought  for 
ward  by  respectable  and  responsible  names,  simply  as  a  historic 
problem,  in  a  manner  not  creditable  to  the  press  of  a  free  country. 
There  were  many  and  noble  exceptions.  But  let  this  pass. 

One  article  alone  I  am  compelled  to  notice.     A  writer  in  tho 


402  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

Romish  papers,  the  "  Pharo  do  New  York,"  and  the  "  Freeman's 
Journal,"  above  the  initials,  "  II.  D.  0.,"  which  were  understood  to 
he  those  of  Mr.  II.  De  Courcey,  represented  me  as  being  instigated 
in  the  publication,  which  he  entitled,  "  Un  Koman  d'imagination," 
while  he  politely  called  ino  the  Eomancer  of  Putnam — by  hostility 
to  the  Church  of  Rome.  He  further  alleged,  that  three  Protestant 
ministers  had  put  their  heads  together  to  concoct  a  drama.  I  am 
not  aware  that  Protestants,  with  all  their  faults,  and  they  are 
legion,  ever  resorted,  for  quasi  religious  purposes,  to  falsification  of 
history  and  forgery  of  pretended  testimony  to  injure  the  Roman 
communion.  This  would  be  a  work  of  supererogation.  We  need 
not  resort  to  fiction  when  we  have  a  storehouse  of  facts,  endless 
as  the  meritorial  treasury  of  the  saints.  Men  are  very  apt  to 
suspect  others  of  practices  which  lie  nearer  home.  "We  shall  see 
hereafter. 

The  expected  reply  of  the  Prince  came  at  length.  It  was  in  the 
shape  of  a  letter,  addressed,  by  M.  Trognon,  his  secretary,  to  the 
London  agent  of  Mr.  Putnam,  and  showed  the  nature  of  the 
ground  on  which  he  had  determined  to  take  his  stand.  As  this 
document  is  of  the  highest  importance,  I  give  it  both  in  the  origi 
nal  and  in  a  translation. 

Claremont,  Surrey,  9,  Fevrier,  1853. 

MONSIEUR. — Le  Prince  de  Joinville,  a  1-6911  le  numero  du  Monthly  Maga 
zine  de  New  York,  que  vous  avez  bien  voulu  lui  transmettre,  et  a  lu 
Particle  sur  lequel  vous  avez  appele  son  attention.  Sa  premiere  pensee 
£tait  de  traiter  avec  1' indifference  qu'elle  merite,  1'absurde  invention  qui 
fait  le  fond  de  cet  article  :  mais  en  reflechissant  qu'un  peu  de  vrai  s'y  trouve 
mele  a  beaucoup  de  faux,  le  Prince  a  cm  qu'il  etait  bon  que  je  vous  repon- 
disse  en  son  nom  quelques  lignes  destinees  a  faire,  au  milieu  de  cet  amas 
de  fables,  la  part  exacte  de  la  verite.  Vous  ferez,  monsieur,  de  cette 
reponse  1'usage  qui  vous  paraitra  le  plus  convenable. 

li  est  ties  vrai  que,  dans  un  voyage  qu'il  fit  aux  Etats  Unis  vers  la  fin 
de  1'annee  1841,  le  Prince  se  trouvant  a  Mackinac,  rencontra  sur  le  bateau  a 
vapeur  un  passager  dont  il  croit  reconnaitre  la  figure  dans  le  portrait  donn£ 
par  le  Monthly  Magazine^  mais  dont  le  nom  avait  entierement  fui  de  sa 


DE  JOINVILLE    AND    DE  BEAUCHESNE.  403 

me'moire.  Ce  passager  semblait  fort  au  courant  des  e've'nements  qui  se 
sont  accomplis  dans  1'Amerique  du  Nord  pendant  le  siecle  dernier.  II 
racontait  une  foule  d'anecdotes  et  de  particularites  interessantes  sur  les 
Franc.ais  qui  prirent  part  a  ces  evenements  et  s'y  distinguerent.  Sa  mere 
etait,  disait  il,  une  Indienne,  appartenant  a  la  grande  peuplade  des  Iroquois, 
fidele  alliee  de  la  France ;  il  ajoutait  que  du  cote  paternel  son  origine  etait 
Francaise,  et  allait  jusqu'a  citer  un  nom  que  le  Prince  s'abstient  de  rap- 
porter.  C' etait  la  ce  qui  1'avait  mis  en  possession  de  tant  de  details  curieux 
a  entendre.  Un  de  ces  recits  les  plus  attachants  e"taitcelui  qu'il  fasait  des 
derniers  moments  du  Marquis  de  Montcalm,  mort  entre  les  bras  d'un  Iro 
quois,  son  parent,  a  qui  le  vaillant  capitaine  avait  laisse  son  e'pee.  Ces 
details  ne  purent  manquer  d'interesser  vivement  le  Prince,  dont  le  voyage  a 
Mackinac,  a  Green  Bay,  et  sur  le  Haut  Mississippi,  avait  pour  objet  surtout 
de  rechercher  la  trace  glorieuse  des  Francais,  qui  les  premiers  ouvrirent  a  la 
civilization  ces  belles  contrees. 

Le  Prince  pria  M.  Williams  (puisque  tel  etait  le  nom  de  son  interlocuteur) 
de  lui  faire  parvenir,  sous  forme  de  notes,  tous  les  rensiegnments  qu'il  serait 
en  mesure  de  se  procurer,  et  qui  pourraient  jeter  quelque  jour  sur  1'histoire 
des  etablissements  Francais  dans  1'Amerique  du  Nord.  De  son  cote  M, 
Williams,  qui  ne  paraissait  moins  curieux  de  connaitre  a  fond  cette  memo 
liistoire,  demanda  au  Prince  de  lui  transmettre  tous  les  documents  qui  y 
etaient  relatifs,  et  qui  devaient  se  trouver  dans  les  archives  du  gouvernement 
Franc  ais. 

Arrive  a  Green  Bay,  le  Prince  y  fut  retenu  pendant  une  demi  journee  par 
le  difficulte  de  se  procurer  le  nombre  de  chevaux  necessaire  au  voyage  qu'il 
allait  entreprendre,  M.  Williams  le  presser  vivement  de  1'accompagner  dans 
un  settlement  d'Indiens  Iroquois  etablis  pres  de  Green  Bay,  chez  qui  disait 
il  se  conservait  encore  le  souvenir  de  leurs  Peres  d' Orient,  et  qui  accueille- 
raient  avec  bonheur  le  fils  du  Grand  Chef  do  la  France.  Le  Prince  declina 
cette  offre,  et  poursuivit  son  voyage. 

Depuis  lors,  quelques  lettres  ont  ete  echangees  entre  M.  Williams  et  les 
personnes  attachees  au  Prince,  au  sujet  des  documents  dont  il  vient  d'etre 
question.  Ainsi  la  lettre  de  M.  Touchard  citee  dans  1' article  du  Monthly 
Magazine  doit  etre  authentique,  M.  Williams  aurait  pu  egalement  en  pro- 
duire  une  que  je  me  souvienne  de  lui  avoir  ecrite  pour  le  memo  objet. 

Mais  la  finit  co  que  1' article  contient  de  vrai  sur  les  relations  du  Prince 


404  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

avec  M.  Williams.  Tout  le  reste,  tout  ce  que  a  trait  a  la  revelation  que  le 
Prince  aurait  faite  a  M.  Williams,  du  mystere  de  sa  naissance,  tout  ce  qui 
concerne  le  pretendu  personage  de  Louis  XVII.  est  d'une  bout  a  1'autre  une 
oeuvre  d'imagination,  une  fable  grossierements  tissue,  une  speculation  sur  la 
credulite  publique  faite  on  ne  sait  a  quel  propos  et  dans  quel  but.  Si  par 
hazard,  quelques  uns  des  lecteurs  du  Monthly  Magazine  etaient  disposes  a  y 
avouer  creance  il  faudrait  les  engager  a  faire  venir  de  Paris  un  livre  qui  vient 
d'y  etre  tout  recemment  publie  par  M.  de  Beauchesne  ils  y  trouveraient,  sur 
la  vie  et  la  mort  de  1'infortune  Dauphin,  du  vrai  Louis  XVII.  les  details  les 
plus  circonstancies  et  les  plus  positifs.  II  me  reste  a  vous  repeter,  Mon 
sieur,  que  vous  pouvez  faire  de  cette  lettre  tel  usage  que  vous  jugerez  con- 
venable,  et  a  voua  offrir  en  meme  temps,  1'assurance  de  ma  consideration 
distingue-  AUG.  TROGNON,  ancien  precepteur 

et  secretaire  des  commandements  du  Prince  de  Joinville. 

"  CLAREMONT,  SURREY,    "February  9,  1853. 

"  SIR. — The  Prince  de  Joinville,  has  received  the  number  of  the  Monthly 
Magazine,  of  New  York,  which  you  have  kindly  thought  fit  to  transmit 
to  him,  and  has  read  the  article  to  which  you  have  called  his  attention. 
His  first  thought  was,  to  treat  with  the  indifference  which  it  deserves,  the 
absurd  invention  on  which  this  article  is  founded — but  on  reflecting  that  a 
little  truth  is  there  mixed  with  much  falsehood,  the  Prince  has  deemed  it 
right  that  I  should,  in  his  name,  give  a  few  lines  in  reply,  to  show  the 
exact  portion  of  truth  there  is  in  this  mass  of  fables. 

"  You  can  make,  sir,  of  this  reply,  the  use  which  you  think  proper. 

"  It  is  very  true,  that  in  a  voyage  which  he  made  to  the  United  States, 
towards  the  end  of  the  year  1841,  the  Prince,  finding  himself  at  Mackinac, 
met  on  board  the  steamboat,  a  passenger  whose  face  he  thinks  he  recog 
nises  in  the  portrait  given  in  the  Monthly  Magazine,  but  whose  name 
had  entirely  escaped  his  memory. 

"  This  passenger  seemed  well-informed  concerning  the  history  of  North 
America  during  the  last  century.  He  related  many  anecdotes,  and  inte 
resting  particulars  concerning  the  French  who  took  part,  and  distinguished 
themselves  in  these  events.  His  mother,  he  said,  was  an  Indian  woman, 
of  the  great  tribe  of  the  Iroquois,  faithful  allies  of  France.  He  added,  that 
on  his  father's  side,  his  origin  was  French,  and  went  so  far  as  to  cite 


DE  JOINVILLE    AND    DE  BEAUCHESNE.  405 

a  name  which  the  Prince  abstains  from  repeating.  It  was  by  this  means 
that  he  had  come  in  possession  of  so  many  details  curious  to  hear.  One 
of  the  most  interesting  of  these  recitals  was  that  which  he  gave  of  the  last 
moments  of  the  Marquis  of  Montcalm,  who  died  in  the  arms  of  an  Iroquois, 
who  was  his  relative,  and  to  whom  the  great  captain  had  left  his  sword. 
These  details  could  not  fail  vividly  to  interest  the  Prince,  whose  voyage  to 
Mackinac,  Green  Bay,  and  the  Upper  Mississippi,  had  for  its  object 
to  retrace  the  glorious  path  of  the  French,  who  had  first  opened  to  civiliza 
tion  these  fine  countries.  The  Prince  asked  Mr.  Williams,  since  such  was 
the  name  of  his  interlocutor,  to  send  to  him  in  the  form  of  notes,  all  the 
information  which  he  could  procure,  and  which  could  throw  light  upon  the 
history  of  the  French  establishments  in  North  America.  On  his  side  Mr. 
Williams,  who  did  not  appear  less  curious  to  understand  thoroughly 
this  same  history,  asked  the  Prince  to  transmit  to  him  all  the  documents 
which  related  to  it,  and  which  could  be  found  in  the  archives  of  the  French 
government. 

"On  his  arrival  at  Green  Bay,  the  Prince  was  detained  during  half  a 
day,  by  the  difficulty  of  procuring  the  number  of  horses  necessary  for  the 
journey,  which  he  was  about  to  undertake.  Mr.  Williams  pressed  him 
earnestly  to  accompany  him  to  a  settlement  of  Iroquois  Indians,  estab 
lished  near  Green  Bay,  among  whom,  he  said,  were  still  many  who 
remembered  their  Eastern  fathers,  and  who  would  receive  with  delight,  the 
son  of  the  Great  Chief  of  France.  The  Prince  declined  this  offer,  and  pur 
sued  his  journey. 

"  Since  then,  some  letters  have  been  exchanged  between  Mr.  Williams 
and  the  persons  attached  to  the  Prince,  on  the  subject  of  the  documents  in 
question.  Thus  the  letter  of  M.  Touchard,  cited  in  the  article  of  the 
Monthly  Magazine,  must  be  authentic.  Mr.  Williams  could  also  equally 
have  produced  one  which  I  remember  to  have  written  to  him  upon  the 
same  subject. 

:'But,  there  ends  all  which  the  article  contains  of  truth,  concerning  the 
relations  of  the  Prince  with  Mr.  Williams.  All  the  rest,  all  which  treats 
of  the  revelation  which  the  Prince  made  to  Mr.  Williams,  of  the  mystery 
of  his  birth,  all  which  concerns  the  pretended  personage  of  Louis  XVII.,  is 
from  one  end  to  the  other  a  work  of  the  imagination,  a  fable  woven  whole 
sale,  a  speculation  upon  the  public  credulity.  If,  by  chance,  any  of 


406  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

the  readers  of  the  Monthly  Magazine  .should  be  disposed  to  avow  belief  in 
it,  they  should  procure  from  Paris  a  book  which  has  been  very  recently 
published  by  M.  Beauchesne.  They  will  there  find,  concerning  the  life  and 
death  of  the  unfortunate  Dauphin,  the  most  circumstantial  and  positive 
details.  It  remains  for  me  to  repeat  to  you,  sir,  that  you  can  make  of  this 
letter  such  use  as  you  may  judge  proper,  and  to  ofler  to  you,  at  the  same 
time,  the  assurance  of  my  distinguished  consideration. 

"  Signed,  AUG.  TKOGNON. 

Former  preceptor,  and  secretary  for  the  commands 
of  the  Prince  de  Joinville." 

After  re-examining  this  document  carefully,  with  the  advantage 
of  having  before  me  a  letter  from  the  Prince  himself,  addressed  to 
a  gentleman  in  this  country,  in  which  he  goes  over,  almost  verbally, 
the  course  travelled  by  his  secretary,  showing  that  the  words  of  the 
latter  are  the  production  of  De  Joinville's  mind,  I  can  arrive  at  no 
other  conclusion  than  that  expressed  in  Putnam's  Magazine,  in 
which  I  do  not  find  a  word  to  alter,  and  therefore  insert  it  in  a 
note  ;*  while,  in  confirmation  of  the  view  then  taken,  I  will  again 

*  The  Prince  de  Joinville  represents  himself,  not  only  forgetful  of  the  name  of  Mr. 
Williams,  but  ascribes  to  chance  his  meeting  with  Mm  "  Finding  himself  at  Macki- 
nac,  he  met  on  a  steamer  a  passenger."  The  suppressio  veri  is  the  suggestio  falsi. 
And  from  the  ground  which  he  has  taken,  I  cannot  permit  him  to  move.  The  Prince 
de  Joinville,  it  can  easily  ~be  proved,  sought  the  interview  with  Mr.  Williams.  There 
was  no  accident  in  the  meeting.  He  was  rather  young  at  the  time  as  a  diplomatist, 
and  permitted  the  world  to  know  too  much  of  his  errand.  The  following  testimony, 
from  respectable  American  gentlemen,  is  decisive  : — 

The  editors  of  the  Buffalo  Courier  and  of  the  Northern  Light  show  that,  long  before 
the  Prince  got  into  the  neighborhood  of  Mackinac,  he  was  inquiring  about  Mr.  Wil 
liams.  Capt.  Shook  confirms  entirely  all  the  statements  of  Mr.  Williams  in  which  he  is 
concerned.  It  is  then  a  fact  that  not  once,  but  several  times,  during  the  journey  from 
New  York  to  Green  Bay,  he  had  inquired  of  a  variety  of  persons  concerning  Mr.  Wil 
liams,  and  that,  when  he  saw  him,  he  showed  surprise  and  agitation,  and  paid  him 
such  unusual  attention,  that  it  is  remembered  vividly  by  eye-witnesses,  after  a  lapse 
of  twelve  years. 

And  yet  the  Prince,  who  knew  his  name  so  well  before  he  ever  saw  him,  and  whose 
memory  is  so  very  faithful  concerning  everything  which  he  thinks  will  make  against 
him,  cow  declares  that  the  meeting  was  .Accidental,  «n<l  that,  hig  name  has  escaped 


DE  JOINVILLE    AND    DE  BEAUCHESNE.  407 

briefly  consider  tlio  Prince's  letter,  in  connection  with  the  testi 
mony  of  other  gentlemen,  in  order  to  answer  objections  made  to 
my  position. 

When  the  Prince  read  my  article  he  was  evidently  at  a  loss  what 
to  do.  "  Say  nothing,"  whispered  prudence.  "It  is  only  a  maga 
zine  article— stand  on  your  dignity— call  it,  if  questioned,  an  absurd 

his  memory.  But,  in  many  respects,  his  statements  are  important.  The  Prince  says 
he  acknowledged  himself  the  son  of  an  Indian  woman.  This  shows  how  erroneous  are 
the  misrepresentations  in  many  circles,  which  have  charged  him  with  having  had  a 
monomania  of  twenty  years'  standing,  that  he  was  the  Dauphin,  and  confirms,  by  the 
authority  of  the  Prince,  the  statement  of  Mr.  Williams,  that  up  to  this  time  he  con 
sidered  himself  of  Indian  parentage.  As  to  his  being  of  French  extraction  on  the 
father's  side,  Mr.  Williams  never  could  have  said  that,  unless  he  intended  to  accusff 
his  supposed  mother  of  infidelity,  which  it  is  not  likely  he  would  have  done  to  a 
stranger.  The  Williams  family  are  of  English  origin.  There  was  a  surmise  that  hia 
mother  had  French  blood  in  her  veins,  but  it  was  some  generations  back.  Again  : 
The  nature  of  a  great  part  of  the  conversation  between  Mr.  Williams  and  the  Prince, 
on  the  steamer,  is,  in  substance,  confirmed ;  and  thus  all  which  Mr.  Williams  h&a 
stated  is  authenticated,  on  one  hand  or  the  other,  except  what  occurred  in  the  private 
interview.  Here  no  one  but  themselves  and  God  are  witnesses.  But,  inasmuch  as 
the  letter  from  the  Prince  proves  him  not  to  be  trustworthy  in  matters  open  and  evi 
dent,  there  is  no  reason  why  we  should  give  him  credence  in  those  which  are  secret. 
The  reference  to  Beauchesne  is  unfortunate,  and  proves,  to  my  mind,  that  there  was 
a  special  necessity  for  the  publication  of  such  a  work.  It  is  curious  that  the  very 
copy  which  I  have  reviewed,  was  left,  by  some  person  unknown,  in  the  room  of  Mr. 
Williams,  at  Washington,  with  an  anonymous  note,  begging  his  acceptance  of  it, 
"  though  the  perusal  might  give  him  pain." 

Let  any  one  trace  on  a  map  the  route  of  the  Prince,  and  ask  himself  whether  his 
torical  researches  would  be  likely  to  take  any  man  to  a  place  like  Green  Bay,  lying 
off  the  direct  line  of  travel,  leading  nowhere,  and  having  in  its  neighborhood  no 
important  memorials  of  the  French.  His  natural  course  when  at  Mackinac,  would 
have  been  either  to  go  through  the  Saut  Ste.  Marie,  to  Lake  Superior,  the  shores  of 
which  are  crowded  with  mementoes  of  his  countrymen,  or  to  follow  the  track  of  La 
Salle  and  Hennepin  down  Lake  Michigan  to  Chicago.  Green  Bay  is  a  small  town  in 
the  wilderness,  having  a  palisade  fort,  and  surrounded  by  a  few  Indian  settlements. 
There  is  no  historical  attraction  about  it,  and  the  Prince  confesses  as  much  by  saying 
that  a  delay  in  procuring  horses  was  the  sole  cause  of  hia  staying  there  even  half  a 
day,  and  declining  an  opportunity  of  meeting  the  neighboring  Indians.  It  is  true 
that  Marquette  was  at  Green  Bay,  but  if  the  Prince  had  desired  to  follow  his  footsteps, 
he  should  have  pursued  the  Fox  River  westerly,  and  not  gone  directly  south  to  Galena 


408  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

invention,  and  there  let  it  end.-'     "  ISTay,  but  there  is  truth  in  it," 
suggested  conscience,  "  and  silence  will  be  accounted  equivalent  to 
confession.     I  must  say  something."     And  then  came  the  rub- 
puzzling  as  the  horns  of  Hamlet's  dilemma — "  What  shall  I  say  ?" 

On  the  sixth  of  the  next  month  he  was  at  St.  Louis,  so  that  his  historical  researches 
on  the  Upper  Mississippi  could  not  have  been  very  laborious  or  profound. 

Again,  the  whole  of  his  account  is  made  to  tally  with  the  fundamental  misrepresen 
tation  that  the  meeting  with  Mr.  Williams  was  accidental.  Now  we  know  that  it  was 
not  accidental ;  that  it  is  an  established  fact  that  he  went  to  Green  Bay  to  see  him, 
that  he  repeatedly  and  earnestly  inquired  after  him,  and  can  have  no  reasonable 
doubt  that  had  Mr.  Williams  resided  in  any  other  place  than  Green  Bay,  he  would 
equally  have  sought  him  out.  But  the  account  of  the  Prince  contains  nothing  to 
meet  the  requirements  of  that  fact.  That  fact  demands  that  De  Joinville  should  have 
ffad  some  object  in  seeking  an  interview  with  Mr.  Williams.  It  is  impossible  to  evade 
this.  Now,  no  such  object  is  apparent  in  the  Prince's  statement ;  nay,  is  studiously 
kept  out  of  sight ;  and,  though  he  solemnly  declares  that  he  states  the  whole  truth, 
yet  it  is  undeniable  that  he  omits  the  most  important  portion  of  the  history  of  the 
interview — and  not  only  omits  it,  but  precludes  himself  by  the  coloring  which  he  has 
put  on  the  transaction,  from  framing  any  substitute  for  the  simple  truth  hereafter. 
But  from  Mr.  Williams  we  learn  why  the  Prince  so  particularly  inquired  after  him, 
and  so  earnestly  sought  him  out ;  and  I  assert  and  will  maintain  it,  that  herein  he  is 
entitled  to  the  benefit  of  all  the  probabilities,  physical,  historical,  and  circumstantial, 
which  tend  to  confirm  the  truth  of  his  account.  In  other  words,  if  there  were  no 
such  evidence  to  sustain  him,  his  cause  would  be  by  so  much  the  weaker  ;  but  every 
iota  of  testimony  which  makes  it  probable  that  he  is  the  Dauphin,  increases  the  pro 
bability  that  he  tells  the  truth  concerning  the  facts  of  his  interview  with  De  Join 
ville  ;  and  yet  some  will  say,  the  Prince  denies  the  revelation  asserted,  and  therefore 
Mr.  Williams  spoke  untruly.  I  say  there  is  no  therefore  about  it,  and  defy  any  one  to 
prove  that  there  is.  Why  should  there  be?  Because  De  Joinville  is  a  prince — the 
descendant  of  the  Regent  Orleans,  and  of  Philip  Egalite  ?  The  opinion  of  the  New 
York  Daily  Time*  is  far  more  sensible ;  it  predicted  the  course  which  the  Prince 
would  take,  and  the  reasons  which  would  actuate  him.  "  If  the  story  be  true,"  it 
says,  "  neither  the  Bourbon  nor  the  Orleans  family  have  any  justification  before  the 
world  for  the  cruelty  of  suppressing  the  truth,  always  well  known  to  them,  for  more 
than  half  a  century,  in  order  to  enjoy  the  inheritance  of  the  legitimate,  but  exiled 
king.  They  will  be  considered  as  usurpers,  not  of  the  property  of  a  stranger,  or  of  an 
enemy,  but  of  one  of  their  own  household  ;  one  whose  misfortunes,  if  not  his  rights, 
entitled  him  to  consideration.  It  will  prove  to  have  been  a  conspiracy  of  a  race 
against  one  of  its  members;  a  royal  conspiracy  to  defraud.  And  it  is  scarcely  likely 
that  De  Joinville  will  readily  corroborate  a  tale  which  must  sentence  the  Bourbons 
of  either  branch  to  infamy." 


DB  JOINVILLE    AND    DE  EEAUCHESNE.  409 

"Confess  what  you  can't  avoid,"  said  the  spirit  of  Machiavelli, 
"  and  call  it  the  exact  truth."  Unfortunately,  the  execution  of  this 
project  was  left  to  the  intellect  of  De  Joinville,  and  the  pen  of  M. 
Trognon. 

To  form  a  judgment  of  the  Prince's  letter,  the  reader  must  have 
the  following  testimony  before  him  : 


LETTEE  FKOM   CAPTAIN  SHOOK. 

"  HURON,  February  9,  1853. 
"  To  THE  REV.  J.  H.  HANSON  : 

';  REV.  AND  DEAR  SIR. — Yours  of  the  4th  inst.,  together  with  the  Feb 
ruary  number  of  '  Putnam's  Monthly,'  came  duly  to  hand.  It  gives  me 
great  pleasure  to  communicate  anything,  and  all  I  know,  of  what  took 
place  between  the  Prince  de  Joinville  and  the  Rev.  Eleazar  Williams,  upon 
the  steamer  Columbus,  from  Mackiriac  to  Green  Bay.  I  have  carefully 
read  your  article  in  the  Monthly,  and  so  far  as  matters  relating  to  me  go, 
the  Rev.  gentleman  has  stated  things  truly.  I  have  a  very  vivid  and  dis 
tinct  recollection  of  the  introduction  of  the  Prince  to  the  Rev.  Mr.  Williams, 
and  of  the  apparent  surprise  manifested  by  the  Prince  on  the  occasion ; 
and,  furthermore,  could  not  but  wonder  myself,  why  he  should  pay  to  the 
humble  and  unpretending  Indian  missionary  such  pointed  and  polite  atten 
tion.  I  have  long  known  the  Rev.  Mr.  Williams,  and  seen  much  of  him 
in  our  voyages  up  and  down  the  Lakes,  and  have  always  found  him  an 
amiable,  upright,  and  gentlemanly  man,  and  to  be  relied  upon  in  any  state 
ment  he  may  make.  I  would  again  repeat,  that  what  he  has  stated  in 
relation  to  me  is  literally  true.  If  I  have  not  met  your  mind  in  this  reply, 
please  to  write  again,  and  put  the  matter  to  me  in  the  form  of  questions. 
You  say,  'I  believe  that  the  Prince  gave  to  you  a  gold  snuff-box  upon  the 
occasion.'  He  did,  and  I  prize  it  highly. 

"If  you  need  an  affidavit  on  the  subject,  I  am  willing  and  ready  to 
give  it. 

"  With  sentiments  of  high  regard  I  am  yours, 

"  JOHN  SHOOK." 

1R 


410  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

The  following  is  an  extract  from  u  letter  of  Mr.  George  IS.  Ray 
mond — editor  of  the  "  Northern  Light,"  Hallo  well,  Maine — dated 
March  1,  1853,  and  addressed  to  Mr.  Putnam : 

"  I  am  acquainted  with  many  of  the  circumstances  connected  with  the 
Prince  de  Joinville's  visit  to  Green  Bay,  his  meeting  with  Mr.  Williams. 
&c.,  having  been  myself  a  fellow-passenger  with  the  Prince  during  the 
whole  of  his  Lake  tour.  At  that  time  I  was  an  officer  in  the  Brazilian 
service,  and  came  home  to  the  United  States  to  visit  a  brother,  then  a  resi 
dent  at  Fort  Howard,  near  Green  Bay.  I  joined  the  Joinville  party  in  New 
York,  travelled  with  it  to  Green  Bay,  and.  during  several  conversations 
with  the  Prince,  heard  him  express  a  most  particular  anxiety  to  find  out 
this  Mr.  Williams,  and  have  an  interview  with  him." 

The  testimony  of  Mr.  James  O.  Bray  man,  one  of  the  Editors  of 
the  "  Buffalo  Courier."  In  an  editorial  he  made  the  following  state 
ment  : 

"  We  remember  the  time  of  the  visit  of  the  Prince  de  Joinville  well, 
having  passed  from  Cleveland  to  Detroit  on  the  same  steamboat  with  him. 
He,  in  public  conversation,  spoke  of  the  general  object  of  his  visit,  and 
made  inquiries  in  relation  to  the  whereabouts  of  Mr.  Williams.  We  recol 
lect  listening  to  a  conversation  between  him  and  a  Mr.  Beaubien,  of  De 
troit,  in  which  the  latter  stated  that  it  was  understood  that  Mr.  Williams 
was  of  Indian  blood.  The  Prince,  however,  did  not  commit  himself  upon 
any  point  in  regard  to  the  specific  purpose  for  which  he  sought  Mr.  Wil 
liams,  but  confined  himself  to  generalities." 

On  seeing  this,  I  addressed  a  letter  of  inquiry  to  the  editors,  and 
received,  from  Mr.  Brayuian,  the  following  reply,  dated,  Buffalo, 
March  4,  1853 : 

"  In  the  fall  of  1841,  I  took  steamboat  at  Cleveland  for  Detroit.  The 
Prince  de  Joinville  and  company  were  on  board,  having  come  up  from 
Buffalo.  There  were  also  several  gentlemen  of  French  descent  from  De 
troit,  aboard.  In  the  evening,  while  sitting  in  the  cabin,  the  Prince  con 
versed  freely — part  of  the  time  in  French,  and  part  in  English.  While  con 
versing  with  the  late  Col.  Beaubien,  he  made  the  inquiries  concerning  Mr 


DE  JOINVILLE    AND    DE  BEAUCHESNE.  411 

Williams,  and  spoke  of  his  intention  of  visiting  him  at  Green  Bay.  Col. 
B.,  who  had,  I  believe,  been  an  Indian  trader,  knew  Mr.  W.  well,  personally 
or  by  reputation,  and  replied  to  the  Prince  as  to  his  whereabout  and  his 
occupation.  The  Prince  inquired  as  to  his  personal  bearing^  and  asked 
various  general  questions  concerning  him,  and  had  the  appearance  of  con 
siderable  earnestness  in  his  inquiries.  The  conversation  continued  some 
minutes,  and  concluded  by  the  Prince  remarking,  '  I  shall  see  him  before  I 
return.'  This  matter  has  slept  in  my  memory,  and  having  been  called  up 
by  the  late  discussions,  is  not  very  distinct  as  to  particulars ;  the  general 
features,  however,  are  as  fresh  in  my  mind  as  an  occurrence  of  yesterday. 
I  have  a  relative  who  was  some  years  a  teacher  in  the  Indian  Mission 
School  at  Green  Bay.  I  have  heard  her  relate  the  circumstance  of  the 
visit  of  the  Prince  de  Joinville  to  Mr.  Williams  as  something  involving 
much  of  mystery,  and  that  it,  for  a  while,  produced  a  marked  and  observ 
able  change  in  Mr.  W.'s  conduct.  He  appeared  abstracted  at  times,  and 
excited  as  by  some  great  emotion.  She  remarked  that  the  Prince  treated 
him  with  more  than  ordinary  deference  and  consideration,  for  which  she 
could  not  account  at  the  time." 

In  a  subsequent  editorial,  Mr.  Brayman  added : 

"  In  regard  to  the  matters  that  came  under  our  own  cognizance,  in  the 
fall  of  1841,  we  derived  no  further  impression  from  the  conversation  of  the 
Prince  de  Joinville,  which  was  public,  than  that  the  person  for  whom  he 
inquired  had  been  recommended  to  him  as  one  who,  from  his  familiarity 
with  the  west,  was  qualified  to  aid  him  in  researches  which  he  was  prose 
cuting.  Since  the  question  of  the  Dauphinage  has  been  raised,  it  is  easy 
to  connect  the  inquiries  with  it,  although  such  a  connection  may  never 
have  entered  the  mind  of  the  Prince." 

Now  let  us  lay  out  the  facts  before  us  for  examination. 

1.  At  the  time  of  writing,  the  Prince  had  the  narrative  and 
journal  of  the  Rev.  Eleazar  Williams  before  him.  The  letter  of 
his  secretary  is  a  thoughtful  and  well  considered  reply  to  the  state 
ments  contained  therein — in  proof  of  which  the  Prince  has 
himself  repeated  almost  verbally  what  M.  Trognon  has  said.  He 


412  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

takes,  then,  his  ground  deliberately,  and  no  one  else  has  the  right 
or  power  to  change  it  for  him,  or  to  suggest  modes  of  defence  or 
explanation  which  he  has  not  himself  seen  fit  to  adopt. 

What  then,  let  me  ask,  is  the  ground  occupied  by  the  Prince  ? 
Let  him  answer  for  himself.  "  Eeflecting  that  a  little  truth  is  there 
mixed  with  much  falsehood,  the  Prince  has  deemed  right  that  I 
should,  in  his  name,  give  a  few  lines  in  reply  to  show  'the  exact 
portion  of  truth  there  is  in  this  mass  of  fables  " — and,  lest  there 
should  be  any  mistake,  M.  Trognon  adds,  in  conclusion,  after 
having  given  the  Prince's  explanation  in  full,  "There  ends  all 
which  the  article  contains  of  truth." 

Now,  be  it  remembered,  Mr.  Williams  had  stated  that  the  Prince 
had  made  inquiries  for  him  almost  from  the  time  of  arriving  in 
this  country,  and  had  continued  them  up  to  the  period  of  their 
meeting  at  Mackinac.  And  since,  whatever  does  not  fall  within  the 
scope  of  the  Prince's  admissions,  is  purposely  excluded  as  false,  it 
follows  that  this  particular  statement  of  Mr.  Williams,  must  be 
ranked  among  them,  and  that  the  secretary's  declaration  is 
emphatic  when  he  says,  "  It  is  very  true,  that  in  a  voyage  which 
he  made  towards  the  end  of  the  year  1841,  the  Prince  finding  him 
self  at  Mackinac,  met  on  board  the  steamboat  a  passenger  whose 
face  he  thinks  he  recognises,  but  whose  name  has  entirely  escaped 
his  memory."  The  design  was  evidently,  to  represent  this  meeting 
as  the  beginning  of  his  acquaintance  not  only  with  the  person  but 
the  existence  of  the  man,  and  to  discard  as  fabulous  all  pretences  of 
having  known  his  name,  expressed  an  interest  in  him,  sought  him, 
followed  him.  The  language  of  the  letter  bears  the  expression  of 
accident  upon  its  face ;  but,  in  the  connexion  in  which  it  stands, 
accident  is  its  essence.  There  is  not  the  remotest  hint  given  of 
anything  lying  back  of  the  casual  rencontre  at  Mackinac,  and  the 
secretary  states  the  "  exact"  truth. 

If,  now,  from  the  nature  of  the  meeting,  thus  precisely  stated  by 
M.  Trognon,  we  pass  on  to  that  of  the  conversation  which  arose 
between  them,  we  find  the  same  feature  of  accident.  As  fellow 


DE  JOINVILLE    AND    DE  BEAUCHE8NE.  413 

passengers  on  a  steamboat,  they  began  conversing,  Mr.  Williams 
related  a  crowd  of  anecdotes — told  the  Prince  all  about  his  family 
— the  Prince  got  interested — asked  him  to  put  down  in  writing 
some  details  concerning  the  death  of  Montcalm ;  and  promised  in 
return  to  send  him  some  historical  documents;  parted  from  him, 
and  pursued  his  journey.  Now,  this  is  all  which  human  ingenuity 
call  make  out  jf  M.  Trognon's  letter.  Beyond  this  must  be  "  une 
ocuvro  d'imagination."  Whoever  attempts  to  make  more  of  it, 
must  supply  it  from  another  source,  in  direct  contradiction  to  the 
repeated  assurance  that  here  is  the  "  exact  "  truth  and  "  all "  the 
truth.  You  cannot  by  any  process  known  to  criticism,  by  any  law 
or  mode  of  interpretation,  wring  from  the  guarded  and  measured 
sentences  anything  which  indicates  or  permits  previous  knowledge 
or  set  purpose.  This  construction  of  the  letter  is  further  required 
by  the  manner  in  which  M.  Trognon  speaks  of  their  detention  at 
Green  Bay,  at  which  place  they  did  not  pause  to  visit  unexistent 
historical  sites,  or  inquire  for  information,  but  to  get  horses.  I 
affirm,  then,  that  the  Prince  does  represent  this  meeting  as  acci 
dental  and  unsought. 

2.  Now,  then,  compare  with  this,  certain  indubitable  facts.  Mr. 
Raymond,  whose  testimony  was  given  unsolicited,  accompanied  the 
party  of  the  Prince  de  Joinville,  all  the  way  from  New  York  to 
Green  Bay,  conversed  with  the  Prince,  and  heard  Jiini  "  express  a 
most  particular  anxiety  to  find  out  this  Mr.  Williams,  and  have  an 
interview  with  him.'1'1  I  have  seen  another  letter  of  Mr.  Raymond's, 
in  which  he  stated  that  these  inquiries  began  almost  from  the  time 
of  leaving  New  York. 

Captain  Shook,  also,  heard  the  Prince  make  repeated  inquiries  for 
Mr.  Williams,  was  employed  by  him  to  obtain  a  formal  interview, 
introduced  the  gentlemen  to  each  other,  has  "  a  most  vivid  and 
distinct  recollection  of  the  apparent  surprise  manifested  by  the 
Prince,  on  the  occasion,  and  could  not  but  wonder  why  he  should 
pay  to  the  humble  missionary  such  pointed  and  polite  attention" — 
attention  not  resolvable  into  common  French  politeness,  because 


414  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

paid  to  no  one  else  with  whom  the  Prince  conversed,  but  some 
thing  marked  and  peculiar  in  its  deference. 

We  now  come  to  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Brayman,  from  a  portion 
of  which  a  meaning  has  been  attempted  to  be  wrested,  which  it 
cannot  bear.  A  distinction  must  always  be  made  between  the 
facts  stated  by  a  witness,  and  his  impressions  concerning  those 
facts.  Once  confound  these,  and  you  may  shut  up  your  courts  of 
justice. 

The  facts  stated  by  Mr.  Brayman  are  these;  that  the  Prince 
made  inquiries  concerning — 1.  The  whereabouts.  2.  The  occupa 
tion.  3.  The  personal  bearing  of  Mr.  Williams,  and  that,  besides, 
he  asked  various  general  questions  concerning  him,  and  had  the 
appearance  of  considerable  earnestness ;  that  he  remarked,  "  I  shall 
see  him  before  I  return  *"  that  Colonel  Beaubien  stated  (doubtless, 
in  reply  to  some  questions  of  the  Prince,  as  to  his  race),  that  it  was 
understood  Mr.  Williams  was  of  Indian  blood,  that  the  Prince  did 
not  commit  himself  upon  any  point,  in  respect  to  the  specific  purpose 
for  which  he  sought  Mr.  Williams,  and,  consequently,  did  not  say 
he  wished  to  obtain  aid  from  him  in  his  historic  investigations. 

The  impressions  of  Mr.  Brayman,  at  the  time,  were  natural 
enough,  he  heard  the  Prince  speaking  of  the  general  objects  of  his 
mission,  and  inferred  from  thence  that  his  inquiries  respecting  Mr. 
Williams,  had  some  relation  to  his  ostensible  purpose,  in  going 
west,  but  it  was  only  an  inference,  and  one,  too,  which,  however, 
superficially  plausible,  at  the  moment,  would  not,  even  then,  have 
borne  the  test  of  comparison  with  the  facts,  for,  if  the  Prince's 
design  had  been  only  what  Mr.  B.  imagined,  why  be  so  earnest  and 
particular  about  personal  bearing,  race,  occupation^  In  all  these 
repeated  questionings  of  various  persons,  and  in  many  places — ques 
tionings  which  would  not  be  satisfied  with  an  answer — there  is 
clearly  traceable  the  straining  forward  of  the  mind,  towards  an 
object  which  it  was  impatient  to  reach,  and  concerning  which  there 
was  excited  an  insatiable  curiosity. 

Now,  let  any  candid  mind  bring  in  juxta  position,  M.  Trognon's 


DE  JOINVTLLE    AND    DE  BEAUCHESNE.  415 

letter,  on  the  one  hand,  with  its  accidental  meeting,  and  the  state 
ments  of  eye  witnesses,  as  to  what  preceded,  and  what  happened  at 
that  meeting,  and  there  can  be  but  one  sound  opinion,  that  the 
Prince  is  guilty  of  deliberate  falsification. 

But,  look  further  at  the  internal  evidence  the  letter  bears  against 
itself.  The  "  name"  of  Mr.  Williams  "  had  entirely  escaped  his 
memory,"  saysM.  Trognon,  and,  in  a  subsequent  place,  not  without 
affectation,  he  adds,  "  the  Prince  asked  Mr.  Williams,  since  such 
was  the  name  of  his  interlocutor." 

The  memories  of  princes  may  be  more  treacherous  than  those  of 
ordinary  men  ;  but  that  of  the  Prince  de  Joinville  has  something  in 
it  peculiar,  an  eclectic  obliviousness  truly  extraordinary.  He  remem 
bered  a  great  deal  about  Mr.  "Williams,  his  appearance,  his  anecdotes, 
and  many  little  circumstances  connected  with  the  interview,  but 
entirely  forgot  his  name,  Now,  let  us  see  whether  this  was  at  all 
probable,  or  I  may  say  possible.  It  is  entirely  in  keeping  with 
the  theory  of  an  accidental  meeting,  but  how  does  it  tally  with  the 
contrary,  and  with  other  facts  ? 

There  was  an  understanding  between  the  gentlemen,  at  parting, 
that  they  should  mutually  interchange  civilities,  and  Mr.  Williams,  a 
few  days  after,  sent  the  Prince  some  historical  memoranda,  consist 
ing,  for  the  most  part,  of  extracts  from  Hennepin  and  Charlevoix, 
which  the  Prince  could  have  obtained  without  going  to  Green  Bay 
for  them,  and  in  a  brief  accompanying  note,  he  said  he  should  be 
happy  to  transmit  any  similar  information,  adding,  as  a  reason,  "  I 
am  desirous  to  sustain  the  honor  of  the  French  name,  in  these  ends 
of  the  earth."  Now,  what  possible  motive  an  American  Indian 
should  have  to  sustain  the  honor  of  the  French  name,  I  cannot 
understand.  Explain  this  passage,  by  the  facts  related  in  the  jour 
nal  of  Mr.  Williams,  and  the  whole  is  consistent.  He  received,  in 
reply,  the  following  letter  from  M.  Touchard. 

"  Aide  de  Camp  de  Service,  i 

"  Aupres  de  Msr.  le  Prince  de  Joinville.  f 

"  Frigate  la  Belle  Poule  a  New  fork, 

"21  9bre  (Novembre),  1841. 
"  MONSIEUR. — Je  me  suis  empresse  de  mettre  sous  lea  yeux  de  Monseigneur 


416  THE    LOST    PRTNCR. 

le  Prince  de  Joinville,  votre  lettre  datee  du  25  8bre,  avcc  les  notes  qui 
1'accompagnaicnt  sur  les  premiers  etablissements  Franc,  ais  au  bord  des 
grand  lacs. 

"Son  Altesse  Royale  me  charge  de  vous  remercier  en  son  nom  de  votre 
obligeant  et  de  votre  aimable  empressement.  II  lira  ces  notes  avec  tout 
1'interet  qui  s'attache  a  vos  recherches  historiques,  faites  sur  le  theatre 
meme  ou  nos  Fran£ais  ont  laisse  tant  et  d'honorable  souvenirs. 

"  Je  suis  heureux,  Monsieur,  d'avoir  a  vous  transmettre  les  remercimens  de 
son  Altesse  Royale.  Si  jamais  vous  venez  visiter  notre  France  veuillez 
vous  souvenir  que  S.  A.  E.  vous  reverrait  avec  plaisir. 

"Recevez,  Monsieur,  toutes  les  assurances  de  mon  consideration  la  pins 
distinguee, 

"  Lieut,  de  Vaisseau  V.  TOUCHARD." 

The  hint  here  given,  concerning  the  possibility  of  Mr.  Williams 
visiting  France,  deserves  notice.  Some  may  explain  it  on  the 
ground  of  compliment,  bnt  if  so,  it  was  empty  to  the  verge  of  insult, 
as  there  was  little  probability  that  the  poor  Indian  missionary 
would  ever  think  of  going  as  a  guest  to  the  .French  court,  and 
nothing,  certainly,  had  happened,  according  to  the  statement  of  the 
Prince,  at  the  brief  accidental  interview,  likely  to  turn  his  thoughts 
to  Versailles  and  the  Tuileries.  But,  taking  Mr.  Williams's  version 
of  the  affair,  and  the  invitation  of  the  Prince,  though  couched  in 
the  phrase  of  ordinary  civility  has  a  meaning.  The  Prince,  if  he 
made  such  disclosures  as  Mr.  Williams  asserts,  could  scarcely 
think  the  latter  would  allow  the  matter  to  rest  where  it  did,  and 
he  would  seem  here  to  intimate  that  the  door  of  negotiation  was  still 
open. 

After  his  return  to  France,  the  Prince,  in  accordance  with  his 
promise,  sent  Mr.  Williams  various  books  and  documents. 

In  the  spring  of  1843,  Mr.  "Williams  was  requested  by  an  Iroquois 
chief,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Green  Bay,  to  forward  to  Louis 
Philippe,  through  the  Prince  de  Joinville,  a  petition,  which,  as  an 
act  of  neighborly  kindness,  he  did,  although  the  chief  belonged  to 
the  Roman  communion.  In  writing  to  the  Prince,  on  the  occasion, 
he  alluded  courteously  to  their  interview.  In  this  letter,  it  la 


DK  JOINVILLE    AND    DE  BEAUCHE8NE.  417 

remarkable  that  lie  speaks  of  himself  to  De  Joinville,  as  a  French- 
man,  which  would  have  heen  perfectly  absurd  in  one  who  had 
confessed  to  the  Prince  he  was  an  Indian,  and  had  learned  nothing 
to  change  his  opinion.  u  To  travel  over  the  western  lakes  and 
country,  as  you  did,  which  were  formerly  traversed  l>y  the  enter- 
prizing  spirits  of  our  forefathers,  whose  names  are  celebrated  in 
America  to  this  day,  must  have  been  highly  gratifiying."  Explain 
tliis  allusion,  also,  by  the  journal  of  Mr.  Williams,  and  all  is  con 
sistent.  M.  Trognon,  by  the  command  of  the  Prince,  replied  to 
Mr.  Williams  in  the  following  terras  : — 

"  TuMeries,  Oct.  14, 1843. 
"  Secretariat  des  Commandements 
"de  S.  A.  II.  Mgr.  le  Prince  de  Joinville. 

;i  SIR  : — His  Royal  Highness  the  Prince  de  Joinville,  who  was  abroad 
when  you  wrote  to  him,  on  the  31st  March,  has  just  now  ordered  me  to 
ansu-cr  you,  that  he  has  received  with  the  greatest  pleasure  your  letter,  so 
full  of  a  friendly  remembrance.  Receive  then  the  hearty  thanks  of  his 
Royal  Highness,  though  expressed  by  me,  so  little  acquainted  as  1  am 
with  the  English  language.  According  to  your  desire,  the  Prince  has  pre 
sented  the  petition  enclosed  in  your  letter  to  his  father,  the  King  of  the 
French,  and  earnestly  recommended  it  to  the  benevolence  of  his  majesty. 
The  good  chief  of  the  Iroquois  and  his  people  will  be  certainly  satisfied  to 
hear  that  our  king,  desirous  to  gratify  their  wishes,  sends  them  a  set  of 
French  books,  the  best  appropriated  to  spread  among  them  the  religious 
principles  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church.  These  books,  sir,  I  am  ordered 
to  send  you,  that  they  may  be  transmitted  by  your  care  to  John  Randa- 
rontye. 

:;  I  hope,  when  they  are  arrived  at  Green  Bay,  you  will  honor  me,   sir, 
with  your  answer,  and  meanwhile,  I  pray  you  to  believe  me, 
"  Your  very  humble  and  obt.  sert., 
"  AUG,  TROGNON,  Secretary  for 

"  The  commands  of  His  Royal  Highness, 
"  The  Prince  de  Joinville." 

From  this  letter,  it  appears,  that  Pe  Joinville  had  the  oppor- 


418  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

tunity  to  refresh  his  memory,  fully  in  regard  to  the  name  of  Mr. 
Williams,  spoke  to  his  father  respecting  him,  presented  the  petition, 
and  had  the  whole  circumstances  of  their  interview  recalled,  in  a 
manner  which  could  not  fail  to  imprint  them  with  the  name  of  Mr. 
"Williams  on  any  memory  of  ordinary  tenacity.  The  books  were 
sent,  and  accompanying  them  was  a  letter  from  Louis  Philippe  to 
Mr.  Williams.  This  letter  has  unfortunately  heen  destroyed,  and 
its  contents  can  only  be  collected  from  the  statement  of  Mr. 
Williams,  who  says  that,  the  king  thanked  him  for  the  civilities  he 
had  shown  to  his  son  during  his  visit  to  the  United  States.  The 
fact  of  the  former  existence  of  the  letter  is  proved  from  the 
accompanying  note  from  M.  de  La  Forest,  the  French  consul  in 
New  York. 

"  The  Consul  General  of  France,  owing  to  the  interruption  of  the  com 
munication  between  New  York  and  Wisconsin  Territory,  was  unable  before 
to  present  to  Mr.  Eleazar  Williams  the  enclosed  letter,  and  the  box  of 
books  sent  by  the  King  of  the  French.  Mr.  Williams  will  oblige  M.  de 
la  Forest,  by  acknowledging  reception  of  the  whole,  and  accept  his  respect 
ful  compts. 

"  New  York,  Ibth  April,  1844." 

Now,  one  would  think  that  after  having  Mr.  Williams's  name  on 
his  lips  all  the  way  from  New  York  to  Green  Bay,  and  making  such 
repeated  and  particular  inquiries  about  him ;  after  all  that  is  known 
to  have  transpired  between  them,  and  after  the  means  for  refresh 
ing  his  memory  which  correspondence  for  years  after  afforded,  the 
Prince  would,  at  least,  have  remembered  his  name — but  no  it  had 
"  entierement  fui  de  sa  memoire,"  a  thing,  I  repeat,  consistent 
with  a  perfectly  accidental  meeting,  but  not  harmonizing  at  all 
with  facts  which  are  incontrovertible.  M.  Trognon  remembered 
him  very  well,  and  he  certainly  had  not  so  much  cause  to  do  so  as 
the  Prince. 

Taking  all  these  facts  together,  the  pretence  of  forgetfulness 
seems  to  be  as  untrue  as  the  pretence  of  accident.  The  Prince 
could  not  have  forgotten  the  name  of  Eleazar  Williams.  He 


DE    JOINVILLE    AND    DE    BEAUCHESNE.  419 

started  and  trembled  when  he  saw  him.  He  recognized,  in  every 
lineament  of  his  features,  in  every  gesture  of  his  hand,  in  every 
proportion  of  his  form,  the  tokens  of  hia  race.  Those  who  saw 
them  meet,  can  swear  to  his  agitation.  But  this,  also,  according 
to  his  statement,  must  be  excluded  from  the  exact  truth.  How 
would  he  wish  the  world  to  account  for  a  fact  which,  though  he 
may  deny  it,  is  proved.  Again,  a  well-known  gentleman,  of  the 
highest  respectability  in  this  country,  Mr.  George  Sumner,  brother 
to  Mr.  Charles  Sumner,  United  States  Senator  from  Massachusetts, 
met,  in  the  year  1840,  at  Brest,  one  of  the  officers  who  accompa 
nied  the  Prince  to  Green  Bay,  and,  in  the  cabin  of  his  vessel, 
looking  cautiously  round  before  he  spoke,  he  said  to  Mr.  Sumner, 
that  there  icas  something  very  singular  in  the  American  trip  of  the 
Prince,  who  went  out  of  his  way  to  meet  an  old  man  among  the 
Indians,  who  had  very  much  of  a  Bourhon  aspect,  and  who  was 
spoken  of  as  the  son  of  Louis  XVI.  Are  we  to  exclude  this  also 
from  the  exact  truth  ?  Mr.  Williams,  at  the  time  of  the  meeting 
with  the  Prince,  at  Mackinac,  considered  himself  the  son  of  an 
Indian  woman.  He  could  not,  therefore,  have  spoken  of  himself 
as  the  son  of  Louis  XVI.  There  was  no  such  report  concerning 
him  current,  to  the  knowledge  of  his  most  intimate  friends,  and  tho 
story  must  therefore  have  originated  in  the  party  of  the  Prince. 
This  fact  not  only  shows  which  way  the  thoughts  of  the  Prince 
were  tending,  but  establishes  clearly  that  the  meeting  was  not 
accidental,  and  that  he  went  out  of  his  way  to  see  Mr.  "Williams, 
and  thus  confirms  the  statement  of  the  latter,  while  it  throws  addi 
tional  discredit  on  the  account  given  by  M.  Trognon. 

The  whole  subject,  then,  narrows  itself  to  a  single,  simple,  but 
stern  issue — that  of  veracity  between  the  only  two  witnesses  who 
can  testify  concerning  a  contested  fact.  Dismiss  from  the  mind  the 
comparative  rank  of  these  two  individuals  :  look  at  them  merely  as 
men.  An  interview  has  taken  place  between  them.  One  assorts 
that  it  was  purely  accidental  and  unsought,  and  gave  rise  to  no 


420  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

secret  communication  of  a  startling  tact,  and  his  account  of  the 
interview  is  made  to  correspond  with  the  hypothesis  of  a  purely 
accidental  meeting.  The  other  person  affirms  that  the  interview 
was  not  accidental,  but  was  sought  by  the  first  individual,  who 
communicated  to  him  a  startling  fact,  up  to  that  moment  unknown 
to  him.  Which  shall  we  believe  ?  The  rule  of  law  is,  falsum  in 
uno,  falsum  in  omnibus.  The  first  asserts  an  accidental  meeting, 
and  an  unimportant  conversation,  its  necessary  consequence.  The 
accidental  meeting  is  positively  disproved.  The  foundation  goes  and 
the  superstructure  goes  with  it.  A  sought  interview  requires  a  spe 
cific  object.  The  second  person,  who  has  a  fair  character,  and  in 
whose  story  no  misrepresentation  can  be  proved,  relates  a.  fact  com 
municated  at  the  interview,  adequate  to  explain  the  proved  solici 
tude  of  the  first  person  in  seelcing  him,  but  which  communication 
that  person  has  the  highest  earthly  interest  in  denying.  If  you 
believe  the  first,  you  must  do  so  in  the  face  of  a  falsehood  and  an 
unexplained  fact.  If  you  believe  the  second,  the  fact  is  explained, 
and  no  falsehood  on  his  part  can  be  shown.  I  leave  the  world  to 
decide  on  which  side  probability  inclines. 

In  defending,  before  the  American  people,  the  assailed  reputation 
of  an  American  citizen,  I  need  scarcely  ask  whether,  in  this  question 
of  veracity,  they  will  believe  a  person,  who,  out  of  his  own  mouth, 
stands  convicted  of  the  most  glaring  inconsistencies  and  misstate- 
ments,  or  one  for  whose  truth  there  are  so  many  vouchers,  and  who, 
as  a  minister  of  the  Gospel,  has  labored,  all  his  life,  to  do  good  to  the 
most  down-trodden  and  unbefriended  denizens  of  this  continent ; 
and,  I  can  scarcely  doubt,  that,  should  the  subject  of  this  volume 
attract  attention  to  it  in  the  country  under  whose  flag  I  was  born, 
the  generous  spirit  of  Englishmen  will  not  allow  mere  nominal  rank 
to  outweigh  the  asseverations  of  manly  worth. 

Not  content  with  charging  Mr.  Williams  with  falsehood,  in  the 
same  breath  that  he  furnished  data  to  convict  himself  of  the  crime, 
the  Prince,  evidently  afraid  the  world  would  not  believe  him, 
must  bolster  up  his  assertions  with  the  corpulent  volumes  of  M.  de 


DE  JOINVILLE    AND    DE  BEAUCHESNE.  421 

Beanchesne.  This  very  undignified  proceeding,  so  entirely  alien  to 
the  habits  of  men  in  his  position,  who  generally  affect  to  think  their 
own  \vord  sufficient  to  ensure  public  credence,  goes  far  in  itself  to 
discredit  his  assertions.  Just  imagine  Prince  Albert  accused  by 
some  person  in  the  wilds  of  Africa,  of  having  made  certain  state 
ments  affecting  his  personal  honor,  writing  a  long,  disingenuous, 
explanatory  letter,  and  concluding  by  saying,  "  If  the  world  won't 
believe  me,  I  refer  them  to  Mr.  Macaulay's  History."  I  beg  the 
pardon  of  his  royal  highness  for  the  supposition,  but  it  illustrates 
the  position  of  Ferdinand  D'Orleans.  Beauchesne,  Beauchesne — 
here  is  the  infallible  specific,  let  everybody  read  Beauchesne.  He 
will  anathematize  his  own  soul  to  convince  them,  and  show  them 
his  album.  It  is  of  no  avail — those  lying  volumes  will  never  go 
down  to  posterity  as  history.  But,  those  curious  in  the  weakness 
and  wickedness  of  deception,  may  deposit  them  on  the  same  shelf 
with  the  memoirs  of  Naundorff,  the  Latin  epitaph  to  the  memory 
and  ashes  of  Louis  XVII.,  the  letter  of  M.  Trognon,  and  the  forged 
affidavit  of  the  Rev.  M.  Marcoux,  of  St.  Regis,  of  which  I  shall 
shortly  speak.  If  all  were  bound  together,  they  would  form  what 
M.  II.  de  Oourcey  calls  u  un  Roman  d'imagination."* 

*  The  following  items  of  unconnected  information  I  here  insert  in  a  note,  as  they 
may  at  some  time  be  of  service. 

I  am  informed  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Van  Rensselaer,  of  Mount  Morris,  that  he  was 
acquainted  with  Mrs.  Catherine  Mancius,  the  daughter  of  Jacob  Vanderheyden,  the 
Indian  trader,  who,  the  reader  of  my  previous  article  will  remember,  was  present  at 
the  time  that  Mr.  Williams  was  left  among  the  Indians  at  the  head  of  Lake  George, 
and  who,  afterwards,  in  conversation  with  Thos.  Williams,  seemed  anxious  to  pry 
into  the  subject.  Mrs.  Mancius  mentioned  to  Mr.  Van  Rensselaer,  that  when  Talley 
rand  was  in  this  country,  he  made  her  father  a  visit.  It  is  certainly  singular  to  find 
Talleyrand  in  contact  with  old  Jacob  Vanderheyden.  Again,  Mr.  Treadway,  of 
Malone,  informs  me  that  on  mentioning  this  subject  to  Mr.  Brockway,  a  gentleman 
whose  statements  are  to  be  relied  on,  he  told  him  that  in  1852  he  was  at  the  Sault 
Ste.  Marie,  when  two  Frenchmen,  fresh  from  France,  arrived  there,  and  made  earnest 
and  particular  inquiry  for  Mr.  Williams,  supposing  that  he  was  there,  or  in  the 
neighborhood.  Both*  were  unable  to  speak  English,  and  one  waa  a  Romish  Priest 
On  being  informed  where  he  lived,  they  immediately  employed  some  Indians  to  paddla 
them  in  a  canoe,  through  the  lake  to  Mackinae,  with  a  view  to  take  a  steamer  for 


422  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

On  one  point  I  must  touch  before  dismissing  consideration  of  the 
Prince  de  Joinville  and  his  mission — viz.  the  motives  of  Louis 
Philippe  in  revealing  to  Mr.  Williams  the  secret  of  his  birth.  The 
clue  to  these  will  be  found  in  his  political  position.  The  regime  of 
the  citizen  king  had  on  it  the  stain,  not  only  of  illegitimacy,  in  the 
eyes  of  the  royalists,  but  of  treachery,  ingratitude,  and  hypocrisy ; 
"  Oes  D'Orleans  sont  de  si  honnetes  gens,"  was  a  compliment  of 
contraries  after  the  days  of  July.  The  world  regarded  Louis 
Philippe  simply  as  a  clever  rogue,  who  could  make  good  pen  and 
ink  sketches,  and  the  problem  concerning  wThom  was  whether  he 
would  die  in  his  bed.  Between  Bonapartists,  legitimists  and  ultra 
liberals,  his  chances  of  extreme  unction  were  slender.  Whatever 
would  enable  him  to  gain  the  confidence  and  affection  of  the  world, 
to  conciliate  or  crush  opposing  parties,  while  he  united  in  himself 
the  souvenirs  of  the  past,  would  be  esteemed  by  him  a  master-stroke 
of  policy.  Could  he  persuade  France  that  he  loved  the  memory  of 
Louis  XVI.,  and  revered  the  Emperor,  while  himself  the  incarna 
tion  of  liberalism,  and  thus  twine  his  republican  crown  with  wreaths 
from  St.  Helena  and  the  Madeleine,  that  so  the  eagle,  and  the  tri 
color,  and  the  drapeau  blanc,  might,  in  combination,  ornament  and 
defend  his  throne,  he  might  yet  have  a  sepulchre  in  St.  Denis,  and 
a  list  of  successors  like  Hugh  Capet. 

From  those  who  have  been  well  termed  ''courtiers  of  all  times, 
all  dynasties,  and  all  powers,1'  he  had  doubtless  learned  those  secrets 
which  pursue  a  throne,  and  among  them  the  existence  of  Louis 
XVII.,  a  fact  more  clearly  evinced  by  the  Naundorif  discussion. 
With  a  genius  which  would  have  shone  in  the  neighborhood  of  the 
Astor,  he  seems  to  have  designed  converting  France  into  a  museum 
for  monarchical  and  imperial  relics,  dead  and  living,  and  astonishing 
the  world  with  the  sight  of  the  lusty  embonpoint  of  the  captive  of 

Green  Bay.  Here  my  information  ends.  But  Mr.  Williams  has  frequently  told  me 
that  strangers  from  abroad  have  inquired  for  him,  but  seemed  quite  unsuspicious  that 
their  visits  were  of  any  meaning  or  moment,  and  has  no  particular  recollection  of  tha 
incident  referred  to. 


I)E    JOINVIT.LE    AND    TIE    BEAIJCHESNE.  423 

the  Temple,  side  by  side  with  that  of  the  sarcophagus  of  the 
mighty  Napoleon.  At  the  command  of  his  father,  De  Joinville 
Drought  to  Paris  the  coffined  earthquake  of  St.  Helena,  and 
Louis  Philippe  reverently  deposited  it  under  his  throne,  while 
ho  despatched  his  son  across  the  Atlantic,  to  bring  over,  with  his 
Abdication  signed,  the  living  monarch,  whose  quiescent  simplicity 
might  neutralize  the  explosive  properties  of  the  imperial  corpse. 
With  Williams  in  his  hands,  how  boldly  could  he  have  confronted 
the  Legitimists,  and  said,  "  You  accuse  me  of  plotting  against 
Jharlcs  X.,  and  usurping  the  throne  of  Henry  Y.  Look  at  your 
own  work  and  your  own  position.  The  wrongs  of  this  man  at  once 
take  from  you  all  pretence  of  right,  and  consign  you  to  historic 
damnation,  as  the  blackest  and  foulest  intriguers  who  ever  swindled 
vhemselves  into  empire.  I  act  a  great,  a  noble,  a.  generous  part.  I 
vestore  to  France  the  consecrated  dust  of  her  heroic  chief,  and  bring 
oack  from  exile,  to  wealth,  honor,  and  happiness,  all  that  remains 
to  the  nation  of  her  ancient  kings.  Between  my  royal  cousin  and 
myself  there  is  no  rivalry.  My  throne  is  based  on  the  election  of 
the  people,  but  if  he  be  deemed  by  any  to  have  right,  he  surrenders 
to  me.  His  religion,  his  profession,  his  language,  his  habits,  his 
Draining,  unfit  him  for  political  life  in  France.  All  parties  are  thus 
sxtinguished.  I  have  shown  I  trust  the  nation  ;  let  the  nation  trust 
me.  In  me  Bonapartist,  Royalist,  Liberal,  find  no  opponent,  but  a 
friend  and  father." 

Such,  in  brief,  is  my  explanation  of  the  conduct  of  Louis  Philippe, 
and  I  deem  it  sufficient.  You  cannot  say,  there  was  any  improba 
bility  he  would  reveal  to  Mr.  Williams  the  secret  of  his  birth,  after 
bringing  to  France  the  ashes  of  Napoleon.  The  one  is  but  the 
counterpoise  of  the  other,  requisite  to  prevent  the  other  from  being 
mischievous,  while  both  together  were  calculated  to  extinguish 
parties,  and  make  all  souvenirs,  all  interests,  all  anticipatk  ns, 
centre  in  Louis  Philippe. 


424  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

THE    BATTLE    OF   THE    AFFIDAVITS. 

MY  principal  reason  for  urging  Mr.  Williams  to  consent  to  the 
publication  of  his  story,  in  the  imperfect  form  it  was  first 
presented,  was  to  elicit  evidence  which,  I  doubted  not,  must  exist 
in  various  quarters.  I  was  not  mistaken.  While  General  Cass  was 
the  only  person  who  had  attempted  anything  like  argument 
against  Mr.  Williams,  with  a  result  certainly  not  unfavorable  to 
the  latter,  confirmation  of  his  statements  grew  up  in  all  directions. 
Appendix  M. 

About  the  end  of  March,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Hawks  received  infor 
mation  from  a  friend  in  New  Orleans,  that  a  lady  residing  there 
was  in  possession  of  important  facts  relative  to  the  preservation  of 
the  Dauphin,  and  I  immediately  determined  to  go  there.  The  day 
before  I  left  New  York,  I  was  introduced  by  a  friend  to  M.  H. 
De  Courcey  who  had  written  several  letters  in  the  "  Phare  de  New 
York,"  and  more  recently  in  the  "  Courrier  des  Etats  Unis,"  in 
opposition  to  me.  I  consented  to  this  introduction,  because,  I 
supposed  Mr.  De  Courcey  misapprehended  my  motives,  and  I 
wished  to  assure  him,  the  investigation  was  conducted  with  tho 
simple  desire  of  obtaining  historic  truth.  He  replied,  he  had  the 
same  feelings ;  that  the  death  of  the  Dauphin  was  a  fact  no  well- 
informed  Frenchman  denied;  admitted,  however,  there  were  some 
singular  points  in  the  evidence ;  said,  the  next  day  he  was  going  to 
France ;  and,  as  he  was  well  acquainted  with  M.  de  Beauchesne, 
would  confer  with  him  on  the  subject;  and,  in  conclusion,  assured 
me,  as  a  Legitimist,  Louis  XVII.,  if  alive,  would  have  all  his  sym 
pathies,  notwithstanding  any  differences  of  religious  faith,  and 
expressed  his  firm  conviction,  the  truth  could  not  be  hidden.  Mr. 
A.  Fleming,  who  introduced  me  to  him,  was  present  at  our  inter- 


THE    flATTLE    OF    THE    AFFIDAVITS.  "     425 

view.  The  next  (lay  we  set  out  for  our  respective  destinations. 
M.  de  Courcey  by  the  French,  and  I  by  the  Charleston  steamer.  I 
left  New  York,  April  0,  arrived  at  Charleston  in  two  days,  and 
following  the  mail  route  across  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  and  Ala 
bama,  reached  New  Orleans  on  the  18th  of  that  month.*" 

By  the  kindness  of  friends,  I  soon  obtained  an  interview  with 
the  lady  in  question,  and,  after  several  conversations,  in  the  pre 
sence  of  witnesses  of  the  highest  respectability,  ascertained  the 
exact  amount  of  information  she  had,  or  was  willing  to  communi 
cate.  I  found  her  in  a  little  wooden  house  in  the  Faubourg.  It  is 
a  part  of  the  town  where  everything  remains  as  it  was  in  old 
French  times,  and  it  seemed  strange  to  make  inquiries  in  such  a  spot 
respecting  events  which  happened  in  Europe  more  than  half  a 
century  ago.  Mrs.  Brown  had  resided  in  New  Orleans  since  1820. 
She  bore  the  marks  of  extreme  age,  though  only  seventy-five  years, 
and  gave  me  the  impression  of  one  who  had  seen  great  vicissitudes. 
Her  health  was  very  infirm,  as  she  was  afflicted  with  a  cancer  in 
the  breast,  which  threatened  soon  to  put  an  end  to  her  life ;  but 
her  mind  was  clear  and  intelligent,  and  there  was  often  much  terse 
vigor  in  her  language.  She  had  read  nothing  which  had  been 
written  in  relation  to  Mr.  Williams,  did  not  even  knuw  there  was 
any  such  person  now  living,  and  was  entirely  ignorant  of  the 
recent  questions  at  issue.  As  the  best  means  of  arriving  at  the 
facts  of  the  case,  I  requested  her  to  tell  me  the  story  of  her  life. 
It  was  in  substance,  as  follows :  She  was  educated  in  Edinburgh, 
where  she  became  acquainted  with  and  married  a  man  named 
Benjamin  Oliver,  a  French  republican,  who  took  her  to  the  conti 
nent.  She  obtained  a  divorce  from  him,  and  returned  to 
Edinburgh ;  where,  in  1804,  she  again  married  Joseph  Deboit, 
secretary  to  the  Count  D'Artois,  who  then  resided  in  Holyrood 
House.  Deboit  had  previously  been  in  the  service  of  Louis  XVI., 
and  handed  the  Dauphin  into  the  carriage  on  the  night  of  the 
flight  to  Yarennes,  when  the  young  Prince  said  they  were  going 
to  the  play.  Soon  after  her  marriage,  the  Count  D'Artois  left 


426  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

Edinburgh,  and  went  to  the  continent,  she  believed  to  Russia,  to 
see  the  king,  but  at  this  distance  of  time  could  not  speak  with  cer 
tainty  concerning  a  thing  in  which  she  had  no  part.  She  remained 
in  the  palace  at  Holy  rood,  until  after  his  return  to  England.  In 
1807,  she  joined  her  husband  in  London.  Here,  she  first  became 
acquainted  with  the  Count  de  Lisle,  as  Louis  XVIII.  was  then 
called,  and  with  the  Duke  and  Duchess  D'Angouleme.  As  her 
husband  occupied  a  confidential  position  in  the  royal  family,  she 
became  very  intimate  with  them,  and  especially  with  the  Duchess 
D'Augo-uleme.  There  was  much  conversation  among  them  at  that 
time  respecting  the  Dauphin,  and  Joseph  Deboit  told  her,  he  was 
not  dead,  but  carried  away  for  safety.  Being  one  day  alone  with 
the  duchess,  she  mentioned  what  Deboit  had  said,  and  asked  her  if 
it  was  true,  and  if  she  knew  what  had  become  of  him.  The  duchess 
replied,  without  any  hesitation,  and  with  an  expression  of  pleasure, 
that  she  had  assurance  her  brother  was  in  America.  Here,  the 
conversation  dropped,  as  the  duchess  did  not  seem  inclined  to 
enter  into  particulars.  In  the  same  year,  however,  she  remembers 
having  heard,  either  from  the  Duchess  D'Angouleme,  or  from 
Deboit,  but  cannot,  after  so  long  a  time,  say  which,  that  a  royal 
ist  named  Bellanger,  was  the  chief  agent  in  removing  the  Prince. 
As  everything  said  to  her  was  confidential,  she  spoke  to  no  one 
except  her  husband  of  what  she  heard.  "  All  the  members  of  the 
royal  family,"  she  said,  were  well  acquainted  with  the  fact  of  the 
Dauphin's  preservation,"  and,  smiling  at  the  idea  of  their  ignorance, 
she  continued,  "  they  all  knew  it,  sir,  they  all  knew  it." 

She  returned  to  Holyrood  House  with  her  husband,  who  died 
there  in  1810,  but,  after  his  decease,  she  still  continued  her  intimacy 
with  the  Bourbon  family,  and  was  employed  by  them,  in  various 
ways,  until  the  Restoration. 

Mrs.  Brown,  I  heard,  had  for  years  mentioned  to  Mrs.  Reid,  of 
New  Orleans,  and  others,  that  sh*e  had  been  employed  to  put  into 
a  convent  some  young  woman  connected,  in  some  way,  with  the 
royal  family,  and  I  questioned  her  particularly  about  this,  but  could 


THE    BATTLE    OF    THE    AFFIDAVITS.  427 

obtain  no  information.  She  did  not  think  it  had  anything  to  do 
with  the  matter  in  hand,  of  which  she  would  state  all  she  knew, 
but  she  added,  "  there  are  some  things,  about  which  history  had 
better  be  silent."  This  girl  passed  for  her  daughter,  and  is  now 
living  at  a  convent  in  France.  This  subject  seemed  to  irritate 
her,  and,  being  urged  by  those  with  whom  she  had  previously,  in 
unguarded  moments,  conversed,  I  often  recurred  to  it,  but  could  get 
no  fuller  information. 

In  1809  she  again  went  to  France,  and  there,  at  a  place  called 
Morley,  married  an  American  gentleman,  named  George  Brown, 
who  led  a  wandering  sea-faring  life,  in  privateers  and  merchantmen. 
In  1812,  Brown  was  sailing  master,  on  board  a  privateer,  called  the 
True  Blooded  Yankee,  which  was  bought  by  Mr.  Henry  Preble,  a 
London  merchant,  brother  to  Commodore  Preble.  The  vessel 
was  commanded  by  Thomas  Oxnard.  She  showed  me  Brown's 
portrait,  which  was  that  of  a  handsome,  gentlemanly  man. 

In  1813,  De  Vaux,  aide-de-camp  to  General  Moreau,  came  to  the 
convent,  at  Morley,  in  France,  where  she  was  staying,  and  said 
there  was  a  crisis  coming  on,  and  she  must  cross  the  channel  imme 
diately,  and  carry  despatches  to  the  Count  D'Artois,  and  the  Count 
de  Lisle,  these,  he  sewed  between  the  ticking  and  leather  of  her 
trunk.  A  badge,  ornamented  with  fleurs  de  lis,  which  she  still 
retains,  was  given  her  on  the  occasion,  and  she  was  told  it  would 
be  useful  to  her,  at  several  points  she  had  to  pass.  Meeting  a  body 
of  troops  in  one  of  these  places,  according  to  her  instructions,  she 
drew  aside  the  folds  of  her  dress,  and  exhibited  the  token,  when 
every  mark  of  respect  was  shown,  and  she  was  expedited  on  her 
journey.  She  arrived  safely  in  England,  and  delivered  the  package 
into  the  hands  of  the  Count  D'Artois,  in  South  Audley  street, 
Grosvenor  square,  in  the  presence  of  M.  de  Belleville. 

Before  she  relinquished  her  connection  with  the  royal  family,  the 
Due  D^Angouleme  came  to  her,  examined  Tier  papers,  and  removed 
everything  relating  to  the  private  affairs  of  the  Bourbons. 

Having  executed  her  commission,  she  returned  to  France,  and 


428  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

went  to  sea  with  her  husband ;  narrowly  escaped  death  by  wreck 
and  mutiny,  but,  at  least,  arrived  safely  in  the  Brazils,  and  kept 
school  in  St.  Salvador.  Owing  to  misfortunes  they  were  very  poor, 
but,  as  soon  as  Brown  could  collect  means,  they  embarked  for  New 
York,  in  the  Tom  Bowling,  or  Bolyn,  but  he  died  at  sea  on  June  7, 
1815,  on  the  4th  July  of  which  year,  she  arrived  a  widow  in  America. 
Her  wanderings  were  yet  far  from  being  ended.  A  few  months 
found  her  in  the  Havanna,  where  she  was  housekeeper  to  Grey  and 
Fernandez. 

Business  once  more  drew  her  to  Europe,  and  here  she  again 
became  conversant  with  facts  that  bear  upon  the  case.  Thrown 
back  among  her  old  associates,  she  resided  in  Edinburgh,  with  Mrs. 
Chamberlaw,  whose  husband  had  been  secretary  to  the  Count  de 
Coigny,  one  of  the  intimates,  as  well  as  the  Prince  de  Conde,  of 
the  Count  D'Artois,  while  at  Holyrood.  Mrs.  Chamberlaw  had 
accompanied  the  royal  family  to  Paris,  and  was  then  fresh  from  the 
Tuileries.  She  told  her  she  had  recently  heard  in  the  palace,  that 
the  Dauphin  was  alive,  and  had  been  carried  to  America  by  one 
Bellanger,  who  took  him  to  Philadelphia.  "  This,"  she  said,  "  was 
no  news  to  me,  as  I  had  heard  the  same  years  .before,  but  Mrs. 
Chamberlaw  added,  the  Prince  was  still  living  there,  and  was  known 
as  Williams,  an  Indian  missionary." 

The  examination  of  Mrs.  Brown,  was  conducted  in  the  presence 
of  an  able  and  highly  respectable  lawyer,  Mr.  Bradford,  and  other 
persons.  Having  ascertained  that  she  knew  nothing  of  what  had 
transpired  at  the  north,  and  had  not  heard  of  the  Eev.  Eleazar 
Williams,  she  was  asked,  "  Do  you  recollect  whether  Mrs.  Chamber- 
law  mentioned  the  Christian  name  of  the  Indian  missionary,  said 
to  be  the  Prince,  by  Mrs.  Chamberlaw  ?"  "  It  is  so  long  ago,  that 
I  forget  it  now,  but  should  probably  recognise  it,  if  I  heard  it." 
u  Was  it  any  Scripture  name  ?"  "  I  can't  say."  "  Was  it  Joseph  ?" 
"  No."  "  Was  it  Aaron  ?"  "  No."  "  Was  it  Eleazar  ?"  "  That 
was  it,  to  the  best  of  my  recollection."  Mr.  Bradford  smiled,  as 
he  wrote  down  the  answer,  perceiving,  evidently,  from  her  man- 


THE    BATTLE    OF    THE    AFFIDAVITS.  429 

ner,  that  her  recognition  of  the  name  was  genuine.  Mrs.  Brown 
went  on  to  say,  that,  according  to  Mrs.  Chamber-law's  statement,  the 
subject  had  been  much  discussed  in  the  palace,  and  that  the  royal 
family  said,  Williams  was  incompetent  to  reign,  and  his  elevation 
to  the  throne  would  only  increase  the  difficulties  of  the  times — that, 
a  man  had  come  out  from  America  to  confer  with  them  on  the 
subject,  and  she  had  seen  him.  When  he  first  came  to  the  palace, 
there  was  a  report  that  Louis  XVII.  was  himself  there.  Money 
was  given  to  this  man,  and  he  returned  to  America.  Over  and 
over  again,  I  questioned  Mrs.  Brown,  in  the  presence  of  many  of 
the  most  respectable  persons  in  New  Orleans,  if  she  was  certain  of 
these  facts,  and  was  assured,  on  the  word  of  a  dying  Christian,  that 
what  she  said  was  true.  After  this,  I  gave  her  my  articles,  in  Put 
nam,  to  read,  of  which  she  previously  knew  nothing,  and  showed 
her  a  faithful  crayon  sketch  of  Mr.  Williams,  by  Fagnani,  in  which 
she  immediately  recognised  the  Bourbon  lineaments.  When  she 
had  read  the  articles,  she  said,  "  I  only  wish  I  was  as  certain  of 
salvation,  as  I  am  that  he  must  be  the  man." 

To  test,  in  every  possible  way,  Mrs.  Brown's  declarations, 
I  applied  to  a  lady  who  had  known  her  intimately  for  many  years, 
Mrs.  Read,  sister-in-law  of  Commodore  Patterson.  She  said  she  had 
known  her  for  seventeen  years,  and  was  introduced  to  her  as 
a  person  who  had  been  intimate  with  the  royal  family  of  France, 
and  that  in  conversation  upon  the  events  of  her  life,  as  long  ago  as 
twelve  or  thirteen  years,  she  had  told  her  all  the  particulars  con 
tained  in  her  present  affidavit,  and  especially  that  the  Dauphin, 
supposed  to  have  died  in  the  Temple,  had  been  carried  to  Philadel 
phia,  by  a  man  named  Bellanger,  and  was  an  Indian  missionary, 
named  Williams.  Up  to  a  few  weeks,  Mrs.  Read  had  never  heard 
of  the  existence  of  Eleazar  Williams,  and  had  not  as  yet  seen  my 
articles.  All  she  knew  on  the  subject  was  derived,  simply,  from 
conversations  with  Mrs.  Brown,  in  former  years.  "  But,"  she 
added,  u  that  you  may  have  more  than  rny  word  for  this,  and  that 
[  may  feel  more  secure  in  making  an  affidavit,  inquire  of  the  Rev. 


430  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

Mr.  Whitall.  He  knows  well  what  I  have  said  to  him,  for  years,  on 
the  subject."  I  accordingly  went  to  Mr.  Whitall,  a  laborious  and 
faithful  missionary  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church,  and  applied 
to  him  for  information.  "  All  that  Mrs.  Read  states,"  he  said,  "  is 
correct,  and  you  can  depend  upon  it.  I  have  heard  the  story  from 
her  for  seven  or  oight  years  or  more.  But,  to  be  on  the  safe  side, 
I  can  swear  to  five.  I  never  paid  much  attention  to  the  subject, 
but  I  am  ready  to  attest  to  the  facts." 

This  triple  chain  of  testimony,  thus  standing  secure,  was  drawn 
up,  deliberately  weighed,  and  sworn  to  by  Mrs.  Brown,  Mrs.  Read, 
and  Mr.  Whitall,  before  G.  Lugenbuhl,  Esq.,  who  himself  added  his 
testimony  to  the  private  worth  and  reliability  of  the  witnesses. 
But,  the  city  of  New  Orleans  will  stand  voucher  for  that.  Appen 
dix  ]ST. 

Besides  obtaining  this  testimony,  I  endeavored  to  gain  some 
information  of  Bellanger.  One  fact  was  testified  to  on  all  handle, 
by  persons  of  highest  respectability,  that,  in  1848,  a  paragraph  did 
appear  in  the  papers  there,  to  the  effect  that,  a  person  of  that  name, 
on  his  death-bed,  had  declared  he  brought  the  Dauphin  to  Ame 
rica.  I  diligently  examined  the  files  of  the  "  Delta,"  "  Picayune," 
"  Bee,"  "  Commercial,"  and  other  papers,  but  without  success. 
Those  who  have  ever  attempted  a  similar  research,  can  appreciate 
the  difficulty  it  entails,  and  the  time  and  patience  it  requires.  In 
cases  where  the  recovery  of  property  depended  on  information, 
thus  to  be  obtained,  it  has  taken  years  to  effect  the  object.  In  none 
of  the  papers  were  the  files  complete.  The  "  Bee"  was  that  which 
approached  nearest  to  it.  Sometimes  half  a  paper  was  missing,  just 
at  the  time  most  likely  for  the  information  to  occur.  I  also 
examined  the  records  of  the  courts,  hoping  to  find  some  clue  in  the 
lists  of  successions,  and  also  the  registers  of  burials.  The  law 
respecting  the  registry  of  deaths  is  practically  a  dead  letter. 
Scarcely  one  in  a  dozen  is  recorded,  and,  in  times  of  epidemic,  the 
dead  are  fortunate  if  they  are  numbered.  In  one  of  the  courts,  I 
found  the  papers  of  a  person  named  Bellanger,  a  native  of  Paris, 


THE    BATTLE    OF    THE    AFFIDAVITS.  431 

who  married  at  St.  Louis,  in  1806  or  7,  returned  to  France  in  1816, 
and  stayed  there  for  several  years — but,  of  him,  whether  dead  or 
living,  I  could  get  no  clue.  The  fact  is,  there  have  been  Bellaii- 
gers  innumerable  in  New  Orleans.  Bellanger,  a  jeweller,  Bellan- 
ger,  a  gambler,  Bellanger,  a  cooper,  Bellanger  de  Bouille,  a  noble 
man,  and  friend  of  Le  Kay  de  Chaumout,  and  Colonel  de  Ferriere ; 
and,  to  mention  no  more,  one  whose  father  was  minister  of  Louis 
XVI.  He  died  several  years  ago.  I  had  an  interview  with  his 
son,  who  said  he  expired  in  his  arms,  and  made  no  such  confession. 
It  has  occurred  to  me,  the  report  circulated  in  New  Orleans,  in 
1848,  and  which  reached  Mr.  Williams,  through  Mr.  Kimball,  may 
have  originated  in  some  distorted  account  of  Mrs.  Brown's  conver 
sations  ;  and  it  may  ultimately  turn  out,  Bellanger  was  not  in  New 
Orleans  so  late  as  1848,  and  may  have  died,  if  he  is  dead,  which 
some  reports  deny,  at  some  far  distant  place  or  time.  This  may  be 
so ;  but,  when  I  bear  in  mind,  the  efforts  made  to  conceal  and 
falsify  testimony,  in  every  shape  and  way,  it  is  just  as  probable, 
means  have  been  found  to  hush  the  matter  up.  The  account  which 
Mr.  Williams  received,  is  too  particular  to  be  altogether  a  dream. 
Meanwhile,  thus  much  is  certain  that,  years  before  Mr.  Williams 
knew  that  Bellanger  was  a  historic  personage,  or  had  any  connec 
tion  with  the  events  in  the  Temple,  he  was  informed  that  he  was 
the  chief  agent  in  bringing  him  to  this  country,  though,  from  his 
ignorance  of  events,  he  imagined  the  name  must  be  an  assumed 
one — that  so  long  ago  as  1807,  a  living  witness  heard  in  the  royal 
household,  the  same  fact  respecting  Bellauger,  and  that  M.  Beau- 
chesne  historically  demonstrates,  this  agent  of  Louis  XVIII.  must 
have  been  the  individual  who  removed  the  Prince.  That  he  had 
his  appropriate  assistants  is  every  way  probable,  and  none  seem 
more  adapted  to  the  purpose  than  those  which  Naundorff's  state 
ment,  and  Mrs.  Dudley's  letter,  alike  indicate,  a  girl  to  amuse  the 
Prince,  and  a  lady  of  the  queen's  household  to  take  charge  of  them 
both. 
My  duties  called  me  home,  and  I  was  compelled  to  relinquish  the 


432  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

investigation.  I  came  back  by  way  of  the  Mississippi  and  the  lakes, 
and  as  I  was  approaching  ISTew  York,  I  read  in  a  newspaper  tlie 
following  paragraph: 

"  The  '  Courrier  des  Etats  Unis  '  publishes  the  following  affidavit  of  Mary 
Ann  Williams,  mother  of  the  Rev.  Eleazar  Williams  : 

::  State  of  New  Yor&,  Franklin  County,  ss. 

"  Personally  appeared  before  me,  the  undersigned,  one  of  the  Justices  of 
the  Peace  in  and  for  the  said  county,  Mary  Ann  Williams,  and  being  duly 
sworn  deposeth  and  says,  that  she  is  upwards  of  eighty  years  of  age,  but 
does  not  know  her  exact  age ;  that  she  is  the  widow  of  Thomas  Williams, 
and  that  she  is  the  natural  mother  of  Rev.  Eleazar  Williams,  and  that  she 
is  aware  of  his  pretensions  to  be  the  son  of  Louis  XVI.,  and  knows  them 
to  be  false  ;  that  he  was  her  fourth  child,  and  born  at  Caughnawaga;  that 
at  the  time  of  his  birth  her  sister  took  him  to  the  priest  to  be  baptized,  and 
that  her  sister  gave  the  priest  the  name  of  the  child's  godfather,  which  was 
Lazar,  from  which  the  child  took  his  name ;  that  he  was  born  in  the  spring, 
thinks  in  the  month  of  June ;  says  that  when  he  was  about  nine  years  old 
some  of  his  father's  friends  from  the  States  came  to  Caughnawaga  and 
took  him  and  a  younger  brother  away,  to  send  them  to  school ;  that  some 
time  after  he  returned  home  and  had  a  sore  leg,  which  made  him  lame ; 
that  they  doctored  his  leg ;  the  sore  was  on  his  knee ;  that  sometimes  it 
would  heal  up  and  break  out  again,  and  that  they  were  sometimes  fearful 
it  would  never  get  well ;  that  she  has  no  recollection  how  the  scar  came 
on  hia  face;  that  she  never  knew  of  his  having  any  trunk  or  medals 
hi  his  possession ;  and  that  her  son  Eleazar  very  strongly  resembles  his 
father,  Thomas  Williams  ;  and  says  that  no  persons  whatever,  either  clergy 
men  or  others,  ever  advised  or  influenced  her  in  any  manner  to  say  that 
he  was  her  son ;  that  the  first  intimation  she  ever  had  of  his  pretensions  to 
a  royal  birth,  was  from  one  William  Woodman,  an  Oneida  Indian,  who 
came  to  her,  about  three  years  ago,  and  asked  her  if  she  would  not  be 
willing  to  go  before  a  magistrate  and  swear  that  Eleazar  was  not  her  son, 
but  was  given  her  to  bring  up ;  she  told  him  she  would  do  no  such  thing, 
as  she  knew  him  to  be  her  son ;  that  Eleazar  has  since  mentioned  to  her 
that  some  of  his  friends  thought  he  was  not  an  Indian,  but  descended  from 


THE    BATTLE    OF   THE    AFFIDAVITS.  433 

royal  parentage;  she  told  him  it  was  no  such  thing,  that  he  was  her  own 
son.  her 

"  MARY  ANN  +  WILLIAMS. 
mark 

"  Subscribed  and  sworn  before  me  this  28th  day  of  March,  1853. 

"ALFRED  FULTON,  Justice  of  the  Peace." 

As  I  folded  the  paper,  I  could  but  smile  at  the  folly  of  an  act, 
which,  I  felt  sure,  would  recoil  on  its  contrivers.  On  iny  arrival 
in  the  city  I  learned  something  of  the  history  of  the  affidavit.  It 
travelled  a  long  distance  before  it  saw  the  light.  M.  de  Courcey, 
with  whom  I  parted  on  the  eve  of  going  to  New  Orleans,  took  the 
document  with  him  to  France,  and  thence  transmitted  it  to 
America,  for  publication  in  the  "  Courrier  des  Etats  Unis." 

I  felt  sorrow  for  M.  de  Oourcey,  because  I  could  not  allow  myself 
to  imagine  he  was  a  party  to  this  transparent  forgery. 

I  felt  sorry  for  M.  de  Oourcey,  because  it  is  unpleasant,  under  any 
circumstances,  to  be  made,  however  innocently,  an  instrument  in 
assailing  the  reputation,  and  seeking  to  destroy  the  usefulness  of 
another. 

Though  M.  de  Courcey  has  styled  me  a  romancer,  using  the 
word  in  its  most  offensive  sense,  I  will  not  retaliate. 

The  matter  was  assuming  a  serious  form,  and  it  was  necessary  to 
proceed  with  caution.  In  a  western  paper,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Marcoux, 
of  St.  Eegis,  was  openly  spoken  of  as  the  author  of  the  affidavit, 
and  I  knew  of  no  one  excepting  him,  in  St.  Regis  or  Hogansburg, 
likely  to  correspond  with  M.  de  Courcey,  whose  initials  only  had 
been  appended  to  his  articles.  But  as  the  Roman  priesthood  have 
the  reputation  of  being  astute,  it  seemed  difficult  to  imagine  he 
would  lend  himself  to  the  transaction,  which,  according  to  the 
maxims  of  Talleyrandic  morality,  was  worse  than  a  crime — a  blun 
der.  At  my  request,  the  Hon.  Phineas  Atwater,  formerly  Indian 
agent,  undertook  to  discover  the  truth.  He  went  to  Hogansburg 
and  made  inquiries  of  Mr.  A.  Fulton,  the  magistrate  before  whom 

the  affidavit  was  taken,  and  obtained  the  following  certificate. 

19 


434  THE    LOST    PKINCE. 

"  I  certify  that  the  affidavit  sworn  to  before  me  in  March  last,  by  Mrs. 
Mary  Ann  Williams,  was  in  the  English  language.  She  came  to  my  office. 
in  Hogansburgh,  either  in  company  with,  or  met  there,  the  Rev.  Francis 
Marcoux,  Roman  Catholic  priest  at  St.  Regis.  Two  Indians  were  also 
present.  Mr.  Marcoux  acted  as  interpreter,  and  put  the  questions  to  her  in 
the  Indian  language,  and  interpreted  them  in  English. 

'•'•  Hogansburg^  July  8,  1853. :'  "A.  FULTON,  J.  P. 

Having  learned  the  circumstances  under  which  the  affidavit  was 
made,  Mr.  Atwater  had  an  interview  with  Mr.  Marcoux,  and  told 
him  the  object  he  had  in  view,  when  Mr.  Marcoux  acknowledged 
he  had  been  agent  in  the  matter,  but  said  he  was  solicited,  by 
letter,  from  Mr.  de  Courcey,  to  obtain  the  affidavit.  How  far  he 
followed  or  outran  the  solicitations  or  instructions  of  M.  de  Courcey, 
he  did  not  say,  and  this  is  a  point  these  gentlemen  must  settle 
between  themselves.  I  can  only  state  facts.  Mr.  Atwater  then 
proceeded  to  the  residence  of  Mrs.  Williams,  whom  he  found  two 
miles  from  Hogansburg,  on<^e  Racket  river.  He  informed  her  of 
the  object  of  his  visit,  when  she  consented  to  go  to  Hogansburg, 
and  declare  the  truth.  He  had,  however,  great  embarrassments  to 
contend  with,  as  there  was  no  interpreter  then  in  the  village,  with 
the  exception  of  one  entirely  in  the  interest  of  Mr.  Marcoux.  But 
he  had  to  make  the  best  of  circumstances,  though,  as  Mrs.  Williams 
was  surrounded  with  Eoman  Catholic  Indians,  who  have  a  bitter 
hostility  to  Mr.  Williams,  he  could  not  obtain  from  her  general  and 
full  statements.  They  thronged  around  her,  and  embarrassed  the 
examination,  and  it  was  impossible  to  keep  them  from  her.  How 
ever,  the  old  woman  having  heard  the  previous  affidavit,  to  which 
she  had  put  her  mark,  read  to  her,  in  Indian,  determined  to  dispense 
with  an  interpreter,  and  express  what  she  had  to  say,  in  her  own 
language  and  manner,  from  which  it  was  impossible  to  make  her 
vary.  Her  declaration  was  taken  down  in  Mohawk  by  an  Indian, 
and  falsely  translated  by  Antoine  Barron,  the  Romish  interpreter, 
under  cover  of  a  written  oath  of  fidelity.  I  give  it  in  both  languages 
as  follows,  having  corrected  the  translation : — 


THE    BATTLE    OF    THE    AFFIDAVITS.  435 

Ii  Mary  Ann  Williams,  ne  teiakeniterontakwe  ne  Thomas  Williams, 
etho  wakeriwaniraton  tsi  wakatati  raonhako  ne  A.  Fulton,  Esq.,  etho 
Hogansburg,  eh  nonwe  siwennitare  no  March  tkenne,  tsi  nikaririhoteri 
wakatati,  ne  wahakeriwaneken  tsinakiere  ne  Francis  Marcoux,  Akwesasne 
Eatsihenstatsi,  nok  raonha  wahatewennakaratate.  nok  wahakeriwanonton- 
nionse,  ne  kati  tsi  onen  wahonkewennanotonse,  etho  wakeriwatshenri  tsi 
iah  ne  tewaken  nok  iah  oni  tokenske  teken  tsini  kaieren.  Ne  kati  tewa- 
katonwentsioni  nonsaktakwarisionko  tsi  nonwe  nisewatewatanion.  Ken 
kati  kaien  enkeriwanirate  ne  tokenske  tsi  nenkiere,  tsiniiore  keiare ;  nok 
tsinikewennoten  enwat-iaton,  nok  iah  onka  taiontewennakaratate  ; — waki- 
ron  kati,  iah  tokenske  teken  tsi  waton  ne  kaiatonsera  ia-onka  ne  ietsiens- 
tatsi,  nok  oni  ne  oiashonha  nonkwe  teionkenikonaraten ;  tsi  wakeron  riienha 
ne  Eleazer,  nok  tsi  wakatatsennaren  ne  kaiatonserake  raonha-se  ne  Mr. 
Marcoux,  ne  Akwesasne  ratsienstatsi  wahakenaskwaien,  nok  oni,  noiason 
nonkwe  tsionatonwisen  akatatsennaren  nok  raonha  wahatewennakaratate. 
Ja-tokenske  teken,  tsi  waton  ne  kaiatonsera  rosinanonwakskwe  ne  riienha 
tehotlohen  tiotierenten  sonsasonkwaiatorenne  neto  tontahaientakwe  tsi 
nonwe  iehateweienstakwe.  Keiare  tsi«£oientakwe  ne  iontwistaniakta  ne 
poseronni  iakeniterontakwe ;  raonha  ne  rokstenha  wahariwisa  tsi  wahatka- 
raientakwe  ne  roienha,  oh-ki  ok  nahoten  tehonekon  tsi  iontenninontha, 
sarokenha  nok  Tsiawiskenha. 

"Kentho  iesennaronnion  ne  keienhokonha,  Peter,  Catharine,  Ignatius, 
Thomas  (Eleazer  tehotJconhen,)  Louisa,  John,  Peter,  Hannah,  Rhoda, 
Charles,  Jarvis;  ok  enskat  wakewirense,  onen  tokat  tsi  wakateweton. 
Keiare  tsi  iakenenonne  ne  oseronni  teiakeniterontakwe  toha  ioserake 
tsinae  tsi  tekiatonniarikon  konwaiats ;  nok  tsi  keiaten  hawe  keienhokonha 
ne  Eleazer,  nok  oni  oiasonha,  rakwanenne,  nok  oni  tsi  toha  iateioserake 
etho  ratoratskwe  ne  Oseronni  teiakeniterontakwe. 

her 

"MARY  ANN  +  WILLIAMS. 
mark. 

"  Subscribed  and  sworn  before  me,  this  8th  day  of  July,  1853, 

"  A.  FULTON,  Justice  of  Peace." 

TRANSLATION. 

"  I,  Mary  Ann  Williams,  widow  of  the  late  Thomas  Williams,  of 
Caughnawaga,  made  a  declaration  on  oath,  before  A.  Fulton,  Esq.,  at 


436  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

Hogansburg,  in  the  month  of  March  last,  at  the  request  of  the  B/ev. 
Francis  Marcoux,  Priest  of  St.  Regis,  he  acting  as  interpreter  and  putting 
the  questions  to  me,  which  being  read  and  explained  to  me,  I  found  to  con 
tain  what  I  did  not  intend  to  say  and  which  is  not  true.  I  now  wish  to 
correct  those  errors,  so  far  as  my  memory  will  allow,  in  my  native 
language,  without  the  intervention  of  any  interpreter — that  is  to  say — it 
is  not  true  as  stated  in  the  affidavit,  that  no  person,  priest,  or  others,  ever 
advised  or  influenced  me  to  say,  that  Eleazar  is  my  oitni  son.  It  was  Mr. 
Marcoux  the  priest,  at  St.  Regis,  who  urged  me  with  others,  some  women, 
to  make  the  affidavit,  and  he  acted  as  an  interpreter  on  the  occasion, 
as  before  stated.  It  is  not  true  also,  as  stated  in  the  affidavit,  that  my 
adopted  son  had  a  sore  leg  when  he  returned  from  school  the  first  time  to  us. 
I  remember  that  my  husband  had  a  medal  which  he  ordered  Charles  and 
Jarvis  to  pawn  to  a  merchant  for  him.  The  names  of  my  children  were 
Peter,  Catherine,  Ignatius,  Thomas  (Eleazar  adopted),  Louisa,  John, 
Peter,  Hannah,  Rhoda,  Charles,  and  Jarvis  ;  I  lost  one  child  by  miscar 
riage  after  the  birth  of  several  that  lived.  I  recollect  going  with  my  hus 
band  to  Lake  George,  a  great  many  years  ago,  and  took  with  me  Eleazar 
and  Jinother  older  boy,  and  that  my  husband  was  in  the  habit  of  going 

there  almost  every  year.* 

her 

"  Signed,         MARY  ANN   +   WILLIAMS. 
mark. 

"Subscribed  and  sworn  to  before  me,  this  8th  day  of  July,  1853, 

"A.  FULTON,  Justice  of  the  Peace." 

Even  without  the  affidavit,  the  facts  recounted  in  the  foregoing 
pages  would  be  sufficient  to  show  the  utter  falsehood  of  the  state- 

*  The  force  of  this  document  lies  in  the  twice  used  word  "  tehotkonen,"  "  adopted." 
the  meaning  of  which  Mr.  Marcoux  has  acknowledged  to  Mr.  Fulton.  But. Barren, 
the  interpreter,  at  the  time  pretended  he  did  not  understand  the  word — and,  where 
Mrs.  Williams  denies  the  statement  concerning  the  sore  leg,  contrary  to  his  oath  of 
fidelity,  substituted  "  Eleazar  "  for  adopted  son — "  riienha  tehotkonen  "  in  order  to 
render  the  translation  of  a  most  precise  document,  as  indefinite  as  possible.  He 
trusted  to  our  failure  in  minute  observation,  and  nearly  succeeded,  as  his  breach  of 
faith,  was  only  discovered  in  correcting  the  proofs.  Twice,  then,  in  this  affidavit, 
Mary  Ann  Williams  acknowledges  that  Eleazar  is  not  her  son.  He  is  "  riienha 
tehotkonen,"  "  adopted  son  "  in  opposition  to  "  riienha,"  which  by  itself,  has  the 
force  of  "own  Bon."  "Tehotkmien  "  is  only  applied  to  adopted  persons  of  foreign 


THE    BATTLE    OF   THE    AFFIDAVITS.  437 

ments  fabricated  by  Mr.  Marcoux.  That  Eleazar  Williams  was  nine 
years  of  age  when  he  went  to  Massachusetts,  that  he  was  laid  up 
on  his  return  to  Canada,  with  sores  on  his  knees  and  ankles ;  that 
he  resembled  Thomas  Williams  in  appearance,  are  stories  so 
apocryphal  that  they  could  never  have  been  hazarded,  except 
under  the  idea  that  no  farther  inquiry  would  ever  be  made,  but  a 
lying  affidavit  be  permitted  to  over  ride  the  facts  of  history.  But 
if  such  be  the  instrumentalities  made  use  of  against  Mr.  Williams, 
they  will  do  him  little  injury.  Nor  does  it  require  the  confession 
of  Mary  Ann  Williams  to  prove  that  Eleazar  is  only  her  adopted 
child.  That  he  is  her  son  may  well  be  accounted  a  physical  impos 
sibility,  and  the  mental  characteristics,  developed  in  the  course  of 
his  history,  are  equally  at  variance  with  the  supposition  that  he  is 
an  Indian,  to  say  nothing  of  the  testimony  of  Skenondogh. 
But  the  affidavit  supplies  the  confirmation  which  some  minds 
require. 

That  efforts  may  be  again  made  to  tamper  with  her,  and  frighten 
or  force  her  to  unsay  what  she  has  said,  I  have  no  doubt.  Indeed, 
Marcoux  had  the  impertinence,  when  he  heard  the  nature  of  the 
affidavit  she  had  voluntarily  made,  to  carry  her  a  second  time  to 
Mr.  Fulton,  who  very  properly  declined,  as  he,  doubtless,  would 
have  done  in  the  first  instance,  if  he  could  possibly  have  had  the 
remotest  conception  of  the  iniquity  intended  to  be  perpetrated, 
to  have  anything  to  do  with  the  affair.  There  stands  the  affidavit 
of  Mrs.  Williams.  For  once  she  has  spoken  freely,  and  were  she 
now  to  make  a  thousand  affidavits  to  the  contrary,  it  could  only  be 
imputed  to  dark  acts  which  shun  the  light. 

The  conduct  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Marcoux,  of  St.  Regis,  in  this 

blood.  The  word  "  iontatewerawi "  la  used  In  cases  of  adoption  from  one  Indian 
family  to  another.  To  crown  his  rascality,  Barren  wished  to  make  an  affadavit  in 
English  implying  by  indirect  language  that  the  intention  of  Mrs.  Williams  was  to 
assert  that  Eleazar  is  her  own  son.  What  are  you  to  do  with  such  men  P  Happily 
their  deception  recoils  upon  themselves. 


438  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

transaction,  is  of  such  a  nature,  that  I  cannot  trust  myself  to  cha 
racterize  it  as  it  deserves.  The  simplest  statement  of  the  truth 
seems  to  savor  of  exaggeration.  A  Christian  minister  enters  a 
foreign  country,  bringing  with  him  an  aged,  and,  I  may  say,  dying 
woman,  who  stands  to  him  in  the  sacred  relation  of  a  member  of 
his  flock — he  carries  her  before  a  magistrate  of  that  country, 
places  in  her  hand  the  word  of  God,  and  voluntarily  undertakes  to 
act  as  interpreter  of  her  sentiments,  in  a  matter  affecting  vitally 
the  reputation  and  welfare  of  a  citizen  of  that  country,  who  is,  at 
the  same  time,  her  adopted  child.  It  seems  impossible  to  conceive 
a  case  in  which  more  solemn  demands  could  be  made  on  a  man  for 
fidelity,  or  more  pledges  tacitly  given  by  him  of  adherence  to  the 
truth.  The  office  of  the  ministry,  the  pastoral  relation,  the 
responsible  duty  of  interpreter,  the  sacred  bond  subsisting  between 
the  maker  and  the  subject  of  the  affidavit,  and  the  delicate 
position  of  the  citizen  of  one  country  availing  himself  of  the 
magistracy  of  another,  all  seem  so  many  guarantees,  that  if  truth 
could  be  found  anywhere,  it  would  be  here.  Now,  it  must  be 
remembered,  this  clergyman  has  previously  tried  in  vain  to  induce 
this  woman  to  make  a  certain  statement,  which  she  has  perempto 
rily  refused  to  make.  She  now  appears  before  the  magistrate, 
supposing  that  she  is  about  to  testify  to  the  truth.  Taking 
advantage  of  her  ignorance  of  all  languages  but  Indian,  and 
relying  upon  the  obscurity  of  a  barbaric  tongue  to  hide  from  the 
world  his  imposture,  this  clergyman  falsely  interprets  her  answers 
to  the  magistrate,  substitutes  wholesale  statements,  adapted  to  his 
own  ends,  for  those  which  she,  in  reality  makes,  then,  falsely 
interprets  his  interpretation  to  her,  procures  her  oath  to  his  fabri 
cation,  poisons  the  fountains  of  truth  and  justice  at  their  primal 
and  most  sacred  source,  and  seeks  to  send  the  poor  woman  into  the 
grave  with  a  sworn  lie  upon  her  lips,  against  the  child  of  her 
adoption,  that  he  might  at  once  destroy  his  reputation,  and  deceive 
the  whole  world  upon  a  grave  question  of  history.  I  think  all 


KIN    AND    KIND.  439 

must  admit  that  this  is  one  of  the  most  high-handed  and  gratui 
tous  acts  of  imposition  ever  practised. 

America,  a  free  country !  What  is  there  left  us  of  freedom,  if 
foreigners  may  come  into  the  United  States,  and,  by  the  lips  of 
others,  swear  away  the  characters  of  our  most  estimable  citizens  ? 
There  are  noble  and  honorable  men  and  women  in  the  Roman  com 
munion.  They  are  infinitely  above  treachery  like  this,  and  will  as 
severely  reprobate  it  as  I  can  do.  NOT  do  I  think  there  will  be  want 
ing  many  persons  who  will  consider  the  crime  perpetrated  by  this 
priest,  as  too  great  and  daring  to  have  been  undertaken  on  indivi 
dual  responsibility,  and  who  will  ask  what  is  the  natural  inference 
from  an  act  so  strangely  revolting  ?  No  persons  would,  to  gain  any 
ordinary  point,  run  such  risks,  and  the  only  cause  to  which  it  is 
reasonable  to  attribute  so  perfidious  a  transaction  is,  that  it  was 
felt  necessary,  at  all  hazards,  to  put  a  stop  to  investigation,  and 
prevent  the  truth  from  flashing  on  the  world.  But  in  this  case,  as 
well  as  in  every  other  in  which  attempts  have  been  made  to  concel 
or  pervert  facts,  the  result  has  been  precisely  contrary  to  what  was 
anticipated,  and  may  serve  as  an  additional  confirmation  of  one 
of  the  homeliest  maxims  of  proverbial  philosophy. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

KIN  AND   KIND. 

THERE  remains  for  me  only  one  unpleasant  task,  which  is,  briefly 
to  criticise  the  remarks  upon  the  history  of  Mr.  Williams,  in  the 
Appendix  and  Notes  to  a  recent  edition  of  the  "Redeemed 
Captive,"  edited  by  Dr.  Stephen  W.  Williams.  The  authority  of 
this  gentleman  has,  by  many,  been  deemed  decisive,  because  a 
member  of  the  Williams  family,  and,  therefore,  ex  naturd, 
acquainted  with  the  subject  on  which  he  writes,  and  competent  to 


440 


THE    LOST    PKTNPE. 


give  an  authoritative  opinion  upon  it.  "  In  the  year  1846,"  he  says, 
"  I  prepared  and  wrote  a  '  Genealogy  and  History  of  the  Williams 
Family  in  America,'  which  was  published  in  a  large-sized  duodecimo 
volume,  with  plates,  in  the  year  184V."  Now,  it  appears 
that,  in  this  volume,  there  is  no  mention  made  of  the  singular 
incidents  relative  to  Mr.  Williams's  disputed  parentage ;  although, 
while  compiling  it,  Dr.  Williams  saw,  conversed,  and  corresponded 
with,  his  supposed  kinsman.  He  did  not  make,  he  complains,  "the 
most  distant  allusion  to  his  royal  descent,  or  to  his  ever  having  had 
an  interview  with  De  Joinville.  The  reader  can  judge  whether,  if 
he  believed  himself  of  royal  descent,  he  would  not  have  alluded  to 
the  fact." 

This  is  strange  reasoning.  Does  a  person  always  converse  with 
strangers  upon  subjects  nearest  to  his  heart?  It  is  not  characteris 
tic  of  Mr.  Williams  to  obtrude  his  private  concerns  on  others,  and 
hundreds,  within  the  last  year,  might  have  used  the  same  argument, 
and  said  Mr.  Williams  never  spoke  on  the  subject — ergo,  he  has 
no  faith  in  it.  But  the  reader  will  say,  Dr.  Williams  and  Mr.  Wil 
liams  were  not  strangers,  for,  says  the  Dr.,  "  I  have  known  him 
since  he  was  quite  young," — from  which  it  is  fair  to  infer  an 
intimate  acquaintance.  The  first  time  Mr.  Williams  remembers 
having  seen  Dr.  Williams  was  in  1826,  when  he  was  not  quite  a 
child,  and  they  have  met  four  or  five  times  since.  The  Dr.  himself 
says,  "I  had  but  little  knowledge  [i.  e.  hearsay  knowledge]  of 
Eleazar's  family,  beyond  his  descent  from  Eunice  Williams;"  so 
that  unless  there  be  some  mystic  intuition  in  blood,  I  cannot  see  Dr. 
Williams  has  had  any  more  personal  advantages  than  others.  But 
the  Dr.  is  a  man  of  observation,  and  "  he  has  seen  "  the  skin  of  Mr. 
Williams,  and  therefore  "  ought  to  know."  "  He  showed  me  a  scar 
on  his  side,  which  he  said  was  in  consequence  of  a  wound  he 
received  in  the  late  war  with  Great  Britain.  He  requested  me  to 
examine  that  scar,  for  the  purpose  of  determining  whether  I  thought 
such  a  wound  would  be  sufficient  to  entitle  him  to  a  pension  from 


KIN    AND    KIND.  441 

Congress.  I  do  not  know  how  much  the  color  of  his  skin  may  have 
altered  since  then,  under  his  dress,  but  at  that  time  it  was  more  the 
color  of  an  Indian  than  a  white  man."  Now,  inasmuch  as  the  tex 
ture  and  color  of  the  skin  cannot  change,  I  am  compelled  to  say 
That,  in  this  last  assertion,  Dr.  Williams  speaks  untruly  in  fact,  and 
refer  the  reader,  who  has  not  himself  had  an  opportunity  of  personal 
examination,  to  the  medical  certificates.  The  opinion  of  a  man  is 
worth  nothing  whose  mind  is  so  warped  by  prejudice  as  to  make 
such  an  assertion.  The  skin  of  Mr.  Williams  is  peculiarly  soft,  deli 
cate,  and  feminine.  To  the  doctor's  statement,  on  this  head,  I  can 
only  oppose  a  flat  denial.  But  let  all  this  pass. 

Mr.  Williams  made,  it  seems,  certain  oral  statements  to  Dr.  Wil 
liams,  which  are  entirely  inconsistent  with  what  he  has  since  said ; 
among  them,  that  his  mother  was  a  Frenchwoman.  This  is  an 
absurdity  into  which  even  Mr.  Marcoux  would  not  fall.  It  is  well 
known  that  Mrs.  Williams  is  almost  entirely  of  Indian  blood.  Her 
descent  is  as  follows.  Her  great-grandmother  was  a  half-breed,  and 
married  a  Frenchman  ;  their  daughter  married  an  Onondaga  Indian 
of  full  blood,  and  their  child,  her  mother,  did  the  same.  Mr. 
Williams  never  could  have  said,  on  such  a  subject,  what  is  here 
imputed  to  him.  The  doctor's  memory  is  as  much  at  fault  as  his 
observation. 

We  have,  then,  the  following  peculiarly  strange  statement,  as 
coming  from  Mr.  Williams :  "He  married  Miss  Mary  Jourdan,  a 
distant  relative  of  the  King  of  France,  from  whom  he  has  been 
honored  with  many  splendid  gifts,  among  the  rest  a  golden  cross 
and  star.  He  has  one  son  by  the  name  of  John."  All  this,  the 
reader  must  remember,  was  inserted  by  the  Dr.  in  the  genealogy  of 
the  Williams  family,  as  having  been  told  him,  in  conversation,  by 
Mr.  Williams.  But  there  was  another  remarkable  piece  of  intelli 
gence,  which,  in  the  original  text,  follows  the  word  John,  and 
which  our  author  had  the  prudence  to  omit  in  the  Appendix  and 
Notes,  lest  it  should  reveal  the  worth  and  character  of  his  other 

reminiscences — "  He  has  a  son  John,  born ,  now  (1846)  on  a 

1 0* 


442  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

visit  to  the  King  of  France,  by  his  request."  Most  veracious  his 
torian,  and  faithful  chronicler  of  table-talk!  And  Mr.  Williams 
told  you,  actually,  his  son  was,  in  the  year  1846,  in  France,  on  a 
visit  to  Louis  Philippe?  Yes,  sir,  he  told  it  you  in  the  same  breath 
he  told  you  his  wife  was  a  relative  of  the  King  of  France,  and  the 
King  had  sent  him  a  cross  and  star,  but  that  breath  never  proceeded 
from  his  lips.  John  Williams  has  never  been  out  of  America. 
You  knew  so  little  of  Mr.  Williams's  personal  history,  you  could 
not  tell  when  his  son  was  born,  but  you  were  very  sure  that,  then, 
when  you  were  writing,  1846,  he  was  in  France. 

But  Dr.  Williams  contradicts  himself  in  a  manner  which  shows 
how  little  reliance  can  be  placed  on  any  of  his  recollections.  On 
p.  174,  we  are  told  by  him,  Mr.  Williams  never  made  the  "  most 
distant  allusion  "  to  "  his  ever  having  had  an  interview  with  the 
Prince  de  Joinville  ;"  and  lo!  on  p.  ITV  we  read,  "  He  frequently 
told  me  and  my  family  that  this  visit  from  the  Prince  was  in  conse 
quence  of  his  relationship  to  his  wife,  and  that  he  received  his  pres 
ents  from  the  same  cause.  His  stories  here  were  much  at  variance 
with  those  in  the  magazine."  I  wonder  with  what  Dr.  Williams's 
stories  are  at  variance. 

Still  there  remains  another  difficulty.  Mr.  WiHiams  wrote  to 
the  Doctor  several  times,  speaking  of  members  of  the  Williams 
family  as  his  relatives,  and  this,  we  are  tol.d,  is  conclusive  evidence 
of  the  falsehood  of  all  his  statements  respecting  the  Prince  de 
Joinville.  Here,  I  will  let  Mr.  Williams  speak  for  himself,  in  words 
with  which  the  Docter  is  already  familiar. 

"NEW  YORK,  September  12,  1853. 
"  To  DR.  S.  W.  WILLIAMS. 

"  SIR  : — Your  recent  edition  of  the  Redeemed  Captive  was  only  yes 
terday  put  into  my  hands,  by  a  friend.  In  it  I  perceive  a  note  in  especial 
relation  to  myself.  I  must  express  my  astonishment,  that  before  you  took 
the  liberty  of  thus  using  my  name,  you  did  not  inform  me  of  your  intention} 


KIN    AND    KIND.  443 

or,  at  any  rate,  that  you  did  not  have  the  courtesy  to  send  me  a  copy  of 
the  work,  on  its  publication,  that  I  might  have  an  opportunity  of  imme 
diately  defending  myself  against  your  assault  on  rny  reputation,  and  which 
I  am  constrained  to  say,  exhibits  as  little  of  the  feeling  of  a  kinsman,  as 
it  does  of  the  candor  and  truthfulness  of  a  gentleman.  Nothing  on  my 
part,  that  I  am  aware  of,  in  our  intercourse,  can  justify  the  malicious 
spirit  displayed  by  you.  You  are  pleased  to  call  me  "  a  distinguished 
gentleman,"  at  the  same  time  you  stoop  to  every  artifice  which  meanness 
can  dictate  to  injure  me  in  the  public  estimation.  It  is  most  true  that  in 
letters,  as  well  as  in  conversation,  I  spoke  of  myself  to  you,  as  well  as  to 
others,  after  my  interview  with  the  Prince  de  Joinville,  as  a  member  of  the 
Williams  family — for  the  habits  and  feelings  of  a  lifetime  are  not  to  be 
shaken  off  in  an  hour.  I  did  so  precisely  in  the  same  manner  that  I  still 
continue  to  call  myself  Eleazar  Williams,  and  to  speak  of  Mrs.  Mary  Ann 
Williams,  of  St.  Regis,  as  my  mother,  though  she  has  given  a  soletmn 
affidavit  to  the  contrary.  Besides  which,  at  the  time  of  which  you  speak,  I 
had  not  had  the  opportunity  of  giving  the  subject  the  attention  which  I  have 
since  done.  I  had  nothing  but  the  revelation  of  the  Prince  de  Joinville  to 
depend  on,  and,  as  I  had  no  intention  of  assuming  the  public  position,  in 
this  affair,  into  which  I  have  been  forced  through  circumstances,  I  did  not 
consider  it  necessary  to  thrust  the  question  of  my  foreign  extraction  into  a 
genealogical  account  of  the  Williams  family.  There  were  also  feelings  of 
delicacy  towards  that  family,  and  an  unwillingness  to  rupture  ties  which 
to  me  were  so  endearing,  which  kept  me  longer  silent  than  I  should  other 
wise  have  been.  All  generous  and  candid  minds  will,  I  think,  appreciate 
the  difficulties  of  my  position,  and  not  impute  to  deception  what  was  the 
result  of  the  uncertainty  respecting  my  own  history,  and  feelings  of  affee- 
tion  for  those  who  had  treated  mo  so  kindly,  and  for  whom  I  can  never 
cease  to  entertain  tha  regard  of  a  kinsman.  In  respect  to  other  matters, 
you  have  grossly  misunderstood  and  misrepresented  me.  The  thought  of 
my  wife's  being  a  relative  of  the  King  of  France  never  entered  into  my 
mind.  As  her  name  indicates,  I  spoke  of  her,  to  you,  as  a  supposed  mem 
ber  of  the  family  of  Marshal  Jourdan,  which  I  believe  to  be  the  case.  As 
to  my  mother,  or  rather,  if  I  must  be  precise,  Mrs.  Mary  Ann  Williams, 
being  a  French  woman,  that  I  never  could  have  said,  for  she  is  more,  at 
least,  than  three-fourths  an  Indian,  in  blood,  and  has  every  outward  indi- 


444  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

cation  of  her  race.  She  can  speak  no  language  but  the  Mohawk.  As  to 
the  cross  and  star,  there  are  such  things  in  my  possession,  but  I  received 
them  from  the  Indian  family  of  which  I  supposed  myself  a  member.  You 
have,  in  these  and  other  respects,  utterly  misconstrued  what  passed  between 
us  in  conversation,  and  imputed  your  misconception  to  me.  Unless  I  am 
greatly  mistaken,  you  make  me  say,  in  your  genealogical  work,  that  my 
son  had  gone  to  France  for  an  education,  which  is  an  absurdity  of  which  I 
never  could  have  been  guilty.  In  short,  my  dear  sir,  it  is  not  every  persozi 
who  is  competent  to  report,  truthfully,  the  substance  of  a  familiar  conver 
sation,  and  you  seem  to  be  among  those  who  cannot.  What  I  have  writ 
ten,  I  am  ready  to  acknowledge,  but  you  must  pardon  me  if  I  demur 
against  pleading  guilty  to  your  confused  recollections  and  misstatements. 
It  is  with  deep  regret  that  I  have  felt  compelled  to  speak  thus  to  one  whom 
I  formerly  respected  and  esteemed,  but  you  have,  by  your  own  misconduct, 
forced  me  to  it 

"  I  am,  sir,  you  obedient  servant, 

':  ELEAZAR  WILLIAMS. 
"  DR.  STEPHEN  W.  WILLIAMS, 

•'Deerfield." 

The  statement  of  Dr.  Lothrop  I  have  elsewhere  disposed  of. 
The  opinion  of  the  late  Gov.  Williams,  of  Vermont,  as  to  Mr.  Wil- 
liams's  age,  is  to  be  estimated  by  his  own  account,  "  although  I 
cannot  fix  upon  any  particular  data,  yet  my  impression  is  the  same 
as  yours,  that  he  was  born  in  1790."  The  reader  has  had  "  particular 
data"  enough  to  arrive  at  a  very  different  opinion.  Gov.  Williams, 
in  fact,  knew  nothing  about  the  subject,  he  had  not  examined  into 
it,  nor  thought  upon  it;  and  I  cannot  understand  that  the  mere  fact 
of  a  person's  name  being  Williams  renders  him  any  more  competent 
a  judge  on  this  point  than  others. 

"  Such,"  says  Dr.  Williams,  "  is  some  of  the  evidence  to  show 
that  the  Dauphin,  if  living,  cannot  be  Eleazar  Williams."  I  should 
rather  say,  such  is  some  of  the  evidence  to  show  that  Dr.  Stephen 
W.  Williams  has  been  writing  on  a  subject  he  does  not  understand. 

But  the  doctor   next  favors  us   with   some   of    his   historical 


KIN    AND    KIND.  445 

learning,  and  proceeds  to  show  "  by  direct  and  positive  evidence," 
that  the  Dauphin  is  actually  dead.  The  italics  are  his  own,  and 
his  idea  of  direct  and  positive  evidence  is  illustrated  by  this  list 
of  authorities,  which  is  as  follows:  "Thiers,  Alison,  Scott,  the 
4  Debats,'  a  French  Journal,  devoted  to  the  interest  of  the  Orleans 
dynasty,'  the  '  Encyclopedia  Americana,'  '  Abbot's  History  of  Mario 
Antoniette,'  and  Putnam's  Magazine}'1  Though  in  justice  I  will 
add,  that  he  also  brings  in  the  '  Memoirs  of  the  Duchess  D'An- 
goul^me,'  which  speaks  of  "  three  respectable  surgeons  testifying 
to  his  death."  I  trust  the  reader  will  not  suppose  that  I  have  so 
long  allowed  "The  Notes  and  Appendix"  of  Dr.  Williams,  to 
wander  about  the  world,  and  be  quoted,  in  discerning  journals,  as 
conclusive  authority,  because  I  felt  any  difficulty  in  answering  his 
random  assertions  and  inconclusive  reasoning,  but  simply  because 
I  did  not  deem  what  he  said  deserving  of  notice,  and  was  quite 
willing  to  bide  the  time  when  I  could  exhibit  his  facts  and  argu 
ments  in  their  proper  light.  If  I  have  spoken  with  severity,  it  is 
because  there  is  an  evident  desire  throughout  the  whole  of  Dr. 
Williams's  remarks,  to  injure  his  former  acquaintance,  and  the 
manifestation,  in  a  more  unkind  shape,  of  the  feeling  which 
prompted  another  member  of  the  family  to  say  he  would  never 
have  shown  him  the  attention  he  did,  had  he  imagined  he  was 
not  the  descendant  of  Eunice  Williams,  but  only  the  son  of  Louis 
XVI.  Family  pride  and  affection  are  things  to  be  honored,  but 
they  become  despicable,  when  they  make  us  spiteful  and  unjust. 
Those  members  of  the  Williams  family,  who  have  known  most  of 
Mr.  Williams,  confide  in,  respect,  and  love  him. 


446  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 


CHAPTER  XXH. 

CONCLUSION. 

I  HAVE  now  gone  over  the  proposed  ground,  and  presented 
everything  in  my  possession,  that  can  aid  in  the  formation  of 
opinion  on  the  point  discussed.  It  remains,  briefly,  to  indicate  the 
general  bearing  of  facts  and  probabilities.  But  I  have  endeavored 
so  to  arrange  my  materials,  that  the  reader,  who  has  accompanied 
me  through  the  preceding  pages,  will  scarcely  need  any  formal 
summing  up  of  evidence. 

There  are  before  us  two  great  bodies  of  fact  and  testimony — one 
proceeding  from  Europe,  and,  in  a  great  measure,  long  since  familiar 
to  the  public,  who  were,  however,  destitute  of  that  clue  to  its 
meaning  and  connection,  which  a  single  fact  alone  can  give — the 
other,  recently  rising  to  view,  in  this  country. 

The  first  proves  that  Louis  XVII.  did  not  die  in  the  Temple,  in 
the  year  1795. 

The  second  proves  the  exceedingly  high  probability,  approaching, 
if  it  does  not  attain  to  moral  certainty,  that  Louis  XVII.  now  lives 
in  the  person  of  the  Rev.  Eleazar  Williams. 

I  purposely  assume  a  moderate  position,  in  respect  to  my  conclu 
sion.  My  own  belief  in  the  identity  is  firm.  But  knowing  the 
fallibility  of  human  testimony  and  circumstantial  evidence,  I  place 
myself  on  strong,  because  safe  ground,  and  say,  what  all  reasonable 
persons  will,  I  think,  concede,  that  the  evidence  adduced  carries 
probability  to  nearly  its  highest  extent.  If  any  one  shall  say  it 
makes  the  fact  certain,  he  will  find  no  opponent  in  me.  I  believe 
it  does. 

As  the  subject  at  first  stood,  there  was  a  balance  of  probabilities 
against  the  identity.  I  met  an  entire  stranger,  who  told  m«  a  mar- 


CONCLUSION.  447 

vellons  story,  hovering  on  the  shadowy  verge  of  possibility.  He 
had  the  appearance  of  simple,  unpretending  sincerity,  but  had  no 
means  of  substantiating  his  statements.  He  declared  certain  facts, 
of  which  he  had  been  an  eye  and  ear  witness,  but  how  these 
would  tally  with  history  he  had  no  idea,  or  a  vague  one.  Accord 
ing  to  the  sage  maxims  of  some,  I  should  have  dismissed  my  new 
acquaintance  as  a  monomaniac  or  a  fabricator.  But  I  had  been 
taught,  since  infancy,  to  regard  faith  in  testimony  as  the  principle 
of  power,  to  prove  all  things,  and  to  hold  fast  that  which  is  good. 
Reserving  in  suspense,  my  ultimate  judgment,  I  was  willing  to 
trust  one  who  seemed  trustworthy,  till  he  proved  himself  the  con 
trary  ;  because,  although  it  was  more  improbable  that  a  person 
regarded  by  the  world,  for  more  than  fifty  years,  as  an  Indian, 
should,  in  childhood,  have  been  king  of  France,  than  that  a  cler 
gyman  should  invent,  there  was  a  redeeming  moral  probability,  in 
favor  of  his  truthfulness,  not  lightly  to  be  set  aside.  I  remembered 
who  had  told  me  to  judge  not  by  the  appearance,  but  to  judge 
righteous  judgment,  and  who  was  rejected  by  those  who  trans 
gressed  the  rule.  The  very  improbability  of  what  Mr.  Williams 
said,  was,  in  one  point  of  view  a  prima  facie  argument  in  his  favor, 
since  it  was  not  likely  that  a  sane  and  sensible  man,  the  member 
of  an  honorable  profession,  a  minister  of  the  Church  of  Christ, 
would  risk  all,  in  this  life  and  the  next,  on  untruths  which  would 
not  bear  a  moment's  serious  examination.  I  believed  in  the  power 
of  a  fact  to  vindicate  its  own  truth,  and  reasoned,  if  this  were  a 
fact,  it  must  have  left  a  pathway  all  along,  which,  though  obscured 
by  ten  thousand  cross  tracks,  would  become  evident,  on  examina 
tion;  and  that  opposition  and  discussion  would  only  aid  in  the 
development  of  truth.  The  result  is  before  the  reader.  I  claim, 
in  this  volume,  to  have  adduced  evidence  which  reverses  the  first 
position  of  things,  and  to  have  thrown  the  overwhelming  balance 
of  probabilities  in  favor  of  the  identity  of  Louis  XVII.  and  the 
"Rev.  Eleazar  Williams. 

How  far  these  probabilities  fall  short  of  historic  certainty,  a  brief 


448  THR    LOST    PRINCE. 

summary  of  the  evidence  will  show.  To  repeat  conclusions,  in 
conjunction,  which  have  already  been  stated  separately  is  here 
inevitable. 

I.  The  great  fundamental  fact  that,  Louis  XVII.  did  not  die  in  the 
Temple,  on  the  8th  June,  1V95,  has  been  proved  by  an  accumulation 
of  evidence,  which  would  compel  the  assent  of  any  impartial  jury. 
Those  who  assert  the  fact  of  death,  deprive  themselves  of  the 
benefit  of  any  alternative.  Their  position  is  the  strongest  possible, 
if  sustained,  because  it  expresses  no  uncertainty;  and,  indeed, 
nothing  short  of  this  would  have  availed  them.  They  say,  he  died 
at  a  particular  time  and  place,  and,  pointing  to  a  certain  dead  body, 
declare  it  was  his.  Disprove  the  last  assertion — and  they  have 
nothing  more  to  produce.  The  witnesses  they  cite,  are,  1,  four 
physicians,  and,  2,  two  jailers.  The  physicians  testify  they  know 
nothing  about  the  matter.  They  saw  a  dead  body,  but  were 
entirely  ignorant  whose  it  was.  The  jailers  stand  convicted  of 
gross  falsehood,  in  regard  to  an  asserted  fact  necessary  to  the 
truth  of  their  testimony,  and  no  jury  would,  therefore,  believe 
them  on  oath.  There  is,  thus,  no  evidence  to  prove  the  death  of 
Louis  XVII.,  but  that  of  two  men  convicted  of  falsehood. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  has  been  shown, 

1.  That  it  is  physically  impossible  the  body,  described  in  the 
proces  verbal,  could  be  that  of  Louis  XVII. :  and, 

2.  That  the  police  records  of  June,  1V95,  prove  he  was  removed 
from  prison  before  the  8th  of  that  month. 

So  far  the  naked  fact.  In  explanation  of  it,  the  history  of 
France  shows  that,  prior  to  the  French  Revolution,  the  Count  de 
Provence  was  plotting  to  obtain  the  throne,  and  anxious  to 
supplant  his  unfortunate  brother;  that  to  obtain  this  end,  he 
fomented  the  troubles  in  the  kingdom  with  the  hope  of  forcing 
Louis  XVI.  to  abdication ;  that,  the  king  and  queen  distrusted  him, 
on  account  of  his  unprincipled  ambition,  and  abstained,  at  their 
death,  from  committing  their  children  to  his  care;  that,  after 
usurping  the  nominal  regency  of  the  kingdom,  the  Count  de 


CONCLUSION.  449 

Provence  attempted,  by  means  of  intriguing  agents,  to  obtain  the 
sovereign  power,  and  corresponded  with  the  most  extreme  of  tho 
revolutionary  leaders ;  that  having  pledged  himself,  in  a  proclama 
tion,  to  release  Louis  XVII.  from  the  Temple,  there  is  evidence  he 
found  means,  through  his  agents,  to  surround  the  imprisoned 
Prince  with  persons  devoted  to  his  own  interests,  who,  with  tho 
probable  connivance  of  members  of  the  Republican  Government, 
took  advantage  of  a  treaty  made  by  the  Convention  with  Charette, 
the  Vendeean  leader,  in  which  it  was  stipulated,  Louis  XVII. 
should  be  delivered  to  him,  on  the  13th  June,  1795,  to  remove  him 
from  the  Temple,  and  circulate  the  report  of  his  death,  having 
adroitly  substituted  a  dying  child  in  his  stead. 

II.  The  series  of  facts  next  in  order  are  those  which  intimate,  or 
prove,  that  the  royal  family  of  France  were  cognisant  of  the  exist 
ence  of  the  youthful  king,  viz. : — 

1.  The  confession  of  the  Duchess  D'Angouleme,  to  the  wife  of 
the  secretary  of  the  Count  D'Artois,  in  1807,  that  she  knew  her 
brother  was  alive,  and  in  America. 

2.  The  contradictions  and  inconsistencies  attending  the  funeral 
solemnities  for  the  departed  Bourbons,  on  the  Restoration ;  the 
omission  of  any  respect  to  the  memory  of  Louis  XVII.,  made  only 
more  glaringly  evident  by  the  decree  to  erect  a  monument  to  him, 
and  the  actual  preparation  of  an  epitaph,  under  the  orders  of  Louis 
XVIII ;  and,  also,  the  rejection  by  the  royal  family,  of  the  asserted 
heart  of  Louis  XVII.,  in  the  possession  of  Peletan. 

3.  The  strange  conduct  of  the  Duchess  D'Angouleme,  in  respect 
to  the  pretenders,  and  especially  Herr  Naundorff. 

The  list 'might  be  extended,  but  these  are  here  sufficient. 

III.  We  come,  now,  to  the  circumstances  which,  historically,  pro 
ject  from  the  transactions  in  Europe  to  serve  as  means  of  future 
identification.     These  are  often  very  trivial  and  minute,    when 
viewed  separately,  but,  in  combination,  they  acquire  an  irresistible 
cogency,  if  it  be  found  they  all  centre  on  some  one  individual,  no 
matter  in  what  part  of  the  world  he  may  be  found. 


450  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

1.  The  individual  last  known  to  have  been  with  Louis  XVII.  in 
the  Temple  was  named  Bellanger,  and  was  a  confidant  and  creature 
of  Louis  XVIII. ;  and,  it  seems  evident  that,  if  the  Prince  were 
removed  from  the  Temple,  as  it  is  proved  he  was,  Bellanger,  from 
his  official  position  as  acting  commissary,  which  gave  him,  for  the 
time  being,  supreme  command  in  the  prison,  must  have  been  the 
chief  agent  in  the  affair. 

2.  Louis  XVII.,  at  the  time  of  his  removal  from  the  Tower,  was 
in  a  state  of  imbecility,  bordering  on  idiocy. 

3.  He  had  on  his  person  the  following  marks,  1.  A  scar  over  the 
eyebrow,  from  a  blow  inflicted  by  Simon.     2.  Tumors  on  both 
elbows.     3.  Tumors  on  both  wrists.     4.  Tumors  on  both  knees. 
5.  Inoculation  marks  on  his  arm,  one  of  which  was  in  the  form  of  a 
crescent.     Besides  which,  there  were  natural  peculiarities  not  to  be 
overlooked.     1.  He  strongly  resembled  the  rest  of  his  family  in  the 
general  formation  of  the  head,  ear,  jaw,  chin,  and  mouth,  but  had 
hazel  eyes,  and  a  nose  approaching  to  what  is  called  the  nez 
retrousse,  which,  as  life  advanced,  would,  probably,  develope  into 
a   straighter  shape,  but   could  never  acquire  the  aquiline  form 
observable  in  the  features  of  the  Regent  Orleans,  Louis  XVI.,  or 
even  Louis  XVIII. 

4.  It  was  intimated  by  Herr  Naundorff  that,  besides  Mr.  B.,  pro 
bably  M.  Bellanger,  there  was  engaged  in  the  removal  of  the  Prince 
from  France,  a  lady  of  the  court,  formerly  in  the  service  of  Marie 
Antoinette,   and    also    that    the  destination  of   the   Prince  was 
America. 

5.  The  time  of  action  was  1795,  when  the  Dauphin  was  ten  years 
of  age. 

IV.  And,  now,  let  us  examine  the  corresponding  circumstances 
which  tend  to  identify  the  Kev.  Eleazar  Williams  with  the  royal 
child. 

1.  In  the  year  1795,  a  French  lady  and  gentleman,  the  former  of 
whom  had  been  in  the  service  of  Marie  Antoinette,  came  to  Albany, 
having  lately  arrived  from  France,  bringing  with  them  a  girl  and  a 


CONCLUSION.  451 

little  boy,  the  latter  of  whom  was  called  Monsieur  Louis,  was  about 
ten  years  of  age,  and  was  characterized  by  the  same  listlessness  and 
lack  of  observation  recorded  of  Louis  XVII.,  and  resembled,  in  the 
form  of  his  head  and  face,  the  Rev.  Eleazar  Williams,  and  concern 
ing  whom  much  mystery  was  observed.  The  party  suddenly  dis 
appeared. 

2.  In  the  year  1795,  two  Frenchmen,  one  of  whom  appeared  to 
be  a  Romish  priest,   carried  an  imbecile  French  boy  to  Lake 
George,  and  left  him  with  Thomas  "Williams,  which  boy,  on  the 
oath  of  a  credible  witness,  present  at  the  time,  and  who  has  known 
him  in  after  life,  is  the  Eleazar  Williams. 

3.  His  reputed  mother  acknowledges  she  adopted  him. 

4.  Eleazar  Williams  recovered  his  mind  by  a  fall  into  Lake 
George,  since  which  his  memory  is  perfect — but  the  images  which 
come  to  him  from  his  previous  life,  tally  with  the  events  of  the 
Dauphin's  history.     His  condition  of  mind,  his  absence  of  distinct 
memory  of  his  childhood,  are  proved  on  respectable  testimony. 

5.  He  has  all  the  natural  characteristics,  and  all  the  accidental 
marks,  necessary  to  identity  with  Louis  XVII. 

6.  Money  was  sent  from  France  to  a  merchant  in  Albany,  and 
was  expended  on  his  behalf. 

7.  Nathaniel  Ely,  who  had  charge  of  his  education,  was  acquainted 
with  the  fact,  that  he  was  of  noble  birth. 

8.  The  rapid  development  of  his  mind  indicates  previous  culture. 

9.  His  condition  of  health,  from  boyhood  to  the  present  time, 
constantly  wavering  between  robust  vigor  and  excessive  prostration, 
accompanied  with  pains  in  the  head  and  side,  indicate  that  a  con 
stitution  originally  strong,  received,  at  some  time,  a  great  shock, 
but  which  is  anterior  to  anything  which  happened  to  him  in  this 
country. 

10.  The  mental  and  moral  characteristics  exhibited    by  him 
throughout  life,  the  fertility  of  resource  and  military  genius,  which 
developed  without  culture  and  seemed  innate,  the  generous  ardor 
of  his  disposition,  his  religious  feelings,  his  untiring  labors  for  the 


452  THE    LOST   PRINCE. 

benefit  of  others,  his  absence  of  pecuniary  tact  and  management, 
his  ignorance  even  of  his  own  powers,  his  gentle  and  forgiving  char 
acter,  and  tke  very  want  of  balance  and  symmetry  in  his  mind,  all 
agree,  in  combination  with  the  best  characteristics  of  the  Bourbons, 
witk  what  we  know  from  history  of  the  natural  disposition  of  the 
Prince,  and  with  what  it  is  natural  to  expect  would  be  the  charac 
ter,  the  power,  and  the  weakness  of  one  whose  birth,  sufferings, 
and  entire  history  are  such  as  those  of  Louis  XVII.  and  Eleazar 
Williams  in  continuous  unity  of  existence. 

11.  The  wife  of  the  secretary  of  the  Count  D'Artois,  not  only 
heard  the  confession  of  the  Duchess  D'Angouleme  that  her  brother 
was  alive  in  America,  but  also  learned,  in  the  Royal  family,  that 
Bellanger  brought  him  to  this  country,  and  that  he  was  known  in 
America  as  Eleazar  "Williams,  an  Indian  missionary ;  and  it  is  on 
oath  that  she  made,  in  substance  these  statements,  in  New  Orleans, 
prior  to  the  visit  of  the  Prince  de  Joinville  to  this  country  in  1841. 

12.  The  Rev.  Eleazar  "Williams  did  become  acquainted,  in  1848, 
with  the  fact  that  Bellanger  brought  the  Dauphin  to  this  country, 
and  that  he  was  asserted  by  Bellanger  to  be  the  Dauphin  four  years 
before  he,  or  any  other  man  on  the  continent  of  America,  not  in  the 
secret,  knew  there  was  an  historic  personage  named  Bellanger, 
who  could  be  suspected  of  kidnapping  the  Dauphin,  or  was  in  any 
way  connected  with  him  in  the  Temple. 

To  these  I  might  add  other  particulars,  but  those  enumerated 
suffice  for  my  purpose. 

Y.  I  proceed  now  to  the  series  of  facts  connected  with  the  inter 
course  between  the  Prince  de  Joinville  and  the  Rev.  Eleazar  Williams. 

1.  The  Prince  de  Joinville  came  to  the  United  States  in  1838, 
and  leaving  his  ships  at  Newport,  went  on  a  secret  expedition  into 
the  interior  of  the  country. 

2.  Immediately  after  the  return  of  the  Prince  to  France,  inquiries 
were  made  of  the  French  vice-consul  in  Newport,  concerning  two 
servants  of  Marie  Antoinette,  who  came  to  America  during  the 
French  revolution. 


CONCLUSION.  453 

3.  The  Prince  de  Joinville,  on  his  return  to  America  in  1841, 
inquired  earnestly  of  many  persons,  and  in  divers  places,  concern 
ing  the  Kev.  Eleazar  Williams,  asking  questions  about  him  which 
cannot  be  resolved  into  anxiety  to  find  one  who  could  give  him 
historic  information,  with  which  there  is  nothing  in  their  inter 
course  that  tallies,  except  what  bears  on  its  face  the  appearance  of 
deception,  a  covert  and  blind  to  other  designs ;  he  caused  word  to 
be  transmitted  to  him  that  he  desired  to  see  him ;  on  meeting  him 
he  manifested   agitation   and  surprise,  and  exhibited,  in  public, 
excessive  deference  beyond  the  requirements  and  the  practice  of 
ordinary  politeness — even  French  politeness ;  he  corresponded  with 
him  by  name  through  his  secretaries  for  several  years,  personally 
recommended  to  Lou;s  Philippe  a  petition  transmitted  by  Mr.  Wil 
liams,  from  a  Koman  Catholic  chief,  and  thus,  long  before  and  long 
after  their  interview,  was  well  acquained  with  his  name. 

4.  In  the  face  of  these  facts,  the  Prince  de  Joinville  represents 
his  meeting  with  Mr.  Williams  to  have  been  accidental,  and  denies 
he  even  remembered  his  name. 

5.  Mr.  Williams,  on  the  other  hand,  asserts  that,  at  the  interview, 
sought  and  solicited  by  the  Prince,  the  latter  communicated  to  him 
the  secret  of  his  birth,  and  demanded  a  resignation  of  right  to  the 
French  throne  in  favor  of  Louis  Philippe.    In  respect  to  this  asser 
tion,  every  syllable  in  this  volume  which  renders  it  probable  that  he 
is  Louis  XVII.,  supports  his  credibility,  while  at  the  same  time  it 
discredits  the  affirmation  of  the  Prince. 

6.  One  of  the  officers  of  the  Prince  de  Joinville  confessed  to  Mr. 
Geo.  Sumner  the  mystery  attending  the  expedition  to  Green  Bay, 
and  that  Mr.  Williams  was  spoken  of  as  the  son  of  Louis  XVI. 

7.  There  is  in  the  political  circumstances  of  the  times,  the  relative 
position  of  Louis  Philippe  to  the  Royalists  and  other  parties  in 
France,  and  his  suicidal,  albeit,  compulsory  folly  in  bringing  the 
remains  of  Napoleon  to  France,  everything  to  render  it  jiot  impro 
bable  that,  on  the  discovery  of  the  secret  of  the  existence  of  Louis 
XVIL,  he  would  adopt  the  course  which  Mr.  Williams  asserts  he  did. 


454  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

VI.  In  the  next  place,  let  me  group  together  some  few  of  the 
reasons  for  confiding  in  the  statements  of  Mr.  Williams. 

1.  It  is  proved,  that  since  the  year  1803,  or  at  the  latest,  1804, 
he  has  been  in  the  habit,  with  more  or  less  regularity,  of  keeping  a 
journal. 

2.  In  his  journal  for  1841,  occurs  a  full  and  minute  account, 
which  bears  every  mark  of  having  been  written  at  the  time,  of  his 
interview  with  the  Prince  together  with  all  that  led  to,  and  fol 
lowed  it — which  account  has  not  been  made  public  by  his  instru 
mentality,  although  with  his  consent — and,  in  fact,  has  only  been 
brought  to  light  by  a  series  of  seeming  accidents. 

S.  The  history  of  his  life  exhibits  him,  as  a  man  whose  word  can 
be  depended  op,  if  we  are  to  depend  on  the  word  of  any  one.  It 
will  take  much,  I  think,  to  make  the  world  believe  that  the  gallant 
soldier,  and  the  laborious  self-denying  missionary,  could,  without 
aim  or  purpose,  have  contrived  a  story  so  foul  and  dishonorable,  if 
false,  and  in  the  absence,  too,  of  any  knowledge  how  it  could  be 
sustained. 

VII.  A  strong  argument  may  also  be  drawn,  in  his  favor,  from 
the  signal  failure  which  has  attended  every  effort  to  discredit  his 
assertions.    It  matters  not  from  what  quarter  the  opposition  has 
proceeded,  or  what  have  been  the  authorities  cited.    It  is  not  diffi 
cult,   we  think,  to  dispose   alike  of  Beauchesne,  Lasne,  Gomin, 
Naundorff,  Bichemont,  the  Prince  de  Joinville,  General  Oass,  the 
Kev.  Mr.  Marcoux,  and  Dr.  Stephen  Williams,  while  there  has  not 
been,  in  all  the  pages  of  argument,  ridicule,  and  abuse,  heaped 
on  Mr.  Williams  and  his  friends,  one  single  word  which  has  not 
fallen  to  the  ground  harmless,  as  it  respects  the  issue  really  in 
volved. 

VIII.  Nor  is  it  unworthy  of  remark,  in  this  brief  resume"  of  the 
evidence,  that  the  agency  of  some,  at  least,  of  the  Bomish  priest 
hood,  wtoch  may  be  traced  from  the  beginning  in  this  affair,  comes 
in  at  last,  with  a  puerile  effort  in  the  shape  of  forgery,  to  prevent 
the  truth  from  coming  to  light,  and  thus,  providentially,  affords  the 


CONCLUSION.  455 

crowning  confirmation.  I  have  spoken  severely  of  this  act  of 
wickedness,  but  not  one  half  as  severely  as  it  deserves,  for  if 
such  things  are  tolerated  in  this  country,  religion  is  dishonored,  law 
is  a  farce,  liberty  a  name,  and  reputation  the  prey  of  every  de- 
tamer. 

No  outline  of  the  evidence,  in  this  case,  can  do  justice  to  it,  as  it 
stands  in  its  living  force  and  freshness,  and  if  any  one  shall  chance 
to  open  the  volume  at  its  termination,  to  see  what  has  been  accom 
plished,  I  must  refer  him  to  the  foregoing  pages  for  information. 
But  rapid  as  has  been  the  accumulation  of  evidence  on  this  subject, 
I  should  not  be  surprised  to  find  that  it  increases  in  every  direction. 
The  stores  of  Europe  remain  yet  untouched.  It  is  not  too  late  to 
recover  everything  which  relates  to  this  transaction.  I  am  much 
inclined  to  think  that  Talleyrand  was  fully  conversant  with  the 
whole.  We  have  seen  that,  when  in  this  country,  he  was  in  com 
munication  with  old  Jacob  Vanderheyden,  an  Indian  trader,  who 
was  present  at  the  time  that  Mr.  Williams  was  left  among  the 
Indians;  and  it  is  not  too  much  to  hope  that,  when  the  period 
comes,  for  the  opening  of  his  Memoirs,  the  whole  facts  relative  to 
the  removal  of  Louis  XVII.  may  come  to  light. 

The  saddest  thought,  to  my  mind,  connected  with  the  whole  of 
this  dark  historic  drama,  which  convicts  of  crime  and  perfidy  so 
many  who  have  stood  high  in  name  and  power,  is  that  the  sister 
knew  the  brother's  doom.  And  yet,  I  would  not  speak  or  think 
harshly  of  the  Duchess  of  Angoul&me.  She  was  the  victim  of 
the  unnatural  and  abhorrent  villainy  of  Louis  XVIII,  and  was 
entrapped,  ere  she  was  aware,  in  the  meshes  of  a  dark  web  of  sub 
tle  fraud,  from  which  she  could  not,  throughout  life,  escape.  At 
first,  she  was  taught  to  believe  her  brother  dead,  and,  before  she 
knew  the  contrary,  found  herself  the  wife  of  him  to  whom  the 
crown  would,  in  all  human  probability,  ultimately  fall,  in  conse 
quence  of  the  remoral  of  Louis  XVII.  from  France.  And  when 
the  fact  did  come  to  her  knowledge,  she,  doubtless,  had  no  idea  of 
the  ultimate  designs  of  her  uncle,  but  regarded  the  exiled  child 


456  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

as  placed  in  security  till  the  political  storm  was  entirely  over.  In 
this  frame  of  mind  she  could  speak  to  one  who  enjoyed  her  confi 
dence  with  pleasure  of  her  conviction  of  his  safety,  and  cherish 
the  hope  that  in  brighter  da}7s  they  would  be  again  united.  It  is 
not  difficult  to  picture  the  conflict  of  feeling  which  would  rise  in 
her  mind,  when  the  overthrow  of  Napoleon  brought  again  the 
crown  of  France  within  reach  of  the  House  of  Bourbon,  nor  the  sub 
tle  arguments  used  by  the  uncle,  who  had  the  authority  of  a 
father,  to  prove  how  expedient  it  was  for  the  welfare  of  all,  for 
the  happiness  of  France,  for  the  repose  of  Europe,  for  the  preven 
tion  of  such  scenes  of  blood  as  1793  exhibited,  that  the  Gallic 
crown  should  be  placed  on  the  brow  of  one  competent  to  govern. 
What  a  contrast  could  be  drawn  between  the  mature  statesman, 
educated  in  the  midst  of  courts,  acquainted  with  every  avenue  of 
diplomacy,  and  all  the  reciprocally  balancing  powers  of  which 
Europe  is  composed,  and  the  half-barbaric  boy,  ignorant  of  French 
language  and  habits,  ignorant  of  political  life,  ministering  to  savages 
iii  a  western  wilderness,  and  above  all,  a  Protestant.  It  would  be 
said,  and  said,  too,  with  much  appearance  of  reason,  that  to  place 
such  an  individual  on  the  throne  of  France,  in  1814,  would  be  to 
ensure  a  relapse  into  anarchy ;  that  he  could  only  be  a  mere  tool  of 
others ;  that  he  could,  for  a  long  time,  have  no  opinion  of  his  own ; 
and,  in  the  old  cant  phrase  of  the  proclamation,  of  1795,  "France 
needed  a  father,"  and  not  a  monarch  in  leading-strings.  The  heir 
presumptive  to  the  throne  stood  by  her  side  as  a  husband ;  and  could  she 
for  so  dubious  a  benefit  as  a  crown,  which  had  proved  to  her  father 
an  instrument  of  death,  recall  from  rustic  happiness  and  security,  one 
who  suffered  no  wrong,  because  not  conscious  of  any,  while  she 
endangered  the  welfare,  and  sacrificed  the  interests  of  all  she 
loved,  and  prepared  for  France  and  Europe,  just  resting  after  their 
long  convulsion,  an  endless  succession  of  those  evils  which  accom 
pany  weakness  and  misrule  ?  All  this  she  could  understand  and 
submit  to — but  conceive  her  feelings  and  her  indignation  when 
requested  to  receive  the  dried  heart  of  her  wronged  and  exiled 


CONCLUSION.  457 

brother ;  or  admire  the  chaste  harmony  of  the  epitaph,  which,  in 
strains  of  Augustan  elegance,  spoke  of  the  forlorn  boy  as  travelling 
starlike  in  the  heavens,  and  from  his  pathway  of  eternal  light, 
gazing  with  calm  eye  of  angel  love,  on  the  affectionate  uncle  who 
had  swindled  him  out  of  empire,  and,  in  return,  would  exalt,  while 
living,  into  the  paper  paradise  of  Borne,  the  Protestant  who  would 
certainly  be  excluded  from  it  when  dead. 

It  is  said,  the  duchess  never  smiled,  but  went  through  life  and  to 
the  tomb,  bowed  down  by  some  deep-seated  and  mysterious  sorrow. 
Many  a  night  may  she  have  spent,  like  that  so  graphically  described 
by  the  Viscountess  Chateaubriand,  pacing  her  apartment  in  restless 
agony,  unable  to  lay  her  perturbed  spirit,  and  writhing,  amid  the 
splendors  of  royalty,  in  inward  humiliation  and  self-upbraiding  sor 
row.  Yes,  the  sister  was  the  victim  of  the  ambition  of  others 
and  more  to  be  pitied  in  her  titled  desolation  than  the  hardy  man, 
toiling  on  a  far  strand  in  the  dusty  thoroughfare  of  common  life,  but 
still  able  to  breast  with  honest  heart  the  crush  and  variation  of  the 
crowd,  and  lift  to  heaven  a  trusting  eye.  As  for  those  whose 
ambition  demanded  of  a  weak  woman's  heart  this  costly  sacrifice, 
verily  they  had  their  reward.  On  no  page  of  history  are  the 
stern  retributive  workings  of  Providence  more  legibly  inscribed 
than  on  that  which  chronicles  the  history  of  the  Bourbons  since 
the  first  French  Revolution.  The  curse  of  impotence  has  rested  on 
all  they  essayed  to  do.  No  sooner  were  they  lifted,  on  the  tide  of 
events,  towards  an  apparently  stable  throne,  than  they  were 
dashed  back  again,  and  engulfed  in  the  abyss  from  which  they  had 
emerged.  Reiterated  exiles,  agitations,  assassinations,  tracked 
their  career.  Life,  with  them,  was  all  unreal.  In  their  proudest 
days  they  were  but  crowned  brigands.  Distrust,  suspicion,  felon 
fear,  pursued  them  till  the  last.  In  vain  was  the  cry  of  legitimacy 
raised  to  support  that  which  was  illegitimate.  In  vain  did  monar 
chical  Europe  rally,  to  ensure  to  them  a  throne,  which  they  had 
neither  wisdom  to  preserve,  nor  courage  to  defend.  Their's  wai 
"  a  barren  sceptre," 


458  THE    LOST    PRINCE. 

"  Wrenched  from  their  grasp  by  an  unlmeal  hand 
No  son  of  theirs  succeeding," 

and  be  it  fiction  or  be  it  fact,  the  prophecy  of  the  letter  read  by 
the  midnight  lamp,  shall  be  fulfilled  to  its  final  punctuation,  and  on 
their  dynasty,  their  name,  their  lineage,  and  their  memory  shall  be 
stamped  with  livid  hand — "  Death  ! !  !" 

A  word  before  I  conclude,  with  respect  to  the  position  of  Mr. 
Williams.  On  his  part  there  is  no  claim  and  no  pretension.  The 
last  thought  in  his  mind  is  that  of  political  elevation.  Educated  in 
a  republican  country,  he  is  himself  a  republican  in  sentiment  and 
feeling.  A  minister  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church,  he  has  no 
wish  but  to  labor  in  her  fold  and  worship  at  her  altar  until  death. 
Devoted  to  the  regeneration  of  the  Indian,  his  chief  earthly  hope 
is  to  rear  among  those  formerly  reputed  his  countrymen,  a  temple 
to  the  name  of  the  Almighty  God,  which  shall  be  at  once  a  means 
in  future  years  of  recalling  them  from  their  ignorance  and  vice, 
and  a  monument  of  his  love  and  sacrifices  for  them.  He  is  now 
rapidly  approaching  that  period  of  life  when  the  ambitions  and  the 
interests  of  earth  are  of  little  avail.  Had  he  known  all  he  now 
does,  thirty  or  even  twenty  years  earlier,  the  case  might  have  been 
different.  If  at  times  thoughts  and  aspirations  of  a  different  cha 
racter  have  entered  his  mind,  he  has  now  dismissed  them ;  and  to 
go  down  to  a  Christian's  grave  in  peace,  usefulness,  and  honor,  is 
all  he  wishes  for  himself,  and  all  his  friends  wish  for  him. 

His  late  years  have  been  embittered  by  many  sorrows,  and  espe 
cially  by  the  knowledge  of  his  early  history,  and  having  been 
myself  the  means  of  dragging  him  into  an  unpleasant  notoriety,  I 
have  deemed  it  my  duty  to  do  what  lay  within  the  power  of  an 
unpractised  pen,  to  vindicate  him  from  assault. 

To  the  eye  of  a  cold  philosophy,  kings  and  the  sons  of 
kings,  are  much  like  other  men — but  few  of  us  are  philosophers, 
and  God  forbid  we  should  be,  if  it  would  deprive  us  of  sympathy  for 
the  fallen.  If  I  read  any  truth  in  history  it  is,  that  the  hand  of 
God  is  there,  guiding  the  motions  of  the  vast  machine  of  human 


CONCLUSION.  459 

destiny,  and  making  kings  and  rulers,  and  great  men,  statesmen, 
orators  and  poets,  the  agents  for  accomplishing  his  all-wise  designs, 
nor  can  I,  from  the  loop-holes  of  republican  retreat,  gaze  with 
cynical  eye  upon  the  centuries  that  are  fled,  nor  on  the  realms  that 
are  afar.  The  blood  of  a  Bourbon  or  a  Guelph  may  be  composed 
of  much  the  same  ingredients  as  my  own — but  I  recognise  in  it  a 
something  which  the  Providence  of  God  has  sanctified  through 
many  generations,  and  I  confess  to  the  weakness  of  dropping  a 
tear  at  the  thought  of  the  forlorn  descendant  of  European  kings, 
ministering,  on  the  desolate  outskirts  of  civilization,  to  the  scanty 
remnant  of  a  race,  once  the  barbaric  sovereigns  of  this  continent. 
But  God,  who  deals  equally  with  all,  has,  doubtless,  granted  to 
him  as  much  happiness  in  the  toils  of  missionary  life,  as  to  those 
who  have  successively  occupied  the  throne  of  his  fathers. 

"  Stemmata  quid  faciunt  ?  quid  prodest,  Pontice,  longo 
Sanguine  censeri,  pictosque  ostendere  vultus 
Majorum,  et  stantes  in  curribus  ^Emilianos  ? 
*         *         *         *         Nulla  aconita  bibuntur 
Fictilibus  :  tune  ilia  time,  quum  pocula  sumes 
Gemmata  et  lato  Setinum  ardebit  in  auro.' 

What  boots  it  to  be  deemed  of  regal  birth 

And  reckon  ancestors  in  endless  line, 

Warriors  enthroned,  bright  dames  and  steel  clad  knights  ? 


No  aconite  is  drank  in  cups  of  earth  ; 
Then  may  you  fear  it  when  your  fingers  clasp, 
A  jewelled  goblet  and  the  Setine  wine, 
Sparkles  in  ample  gold. 


APPENDIX. 


[APPENDIX  A. — Page  31.] 
Asserted  Correspondence  of  the  Count  de  Provence. 

Note  by  the  Hon.  and  Rev.  G.  C.  Percival,  accompanying  the  asserted  let 
ters  of  Louis  XVIII.  to  the  Duke  Fitz-James,  and  the  Count  D'Artois. 

The  letters  professedly  written  by  the  Count  de  Provence,  afterwards 
Louis  XVIIL,  are  of  so  atrociously  wicked  a  character,  so  calculated  to 
blacken  his  memory  for  ever,  and,  what  is  more  startling,  that  of  Charles 
X.,  that  the  editor  would  gladly  have  avoided  being  the  instrument  of 
increasing  their  publicity.  The  French  editor  is  not  only  perfectly  satis 
fied  of  their  authenticity,  but  maintains  that  he  could  prove  it  incontestibly 
in  a  court  of  justice.  Unfortunately,  there  was  a  time  when  the  princes 
of  the  blood  royal  were  not  the  best  friends  of  Louis  XVI.  and  his  queen ; 
and  the  Count  de  Provence,  at  the  beginning  of  the  Revolution,  proved 
himself  anything  but  what  he  ought  to  have  b«en. 


LETTERS  FROM  THE  COUNT  DE  PROVENCE. 

To  the  Duke  Fitz-James. 

VERSAILLES,  May  13,  1787. 

Here  is,  my  dear  duke,  the  Assembly  of  Notables  drawing  to  its  close, 
and  yet  the  great  question  has  not  been  touched  upon.  You  cannot 
doubt  that  the  Notables  will  not  hesitate  to  believe,  from  the  documents 
which  you  sent  them,  more  than  six  weeks  ago,  that  the  king's  children 
are  not  his  own.  These  papers  give  the  clearest  proofs  of  the  queen's 
guilty  conduct.  You  are  a  subject  too  much  attached  to  the  blood  of  your 
sovereign,  not  to  blush  at  bowing  before  these  adulterous  fruits.  I  shall 
be  absent,  but  my  brother,  D'Artois,  whose  committee  does  not  hold  its 
sitting,  will  preside  in  my  place.  The  fact  in  question  once  averred,  it  is 
easy  to  infer  the  consequences.  The  parliament,  which  dislikes  the  queen, 


462  APPENDIX. 

will  not  make  any  great  difficulty  ;  but.  if  it  should  have  the  fancy  to 
raise  any,  we  have  the  means  of  bringing  it  to  reason.  In  short,  we  must 
attempt  the  blow. 

Louis  STANISLAUS  XAVIER. 


To  the  Count  D^Artois. 

It  is  done,  my  brother,  the  blow  is  struck.  I  hold  in  my  hand  the  official 
news  of  the  death  of  the  unfortunate  Louis  XVI.,  and  have  only  time  to 
forward  it  to  you.  I  am  informed,  also,  that  his  son  is  dying.  You  will 
not  forget  how  useful  to  the  state  their  death  will  be.  Let  this  reflection 
console  you,  and  remember  that  the  Grand  Prior,  your  son,  is,  after  me, 
the  hope  and  heir  of  the  monarchy. 

Louis  STANISLAUS  XAVIER. — 
Per  rival)  page  147. 


[APPENDIX  B.— Page  120.] 

A  new  and  most  extraordinary  interest  has  begun  to  invest  his  tragical 
story  in  this  very  month  of  April,  1853  ;  at  least,  it  is  now  first  brought 
before  universal  Christendom.  In  the  monthly  journal  of  Putnam  (pub 
lished  in  New  York),  the  number  for  April  contains  a  most  interesting 
memoir  upon  the  subject,  signed  J.  H.  HANSON.  Naturally,  it  indisposed 
most  readers  to  put  faith  in  any  fresh  pretensions  of  this  nature,  that,  at 
least,  one  false  Dauphin  had  been  pronounced  such,  by  so  undeniable  a 
judge  as  the  Duchesse  D'Angouleme.  Meantime,  it  is  made  probable 
enough,  by  Mr.  Hanson,  that  the  true  Dauphin  did  not  die,  in  the  year 
1795,  at  the  Temple,  but  was  personated  by  a  boy  unknown ;  that  two 
separate  parties  had  an  equal  interest  in  sustaining  this  fraud,  and  did 
sustain  it ;  but  one  would  hesitate  to  believe  whether,  at  the  price  of  mur 
dering  a  celebrated  physician  ;  that  they  had  the  Prince  conveyed  secretly 
to  an  Indian  settlement  in  Lower  Canada,  as  a  situation  in  which  French, 
being  the  prevailing  language,  would  attract  no  attention,  as  it  must  have 
done  in  most  parts  of  North  America ;  that  the  boy  was  educated  and 
trained  as  a  missionary  clergyman  ;  and,  finally,  that  he  is  now  acting 
in  that  capacity,  under  the  name  of  Eleazar  Williams,  perfectly  aware  of 
the  royal  pretensions  put  forward  on  his  behalf,  but  equally,  through  age 
(being  about  sixty-nine)  and  through  absorption  in  spiritual  views,  indif 
ferent  to  these  pretensions.  It  is  admitted,  on  all  hands,  that  the  Prince 
de  Joinville  had  an  interview  with  Eleazar  Williams,  a  dozen  years  sinee ; 
the  Prince  alleges,  through  mere  accident,  but  this  seems  improbable ;  and 
Mr.  Hanson  is  likely  to  be  right  in  supposing  this  visit  to  have  been  a  pre- 


APPENDIX.  463 

concerted  one,  growing  out  of  some  anxiety  to  test  the  reports  current,  so 
far  as  they  were  grounded  upon  resemblances  in  Mr.  Williams's  features  to 
those  of  the  Bourbon  and  Austrian  families.  The  most  pathetic  fact  is 
that  of  the  idiocy  common  to  the  Dauphin  and  Mr.  Eleazar  Williams.  It 
<s  clear,  from  all  the  most  authentic  accounts  of  the  young  prince,  that 
,diocy  was,  in  reality,  stealing  over  him  5  due,  doubtless,  to  the  stunning 
nature  of  the  calamities  that  overwhelmed  his  family  ;  to  the  removal  from 
him,  by  tragical  deaths,  in  so  rapid  a  succession,  of  the  Princess  de  Lam- 
ball  e,  of  his  aunt,  of  his  father,  of  his  mother,  and  others  whom  ho  most 
had  loved  ;  to  his  cruel  separation  from  his  sister  ;  and  to  the  astounding  (for 
him  naturally  incomprehensible)  change  that  had  come  over  the  demeanor 
and  the  language  of  nearly  all  the  people  placed  about  the  persons  of  him 
self  and  his  family.  An  idiocy  resulting  from  what  must  have  seemed  a 
causeless  and  demoniac  conspiracy,  would  be  more  likely  to  melt  away 
under  the  sudden  transfer  to  kindness,  and  the  gaiety  of  forest  life,  than 
any  idiocy  belonging  to  original  organic  imbecility.  Mr.  Williams 
describes  his  own  confusion  of  mind  as  continuing  up  to  his  fourteenth 
year,  and  all  things  which  had  happened,  in  earlier  years,  as  gleaming 
through  clouds  of  oblivion,  and  as  painfully  perplexing ;  but,  otherwise, 
he  shows  no  desire  to  strengthen  the  pretensions  made  for  himself,  by  any 
reminiscences  piercing  these  clouds,  that  could  point  specially  to  France, 
or  to  royal  experiences. — Thomas  de  Quincey'l$  Autobiographical  Sketches, 
vol.  i.  p.  330. 


[APPENDIX  C. — Page  120.] 
Declaration  of  the  Death  of  Louis  XVII. 

Section  of  the  Temple,  year  3  of  the  French  Republic,  22d  Prairial, 
decease  of  Louis  Charles  Capet,  aged  ten  years  and  two  months,  profes 
sion  ,  resident  at  Paris,  in  the  Tower  of  the  Temple,  son  of  Louis 

Capet,  last  King  of  the  French,  and  of  Marie  Antoinette,  of  Austria.  The 
deceased  was  born  at  Versailles,  and  died  the  day  before  yesterday,  at 
three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  On  the  requisition  made  to  us,  within  the 

twenty-four  hours,  by  Etienne  Lasne,  aged  thirty-nine,   profession , 

resident  at  Paris,  Hue  et  Maison  des  Droits  de  1'homme,  No.  41,  such 
declarant  calling  himself  keeper  of  the  children  of  Capet,  and  by  Baptiste 
Gomin,  thirty-five,  profession,  French  citizen,  resident  at  Paris,  Rue  de  la 
Fraternite,  No.  39,  such  declarant  calling  himself  Commissary  of  the  Con 
vention  for  the  Guard  of  the  Temple,  the  present  declaration  has  beer? 
received  in  presence  of  the  citizens  Nicola  Lawrence  Arnoult,  and  Domi 
nique  Goddet,  Civic  Commissaries  of  the  Section  du  Temple,  in  terms  of 


464  APPENDIX. 

the  decree  of  the   Committee  of  General   Safety,  and  who  have  signed 
with  us, 

LASNE,         ARNOULT, 

GoDDET,         GOMIN, 

Comm  issa  ries . 

Verified  according  to  the  Law  of  the  10th  December,  by  mp,  commissary 
of  police  of  the  said  section.  DUSSER. 

As  Beauchesne  has  produced  nothing  more  pertinent  in  the  way  of 
proof  than  this,  he  might  have  spared  himself  the  trouble  of  twenty  years 
composition,  and  printed  the  original  certificate  of  Lasne  and  Gomin  on  a 
thousand  consecutive  pages. 


APPENDIX  D. — Page  176. 

Albany,  7  Oct.,  1853. 

SIR. — If  the  following  remarks  are  considered  of  importance  in  the  inves 
tigation  you  are  prosecuting  respecting  the  history  of  Monsieur  Eleazar 
Williams,  you  are  at  perfect  liberty  to  make  use  of  them  as  you  please. 

Among  the  reminiscences  of  early  days,  I  have  always  recollected  with 
much  interest  being  taken  by  my  mother  to  visit  a  family  who  arrived  here 
in  1795,  direct  from  France,  consisting  of  four  individuals.  There  was  a 
gentleman  and  lady,  called  Monsieur  and  Madame  de  Jardin.  They  had 
with  them  two  children,  a  girl  and  a  boy — the  girl  was  the  eldest — the  boy 
about  nine  or  ten.  He  apparently  did  not  notice  us. 

Their  arrival  caused  considerable  excitement  in  our  city,  and  those  ladies 
who  could  converse  in  the  French  language  felt  it  their  duty  to  call  on 
Madame.  They  were  but  few  in  number,  and  as  far  as  I  can  recollect  are 
now  registered  as  inhabitants  of  that  world  where  the  events  and  cares  of 
this  cannot  interest  us  any  more. 

On  my  first  visit  I  was  much  struck  with  the  appearance  of  the  family. 
A  gentleman  was  in  the  hall.  He  showed  us  into  the  parlor,  but  did  not 
enter  with  us.  His  dress  was  very  plain,  and  as  I  never  saw  him  except 
at  that  time,  I  could  never  realize  how  he  was  connected  with  the  family. 

We  were  received  with  politeness  by  Madame.  She  was  imposing  and 
agreeable  in  her  language  and  appearance,  had  large  dark-colored  eyes,  and 
every  way  evinced  a  great  desire  to  welcome  us.  After  a  short  interview, 
she  took  me  to  a  room  up-stairs  with  shelves  on  one  side  of  the 'wall,  and 
containing  a  number  of  handsome  books,  many  of  which  had  elegant  prints. 
On  a  table  were  jointed  cards  and  other  articles  for  amusement,  and  there 
were  in  the  room  two  pussey  cats  full  of  frolic. 

I  was  here  introduced  to   Mademoiselle  Louisa  and   Monsieur  Louis, 


APPENDIX.  465 

Mademoise  e  and  I  played  together,  but  Monsieur  Louis  did  not  join  us. 
He  was  dressed  in  shorts,  and  amused  himself,  at  some  distance  from  us,  in 
balancing  himself  over  a  cane  or  something  in  that  way.  Madame  told 
my  mother  that;  she  was  maid  of  honor  to  the  Queen  Marie  Antoinette, 
and  w;is  separated  from  her  on  the  terrace  at  the  palace.  She  appeared 
very  much  agitated,  anil  mentioned  many  things  which  I  was  too  young 
to  understand,  but  all  in  allusion  to  the  difficulties  then  agitating  France, 
and  her  friends.  She  played  with  great  skill  on  the  piano  forte,  and  was 
much  excited  singing  the  Marseilles  Hymn,  floods  of  tears  chasing  each 
other  down  her  cheeks.  My  mother  thought  the  children  were  those 
belonging  to  the  crown,  but  I  do  not  now  recollect  that  she  said  Madame 
told  her  so.  After  some  time,  Madame  called  and  said  they  were  obliged 
to  leave  us,  and  had  many  useful  and  handsome  articles  to  dispose  of,  and 
wished  my  mother  to  have  the  first  choice  out  of  them. 

There  were  several  large  plates  of  mirror  glass,  a  time-piece,  a  pair  of 
gilt  andirons  representing  lions,  and  a  bowl,  said  to  be  gold,  on  which  were 
•  engraven  the  arms  of  France.  I  have  heard  it  spoken  of  some  time  after  5 
and  it  was  said  to  belong  to  some  gentleman  near  Albany,  and  was  recog 
nised  at  a  dinner  party,  with  celery  on  the  table. 

The  andirons  were  purchased  by  Gen.  Peter  Gansevoort's  lady,  and  are 
still  belonging  to  a  member  of  that  family. 

We  never  heard  of  this  family  after  they  left  Albany.  In  looking  at  the 
features  of  Eleazar  Williams  I  think  I  can  discover  considerable  likeness  to 
those  of  the  young  Monsieur  Louis  in  charge  of  Madame  de  Jardin. 

BLENDUSIA  DUDLEY. 
REV.  J.  H.  HANSON. 


[APPENDIX  E.  No.   1. — Page  177.] 
Affidavit  of  John  O'Brien. 

John  O'Brien,  a  half-breed  Indian,  otherwise  known  as  Skenondough, 
deposes  and  says,  that  he  resides  in  the  town  of  Salina,  Onondaga  county, 
State  of  New  York,  that  he  is  known  to  the  Hon.  P.  Sken  Smith,  of  Phila 
delphia,  and  to  Gerrit  Smith,  Squire  Johnson,  Mayor  Baldwin,  and  Lawyer 
Wood,  of  Syracuse ;  that  he  is  now  directly  from  Philadelphia,  where  he  was 
taken  sick,  on  his  way  to  Washington,  and  is  returning  to  Salina ;  that  he 
is  now  very  aged,  having  been  born  in  Stockbridge,  Mass.,  in  1752  ;  that 
his  father  was  an  Irishman,  of  the  name  of  William  O'Brien,  and  his  mother 
an  Indian  woman,  of  the  Oneida  tribe,  named  Mary  Skenondough  ;  that, 
at  the  age  of  twelve  years,  he  was  sent  from  America  to  France,  for  his 
education,  and  remained  there  until  during  the  War  of  the  Revolution, 

20* 


466  APPENDIX. 

when  he  returned,  in  the  same  ship  with  Lafayette,  to  America.  After 
his  return,  this  deponent  went  among  the  Oneida  Indians  in  the  State  of 
New  York,  and,  in  the  year  1795,  was  at  Ticonderoga,  on  Lake  George. 
At  that  time  two  Frenchmen  came  to  the  Indians  on  Lake  George,  and 
this  deponent  conversed  with  them  in  their  own  language.  Their  names 
deponent  does  not  remember.  They  had  with  them  a  boy,  which  this 
deponent  supposed  to  be  between  ten  and  twelve  years  of  age.  This  boy 
the  deponent  talked  with  in  the  French  language.  The  two  Frenchmen 
told  this  deponent  that  the  boy  was  French,  by  birth.  The  boy  seemed 
weak  and  sickly,  and  his  mind  was  wandering,  so  that  he  seemed  rather 
silly.  This  child,  after  the  Frenchmen  had  departed,  this  deponent  saw  in 
the  family  of  Thomas  Williams,  an  Indian,  where  the  child  lived.  This 
deponent  further  recollects  that  he  was  at  Lake  George  some  time  after 
this,  when  this  boy,  playing  with  the  other  children,  fell,  or  threw  himself 
from  a  rock  into  the  lake,  and  was  taken  out  with  a  wound,  he  thinks 
upon  the  head,  and  was  carried  into  the  hut  of  Thomas  Williams.  After 
this  he,  from  time  to  time,  saw  the  boy,  and  that  boy  is  the  person  now 
known  as  the  Rev.  Eleazar  Williams.  Deponent  further  declares  that,  in 
1815,  when  Mr.  Williams  first  came  to  Oneida  Castle,  to  preach  to  the 
Indians,  deponent  was  there,  and  asked  Mr.  Williams  if  he  remembered 
his  fall  into  the  lake,  which  he  did  not.  Deponent  also  further  declares, 
that  one  of  the  two  Frenchmen  who  brought  the  child  to  Lake  George 
seemed  to  have  the  appearance  of  a  priest  of  the  church  of  Rome.  Depo 
nent  recollects  Colonel  Lewis,  Captain  Peters,  Captain  Jacob  Francis,  chiefs 
of  the  St.  Regis  tribe,  who  always  believed  Mr.  Williams  to  be  a  French 
man.  This  deponent  also  declares  that  he  was  acquainted  with  Thomas 
Williams,  and  Mary  Ann,  his  wife,  and  that  there  is  no  resemblance 
between  the  Rev.  Eleazar  Williams  and  the  said  Thomas  Williams  or 
his  wife,  or  any  of  the  children  of  the  said  Thomas  Williams  and  his  wife 
Mary  Ann,  who  were  known  also  to  this  deponent.  This  deponent  also 
further  declares  that  Captain  Jasper  Parish,  of  Canandaigua,  was  appointed 
by  the  General  or  State  Government,  agent  for  the  Six  Nations,  some  time 
before  the  war  of  1812,  and  after  the  war  was  over,  in  the  year  1815,  he 
took  the  census  of  each  family,  for  the  purpose  of  distributing  the  presents 
from  the  government.  Eleazar  Williams  was  set  down  by  Captain  Parish 
on  the  record  as  a  Frenchman,  adopted  by  the  St.  Regis  tribe,  and  trans 
ferred  to  the  Oneidas.  This  deponent  was,  at  the  time,  a  member  of  the 
general  council  of  the  nation,  serving  in  the  capacity  of  Marshal,  and 
gave,  himself,  the  returns  to  Captain  Parish ;  and  this  deponent  has  seen 
the  record  of  the  census,  which  record  may  probably  be  found  at  Canan 
daigua,  by  writing  to  Mr.  Edward  Parish  aforesaid.  This  deponent 
further  Bays,  that  he  remembers  the  spot  at  which  the  child  now  known  as 


APPENDIX.  467 

Eleazar  fell  into  the  water,   and  that  it  was  at  the  south  end  ef  Lake 
George,  on  the  west  side,  not  far  from  the  Old  Fort. 

JOHN  O'BRIEN. 
Sworn  before  me,  this  14th  day  of  June,  1853. 

RICHARD  BUSTEED, 

Commissioner  of  Deeds, 

45  William  Street,  New  York. 

At  my  request,  the  Rev.  Francis  Vinton,  D.D.,  of  Brooklyn,  who  was 
present  at  the  examination  of  O'Brien,  and  aided  to  take  down  his  state 
ment,  wrote  to  the  Hon.  B.  Sken  Smith,  of  Philadelphia,  brother  of 
Gerrit  Smith,  and  obtained  the  following  answer  : 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR, 

"  I  have  been  much  indisposed,  and  not  able  to  answer  your  letter  of 
the  18th  ult.  till  now,  and  am  still  weak.  I  have  known  John  O'Brien 
Skenondough,  a  half-breed  Indian  of  the  Oneida  tribe,  for  thirty  years  and 
upwards.  I  suspect  the  '  important  testimony'  from  him,  which  you  refer 
to,  relates  to  the  Rev.  Mr.  Williams.  I  hesitate  not  to  say,  Skenondough 
can  be  relied  on.  I  also  know  much  of  Mr.  Williams. 

."  In  much  haste,  very  truly  and  respectfully  yours, 

"  B.  SEEN  SMITH." 

I  opened,  myself,  a  correspondence  with  the  Rev.  Mr.  Ashley,  of  Syra 
cuse,  in  order  to  obtain  information  from  the  other  gentlemen  referred  to 
by  Skenondough,  but  the  letters  in  reply,  of  that  gentleman,  never  reached 
me,  like  many  others,  which  appear  to  have  been  intercepted.  I  would 
say  that  Skenondough  is  nephew  of  the  old  war  chief  Skenondough,  who 
died  some  years  ago,  at  the  age  of  112,  and  also  that,  as  assistant  sur 
geon,  he  dressed  the  wounds  of  Lafayette,  at  the  battle  of  Brandywine. 


[APPENDIX  E.  No.  2.— Page  177.] 
Writing  of  E.  Williams,  while  insane,  preserved. 

I  will  mention  here  a  fact,  which,  however  interesting,  I  have  not  stated 
in  the  text,  because  the  evidence  on  which  it  rests  is,  unfortunately,  only 
that  of  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Williams  ;  and,  though  I  believe  his  word  is 
as  good  as  that  of  any  one  in  the  world,  certain  persons  are  perpetually 
harping  on  the  chord,  "  Oh,  Mr.  Williams  says  so."  There  is  now  before 
me  an  Indian  mass  book,  in  MS.,  which,  from  the  coJor  of  the  paper,  the  faded, 


468  A  PPENDTX. 

writing,  and  its  dilapidated  condition,  seems  at  least  two  centuries  old.  It 
was  given  Mr.  Williams  in  1836.  by  an  Indian  woman,  now  dead,  who 
told  him  that,  while  in  an  insane  condition,  he  one  day  snatched  a  pen, 
and  wrote  in  it  a  number  of  figures  and  letters.  There  is,  on  one  of  the 
covers,  on  the  inside,  in  French  characters,  the  numerals  from  1  to  30,  and 
from  1  to  19  ;  a  letter  c,  precisely  like  that  element  in  the  handwriting  of 
the  Dauphin  while  under  the  care  of  Simon ;  and,  in  a  less  distinct  form, 
but  still  quite  legible,  the  word  due,  and  the  letters  Loui.  One  thing  is 
evident,  the  numerals  and  letters  are  the  random  scribbling  of  a  child,  and 
they  are- many  years  old. 


[APPENDIX  F.— Page  183.] 

Baptismal  Record. 
Extracts  des  registres  de  la  Mission  du  Sault  St.  Louis. 

1779,  du  7  Janvier,  Thomas  Tehora  Kwanekeu  a  epouse  Marie  Anne, 
fille  de  Haronhumanen.     Leurs  enfants  sont 


Jean  Baptiste, 

ne  le 

7  Sept. 

1780. 

Catherine, 

nee  le 

4  Sept. 

1781. 

Thomas, 

nele 

28  Avr. 

1786. 

Louise, 

nee  le 

18  Mai, 

1791. 

Jeanne  Baptiste. 

u 

21  Avr. 

1793. 

Pierre, 

ne  le 

25  Aout, 

1795. 

Pierre, 

1C 

4  Sept. 

1796. 

Anne, 

nee  le 

30  Janv. 

1799. 

Dorothee, 

u 

2  Aout, 

1801. 

Charles, 

ne 

8  Sept. 

1804. 

Jervais. 

ti 

22  Juil. 

1807. 

Marcour,  Pretf. 

[APPENDIX  G-. — Page  189.] 

Ely  MSS. 

These  MSS.  were  obtained  in  1851,  from  Col.  Mack,  of  Amherst.  Mass., 
who  married  the  eldest  daghter  of  Deacon  Ely. 


[APPENDIX  H. — Page  190.] 
First  coming  to  Long  Meadmv. 
We  are   assured  by  one  of  their  schoolmates,  who  remembers  their 


APPENDIX.  469 

entrance  into  the  village,  in  their  Indian  costume,  that  a  distinction  was  at 
once  perceived  between  Eleazar  and  John.  John  was  evidently  of  Indian 
blood.  He  showed  no  fondness  for  study,  always  kept  his  bows  and  arrows 
hid  away,  and  on  any  excuse  or  occasion  would  make  use  of  them.  Elea 
zar  although  entirely  illiterate  when  he  came  there,  soon  became  fond  of 
his  books.  John  learned  little  or  nothing,  and  soon  returned  home. 
Eleazar  made  satisfactory  progress  and  remained.  His  affable  manners 
were  such  as  to  excite  unusual  attention  in  a  quiet  village,  not  much  used 
to  exaggerations  of  the  graces  of  life,  so  that  he  was  always  called  a  plausi 
ble  boy.  He  was  thought  by  his  schoolmates  somewhat  haughty,  despised 
the  Indian  games  of  his  supposed  brother,  and  yet  was  led  by  those  who 
had  learned  his  character,  without  much  difficulty.  These  peculiarities 
we  have  heard  spoken  of  quite  independently  of  any  presumption  that  Mr. 
Williams  was  other  than  a  son  of  Thomas  Williams. 

The  only  considerations  of  importance  which  those  who  knew  Mr.  Wil 
liams  at  West  Hampton  can  contribute  to  the  inquiry  respecting  his  birth 
is  the  fact  that  he  showed  none  of  the  traits  of  the  Indian  race,  and  although 
spoken  of  as  an  Indian,  was  not  really  regarded  as  of  Indian  blood.— Boston 
Daily  Advertiser,  February  17,  1853. 


[APPENDIX  I.—  No  1.— Page  190.] 
Affidavit  of  Urania  Smith. 

Declaration  of  Urania  Smith,  Point  Washington,  Ozaukee   County,  Wis 
consin. 

I,  Urania  Smith,  do  hereby  declare  that  my  maiden  name  was  Urania 
Stebbings,  that  I  was  born  on  March  22d,  in  the  year  1786,  in  Long  Mea 
dow,  Massachusetts,  that  I  was  deprived  of  my  parents  when  young,  and 
was  brought  up  by  Ethan  Ely,  of  Long  Meadow,  Massachusetts,  who  was 
my  uncle,  and  lived  next  door  to  Deacon  Nathaniel  Ely.  In  the  beginning 
of  the  year  1800,  two  boys  were  brought  from  Canada  to  Long  Meadow,  to 
receive  an  education,  and  lived  with  Nathaniel  Ely,  who  had  charge  of 
them.  They  were  said  by  the  said  Nathaniel  Ely  to  be  called  Eleazar  or 
Lazau  Williams  and  John  Williams,  and  were  represented  as  the  descend 
ants  of  the  Rev.  John  Williams,  who  was  captured  by  the  Indians  in  the 
year  1704,  at  Deerfield.  They  were  entirely  unlike  each  other  in  complex 
ion,  appearance,  form  and  disposition,  John  having  the  look  of  an  Indian, 
and  Eleazar  that  of  an  European.  I  distinctly  remember  that  when  the 
said  Nathaniel  Ely  was  remonstrated  with  for  calling  Eleazar  and  John 
brothers,  as  there  was  no  similarity  between  them,  he  said  there  was  some 
thing  about  it  which  he  should  probably  never  reveal ;  that  Eleazar  Wil- 


470  APPENDIX. 

Hams  was  born  for  a  great  in  an,  and  that  he  intended  to  give  him  an 
education  to  prepare  him  for  the  station.  Eleazar  was  very  rapid  in  his 
acquisitions  of  learning,  and  wrote  at  an  early  period.  Much  notice  waa 
taken  of  him  by  everybody,  and  Mr.  Ely  was  very  fond  of  exhibiting  him 
to  strangers. 

URANIA  SMITH. 

Sworn  to  and  subscribed  before  me,  October  8, 
1853,  at  Point  Washington. 

LAFAYETTE  FORSLEY,  I.  P. 

Clerk  Ozaukee  District  Court. 


[APPENDIX  I. — No  2. — Page  190.] 

Expenses  of  Eleazar  Williams  paid  from  France.    From  the  Albany  Morn 
ing  Epxress,  Oct.  10.  1853. 

As  we  remarked  the  other  day,  there  are  strong  circumstances  in  favor 
of  the  assumption  set  up  by  Mr.  Hanson.  One  of  the  strongest  to  our  mind 
is  the  fact,  that  certain  gentlemen  of  this  city  for  many  years  received  regu 
larly  a  sum  of  money  from  France,  to  be  applied  to  the  clothing  and  educa 
tion  of  this  same  Williams.  How  is  this  fact  to  be  accounted  for,  except 
apon  the  supposition  that  Williams  is  indeed  the  Dauphin. 


[APPENDIX  K. — Page  324. — Page  190.] 
Title  Deed  of  Mrs.  Williams'1  s  Estate. 

Know  all  men  by  these  presents,  that  we,  the  chiefs,  warriors,  and  head 
men  of  the  Menominie  nation  of  Indians,  living  and  residing  on  the 
banks  of  Fox  River  and  Green  Bay,  for  and  in  consideration  of  the 
love  and  friendship  we  entertain  for  Magdeline  Williams,  and  her  heirs,  of 
the  Menominie  Nation,  and,  also,  in  consideration  of  the  sum  of  fifty  dol 
lars,  to  us  ia  hand  paid,  the  receipt  whereof  is  hereby  acknowledged, 
have  given,  granted,  bargained,  sold,  and  quit  claimed  to  the  said  Magde 
line  Williams  and  her  heirs  for  ever,  all  that  certain  piece  or  parcel  of 
land  situated,  lying,  and  being  on  the  north-west  side  of  Fox  River,  at  a 
place  usually  called  Little  Cacalin,  bounded  and  described  as  follows  : — 
Commencing  at  low  water  mark  on  Fox  River,  opposite  to  the  lower  end 
of  "Black  Bird  Island,"  so  called,  and  running  thence  up  said  river  three 
hundred  and  fifty  chains,  thence  north-west,  two  hundred  and  fifty  chains, 
theno«  north-east,  threo  hundred  and  fifty  chains,  thence  south  east,  two 


APPENDIX.  471 

hundred  and  fifty  chains,  to  the  place  of  beginning,  be  the  same  more  or 
less,  together  with  all,  and  singular,  the  appurtenances  and  hereditaments 
in  any  manner  thereto  appertaining  or  belonging  to  her,  the  said  Magde- 
line  Williams  and  her  heirs,  for  ever,  provided,  nevertheless,  that  the  said 
Magdeline  Williams  shall  not,  in  any  manner  hereafter,  for  ever  sell  or 
dispose  of  the  same,  or  any  part  thereof.  In  testimony  whereof,  we  here 
unto  put  our  hands  and  seals,  this  22d  day  of  August,  eighteen  hundred 
and  twenty-five. 

his 

SARKSTOK,       +  [Seal.] 

mark. 

his 
PINONTO-OH,  alias  BLANDED,      +  [Seal.] 

mark, 
his 

SHO-MIN,         +  [Seal.] 

mark. 

his 
MATSI  KI  NEAOH,     +  [Seal.] 

mark, 
his 

KESHA  SHIK,     +  [Seal.] 

mark. 

his 
OTA  TSI  A  KIAOH,     +  [Seal.] 

mark 

Signed,  sealed,  and  delivered  in 
presence  of  A.  S.  ELLIS. 


[APPENDIX  L. — Page  324.] 
Certificate  of  Mr.  J.  F.  Schermerhorn. 

[COPY.] 

I  hereby  certify  that  the  following  provision,  in  the  3d  Article  of  the 
Treaty  concluded  by  me  with  the  New  York  Indians,  in  Council  at  Duck 
Creek,  on  16th  day  of  September,  1836,  in  behalf  of  the  St.  Regis  Indians, 
in  the  following  words,  viz  :  "  Out  of  the  above  sum  of  $340.000,  shall 
be  allowed  and  paid  the  sum  of  $5000  to  the  St.  Regis  tribe,  as  a  remu 
neration  for  the  money  laid  out  and  expended  by  the  said  tribe  and  par 
ties,  and  for  services  rendered  by  their  chiefs  and  agents,  in  securing  the 
title  to  these  lands  (viz.  Green  Bay,  W.  T.)  and  removal  to  the  same,  to  be 
apportioned  and  paid  out  to  the  several  claimants,  by  the  chiefs  and  com- 
*iissioners  of  the  United  States,  as  may  be  daeiued  by  them  equitable  and 


472 


APPENDIX. 


just.''  and  which  said  provision  was  inserted  and  made  in  the  treaty 
finally  concluded  at  the  Buffalo  Creek  Reservation,  January  15,  1838,  in 
the  language  as  above  recited,  understood  when  the  treaty  was  made  and 
concluded  to  be  $1000,  if  paid  to  the  St.  Regis  Tribe  for  their  claims  for 
advances  made  by  them,  and  the  balance,  being  $4000,  was  intended  to 
remunerate  the  Rev.  Eleazar  Williams,  as  one  of  the  Chiefs  of  the  St. 
Regis  Indians,  and  their  agent,  for  his  services  for  years,  for  securing  the 
title  to  the  Green  Bay  land,  and  for  removing  thither,  and  by  whose  exer 
tions  and  persevering  efforts  these  lands  were  finally  attained  for  the  New 
York  Indians  from  the  Menominies  and  Winnebago  Indians,  as  is  evident 
from  the  document  on  this  subject,  on  file  at  the  Indian  Department  at 
Washington.  These  facts  being  known  to  me  personally,  I  deem  it  my 
duty,  in  justice  to  Mr.  Williams,  to  make  the  above  statement. 

J.    F.    SCHERMERHORN, 

Commissioner  to  treat  with  New  York  Indians,  1837. 
Washington   City,  Jun#  21,  1838. 

The  foregoing,  enclosed  to  the  President,  July  10,  1838.     Package  of 
papers,  &c.,  marked  W.  572,  Indian  Office  Files,  Green  Bay,  1838. 


[APPENDIX  M. — Page  424.] 

General  Cass. 

The  following  is  the  pith  of  General  Cass's  letter,  and  of  my  reply : — 
St.  Glair.  Reply. 

His  color,  his  features,  and  the  There  are  no  traces  of  the  abo- 

conformation  of  his  (Mr.  Williams)  riginal  or  Indian  in  him.  Ethno- 
face  testify  to  his  origin.  They  logy  gives  no  countenance  to  such 
present  the  very  appearance  which  a  conclusion.  This  fact  is  verified 
everywhere  marks  the  half-breed  by  anotomical  examination  by  Drs. 
Indian.  Francis  and  Kissam. 

I  have  seen  persons  partaking  of  In  painting  the  portrait  of  Mr. 

the  Bourbon  blood,  and  I  endeavor  Williams,  I  noticed  many  of  the 
in  vain  to  recall  any  decisive  traits  peculiar  characteristics  which  are 
of  resemblance  between  them  and  developed,  in  a  greater  or  less  de- 
Mr.  Williams.  gree  in  most  of  the  Princes  of  the 

House  of  Bourbon,  whose  portraits 
I  have  taken.  I  was  particularly 
impressed  with  his  resemblance  to 
the  portraits  of  Louis  XVI.  and 


APPENDIX. 


473 


Clatr. 


The  death  of  the  Dauphin  is  a 
fact  as  well  established  as  any  inci 
dent  of  that  kind  can  be. 

If  I  am  not  in  error,  there  was  a 
proces  verbal,  a  kind  of  French 
legal  narrative,  which  recorded  the 
circumstances  of  his  illness  and  his 
decease. 

The  Dauphin  was  attended,  to 
wards  the  close  of  his  life,  by  De- 
sault,  a  physician  of  the  highest 
personal  professional  character,  and 
who  could  neither  be  guilty  of  im 
position,  nor  suffer  it  in  relation  to 
the  true  condition  of  his  interest 
ing  patient. 

I  have  no  belief  that  such  a  dia 
ry  as  that  which  purports  to  re 
count  the  interview  between  the 
French  Prince  and  the  French  pre 
tender  was  ever  kept  by  Williams. 
I  can  see  no  reason  for  it.  His 
usual  uneventful  life  furnished 
neither  motive  nor  material  for 
such  a  daily  recurring  labor. 


Reply. 

XVIIL,  and  the  general  Bourbonio 
outline  of  his  face.  Had  I  met 
Mr.  Williams,  unconscious  that  ho 
was  in  any  way  other  than  his 
name  would  indicate,  I  should  im 
mediately  have  spoken  of  his  like 
ness  to  the  Bourbon  family. — Vide 
letter  of  Chevalier  Fagnani,  in 
"Putnam,"  for  April. 

I  have  myself  shown,  I  consider, 
conclusively,  that  the  fact  is  not 
and  cannot  be  established*.  It  is 
mere  ignorance  to  assert  that  it  is. 

St.  Glair's  historic  knowledge  is 
of  that  peculiar  kind  which  is  pro 
verbially  dangerous. 


True,  but  the  close  of  Desault's 
life  was  prior  to  the  asserted  close 
of  the  Dauphin's,  and  the  high 
moral  and  professional  character  of 
this  eminent  physician  forms  an 
adamantine  link  in  the  evidence 
which  disproves  tho  death  of  the 
royal  child. 

It  is  vain  to  theorize  against 
facts.  Mr.  Williams  has  kept  a 
journal,  and  if  St.  Clair  wishes,  he 
can  read  in  it  the  record  of  certain 
proceedings  between  General  Cass 
and  the  Indians  at  Butte  des  Morts, 
in  1827,  together  with  other  not 
uneventful  occurrences,  with  which 
St.  Clair  may  be  familial,  and  to 
the  publication  even  of  which  Mr. 
Williams  can  have  no  objection, 
provided  St.  Clair  can  obtain  the 
consent  of  "the  distinguished 
western  statesman,"  above  men 
tioned 


4Y4 


APPENDIX. 


St.  Glair. 

The  Count  de  Chambord,  the  son 
of  Charles  X.  the  youngest  brother 
of  Louis  XVI. 

It  is  farther  stated  that  Mr.  Wil 
liams  received  letters  from  Lcuis 
Philippe  and  from  the  private  Sec 
retary  of  Louis  Napoleon,  &c. 
These  were  all  burned,  says  the 
memoir.  They  never  existed,  says 
common  sense. 


The  Prince  de  Joinville  inquired 
after  Mr.  Williams.  So  says  Mr. 
Williams. 

Louis  Philippe  wrote  him  a  let 
ter.  So  says  Mr.  Williams. 

Bellanger  confessed  that  he 
brought  the  Dauphin  to  this  coun 
try.  So  says  Mr.  Williams. 


I  am  sorry  to  be  obliged  to  con 
sider  as  apocryphal,  the  account  of 
the  magnificent  brocade  dress 
"against  whose  silken  folds  Mr. 
Williams  had  fondly  rested,  when 
the  living  loveliness  of  Marie  An 
toinette  was  within  it,"  and  it 
taxes  my  imagination  beyond  its 
capacity,  when  I  am  asked  to  pic 
ture  to  myself  my  old  Indian 
acquaintance  fondled  in  the  arms 
of  that  beautiful  queen. 


Reply. 

Another  proof  of  the  accuracy 
of  St.  Glair's  historic  knowledge. 
The  Count  de  Chambord  is  son  to 
the  Due  de  Berri. 

No  such  statement  was  made. 
It  is  stated  that  Mr.  Williams  re 
ceived  a  letter  from  Louis  Philippe, 
and  another  purporting  to  be  from 
the  secretary  of  Louis  Napoleon. 
As  I  mentioned  that  the  note  of 
the  French  consul-general,  stating 
that  it  enclosed  the  letter  of  the 
French  king,  was  before  me  at  the 
time  of  writing,  it  is  to  be  hoped 
that  St.  Clair  alludes  to  his  own 
common  sense. 

And  so  also  say  Captain  Shook, 
Mr.  Brayman,  and  Mr.  Raymond. 

And  so  says  M.  de  la  Forest,  the 
then  consul-general. 

And  so  said  the  southern  news 
papers  of  the  time,  from  which 
Mr.  Kimball,  the  informant  of  Mr. 
Williams,  derived  his  knowledge. 
Respectable  living  gentlemen  re 
member  reading  those  newspaper 
statements. 

That  a  trifle  may  tax  the  imagi 
nation,  or  any  other  mental  quali 
ty  of  St.  Clair,  I  can  readily  con 
ceive.  The  dress  was  not  adduced 
as  evidence  ;  but  the  following 
note  from  the  donor  may  explain 
the  position  of  Mr.  Williams  in  re 
gard  to  it,  and  the  probabilities 
that  it  is  what  it  is  said  to  be : — 

"  Presented  to  the  Rev.  Mr.  Wil 
liams,  with  the  respectful  regards 
of  Mrs.  Edward  Clarke,  of  North- 


APPENDIX. 


475 


St.  Clair. 


That  Mr.  Williams  is  a  respecta 
ble  clergyman.  Mr.  Williams  has 
voluntarily  placed  himself  in  no 
enviable  position.  He  must  stand 
or  fall  not  by  his  character,  but  by 
his  proofs.  The  Romans  said  of 
the  departed,  "  He  has  lived."  I 
am  afraid  we  shall  have  to  say  of 
Mr.  Williams,  "  He  has  been  a  re 
spectable  clergyman." 


Reply. 

ampton.  Being  in  England  some 
years  since,  I  had  an  opportunity 
there  to  purchase  this  dress,  once 
worn  by  Marie  Antoinette,  of 
France.  It  had  been  bought  at  the 
court  by  a  gentlemen  attached,  at 
that  time,  to  our  embassy. — Round 
Hill,  Northampton,  Jan.  3,  1851." 
That  St.  Clair  is  a  distinguished 
statesman.  St.  Clair  has  volunta 
rily  placed  himself  in  no  enviable 
position.  He  must  fall  or  stand, 
not  by  his  character  but  by  his 
proofs.  The  Romans  said  of  the 
departed,  "  He  has  lived."  I  am 
afraid,  if  the  letter  of  St.  Clair  bo 
the  criterion  of  his  claim  to  the 
title  of  a  distinguished  statesman, 
we  shall  have  to  say,  "He  has 
been  distinguished." 


[APPENDIX  N.—Page  430.] 
Affidavit  of  Margaret  Brotvn,  of  New  Orleans. 

My  name  is  Margaret  Brown.  I  live  in  the  city  of  New  Orleans.  I  was 
born  in  the  year  1779,  but  whether  in  Scotland  or  France  is  uncertain.  ] 
was  educated  in  Scotland.  The  name  of  my  first  husband  was  Benjamin  Oli 
vier.  He  was  a  French  Republican.  I  was  married  to  him  in  Edinburgh 
and  went  with  him  to  France.  After  the  birth  of  my  first  child,  I  accom 
panied  him  to  Normandy.  I  was  married  a  second  time  in  1804,  to  Joseph 
Deboit,  then  Secretary  to  the  Count  D'Artois,  who  was  at  that  period 
residing  at  Holyrood  House,  in  Edinburgh.  The  Count  d'Artois  left  Scot 
land  shortly  after  my  marriage  with  Deboit,  who  accompanied  him.  During 
the  absence  of  the  Count  d'Artois  from  Edinburgh,  I  lived  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  palace,  except  a  portion  of  the  time  when  I  joined  my  husband  in 
London.  The  Count  de  Provence  and  the  Duchesse  d'AngoulSme  arrived 
in  England,  and  I  first  saw  them  with  the  Count  d'Artois  in  South  Audley 
street,  Grosvenor  Square.  In  consequence  of  the  situation  held  by  my 
husband,  I  became  very  intimate  with  the  Duchesse  d'Angouleme  and  the 


476  APPENDIX 

rest  of  the  royal  family,  with  whom  I  resided.  Shortly  after  the  arrival  of 
the  Duchesse  d'Angouleme  in  England,  In  1806  or  7,  my  curiosity  having 
been  excited  by  my  husband,  who  had  told  me  that  the  Dauphin  was  not 
dead,  I  asked  the  Duchesse  her  opinion  respecting  her  brother's  fate.  The 
Duchesse  d'Angouleme  replied  to  me,  that  she  knew  he  was  alive  and  safe 
in  America.  At  this  period  I  first  heard  that  a  man  named  Bellanger,  had 
carried  the  Dauphin  to  America,  but  whether  it  was  from  the  Duchesse 
d'Angouleme  or  from  Joseph  Deboit  I  cannot  now  certainly  say.  But  it 
was  from  one  of  the  two,  and  my  impression  is  that  it  was  from  the 
Duchesse.  I  distinctly  remember  that  I  heard  the  fact  at  that  time  from 
one  of  them,  as  they  were  the  only  persons  with  whom  I  spoke  on  the  sub 
ject,  and  also  that  the  Duchesse  d'Angouleme  told  me  that  she  knew  the 
Dauphin  was  then  safe  in  America.  Joseph  Deboit  died  in  1810.  Until 
his  death  I  resided  with  him  in  Holyrood,  in  intimate  acquaintance  with 
the  royal  family.  I  went  to  France  in  1811,  to  look  after  some  property. 
I  there  married  George  Brown,  an  American,  at  Morley  in  France.  Brown 
was  sailing  master  to  the  True  Blooded  Yankee,  under  Commodore  Treble's 
brother.  In  1813,  the  aide-de-camp  of  General  Moreau  gave  me  dispatches 
to  carry  to  the  Bourbon  family  in  England.  .  His  name  was,  I  think,  De 
Vaux.  He  put  them  between  the  ticking  and  the  leather  of  the  trunk.  I 
took  them  in  this  way  across  the  channel,  and  gave  them  into  the  hands  of 
the  Count  d'Artois,  in  South  Audley  street,  in  the  presence  of  M.  de  Belle 
ville.  Shortly  after  this  I  again  went  to  France,  and  after  remaining  there 
a  shcrt  time  went  to  sea,  with  my  husband.  There  was  a  dangerous  mu 
tiny  on  board.  We  arrived  in  the  Brazils,  and  I  kept  school  in  St.  Salvador. 
From  St.  Salvador  I  set  out  for  New  York  with  my  husband  in  the  Tom 
Bowling,  Capt.  Carleton. 

Mr.  Brown  died  at  sea  on  the  7th  June,  1815.  The  Tom  Bowling  ar 
rived  in  New  York  on  or  about  July  4th,  1815.  From  New  York  I  went  to 
the  Havana,  and  was  housekeeper  to  Grey  and  Fernandez.  I  then  returned 
to  Scotland.  In  the  year  1817,  I  was  living  in  the  same  house  with  Mrs. 
Chamberlaw,  wife  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Count  de  Coigny,  who  had  lived 
with  the  Count  de  Provence  during  his  residence  in  Edinburgh.  I  was 
familiar  both  with  the  Count  and  Mrs.  Chamberlaw  while  I  lived  with 
Deboit  in  the  palace  of  Holyrood.  Mrs.  Chamberlaw  told  me,  that  some 
time  before,  she  had  heard  in  the  Tuileries  that  the  Dauphin  was  alive, 
that  a  man  named  Bellanger  had  carried  him  to  Philadelphia,  and  that  he 
was  then  known  by  the  name  of  Williams.  She  mentioned  his  Christian 
name,  and  I  think  I  should  remember  it  if  I  heard  it.  It  was  not  Joseph, 
ft  was  not  Aaron.  It  seems  to  me  that  it  was  Eleazar.  She  said  that 
Williams  was  a  missionary  among  the  Indians,  and  that  the  royal  family 
said  he  was  incompetent  to  reign.  She  also  told  me  that  a  person  camo 


APPENDIX.  477 

over  from  America  to  France  on  this  business,  who  was  supposed  in  tlie 
palace  to  be  Williams  himself.  She  saw  him — money  was  given  to  him, 
and  he  returned  to  America.  Such  was  Mrs  Chamberlaw's  statement  to 
me  in  1817.  I  have  the  most  distinct  remembrance  of  it.  The  name  of 
Bellanger  has  been  kept  in  my  memory  by  seeing  it  on  shops.  That  of 
Williams,  the  Indian  Missionary,  who  was  said  by  Mrs.  Chamberlaw  to  be 
the  Dauphin,  was  impressed  on  my  mind  of  itself  and  I  have  never  forgot 
ten  it.  I  again  came  to  New  York  in  1819.  I  settled  in  Louisiana  in 
1820,  where  I  have  since  lived  in  great  retirement.  I  have  spoken  to  sev 
eral  people  on  this  subject  for  many  years,  and  especially  to  Mrs.  Catherine 
Read.  I  do  not  expect  to  live  long,  and  have  no  wish  in  this  matter  to 
say  one  word,  but  what  I  have  always  said,  and  which  as  a  person  soon 
to  appear  before  God,  I  solemnly  declare  to  be  true. 

Signed  MARGARET  BROWN. 

Sworn  to  and  subscribed  before  me  the  28th  day  of  April,  1853,  at  the 
city  of  New  Orleans. 

Signed  G.  LUGENBUHI,, 

5th  Justice  of  the  Peace. 

Affidavit  of  Mrs.  Catherine  Read,  made  in  New  Orleans. 

My  name  is  Catherine  Head.  I  am  a  native  of  the  state  of  New  York. 
I  have  resided  in  New  Orleans  since  1805.  I  have  known  Mrs.  Margaret 
Brown  for  many  years,  and  I  believe  her  to  be  a  person  whose  veracity  can 
be  depended  on.  She  is  poor,  but  a  religious,  conscientious  woman.  My 
attention  was  first  called  to  her  about  sixteen  or  seventeen  years  ago,  by 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Fox,  a  minister  of  the  Episcopal  church  in  this  city.  He 
told  me  that  she  was  a  person  who  had  seen  great  vicissitudes,  and  had 
been  intimately  acquainted  with  the  royal  family  of  France.  I  have  for 
years  been  in  the  habit  of  conversing  with  Mrs.  Brown  respecting  the  events 
of  her  life  and  have  repeated  to  others  and  especially  to  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Whitall  much  that  she  had  said,  in  the  hope  of  exciting  sympathy  for 
her  reverses.  She  mentioned  to  me  long  before  1  heard  anything  of  the  pub 
lications  which  I  am  now  informed  have  been  made  in  late  years  respecting 
the  identity  of  the  Rev.  Eleazar  Williams  with  the  Dauphin,  and  before 
she  could  have  heard  anything  on  the  subject  derived  from  American 
sources,  and  evidently  without  any  object  but  to  communicate  facts  of 
interest,  or  any  idea  that  the  information  was  of  importance,  or  that  I 
should  repeat  it,  that  her  second  husband  was  named  Joseph  Deboit,  and  was 
Secretary  to  the  Count  D'Artois,  that  she  had  been  personally  acquainted 
with  the  Count  de  Provence  and  the  Duchesse  d'Angouleme,  and  had  been 
employed  previous  to  the  accession  of  Louis  XVIII.  to  carry  dispatches  to 
members  of  the  royal  family  of  France,  then  resident  in  England,  in  proof 


478  APPENDIX. 

of  which  she  showed  me  the  secret  badge,  ornamented  with  fleur-de-lis,  which 
she  had  used  on  the  occasion.  She  also  stated  that  when  she  was  living 
in  Edinburgh  she  had  been  informed  that  a  person  named  Bellanger  had 
carried  the  Dauphin,  Louis  Charles,  son  of  Louis  XVI.  and  Marie  Antoi 
nette,  from  France  to  America,  and  had  taken  him  at  first  to  Philadelphia, 
and  that  he  was  a  missionary  among  the  Indians,  and  was  known  by  the 
name  of  Williams.  She  also  mentioned  that  a  man  went  from  America  to 
France  on  this  business  about  1815.  She  has  been  in  the  habit  to  my  cer 
tain  remembrance  of  telling  this  story  for  twelve  or  thirteen  years  past,  but 
few  persons  would  pay  any  attention  to  her,  and  imagined  her  to  be  insane, 
and  I  have  listened  to  her  out  respect  to  her  character,  and  because  what 
she  said  amused  me,  but  without  any  idea  that  the  information  she  gave 
me  could  ever  be  of  any  practical  importance.  It  is  just  to  add  that  Mrs. 
Brown  is  not  only  a  good  and  conscientious  woman,  but  that  she  is  in  all 
human  probability  very  near  the  hour  of  death  from  cancer  in  the  breast, 
and  that  I  can  conceive  no  possible  reason  why  she  should  state  anything 
but  the  simple  truth.  She  never  spoke  to  me  respecting  the  Dauphin,  ex 
cept  when  questioned  concerning  her  history,  and  then  mentioned  these  cir 
cumstances  as  forming  part  of  the  events  of  her  life. 

Signed,          C.  READ. 

Sworn  to,  and  subscribed  before  me,  on  the  28th  day  of  April,  1853, 
at  the  city  of  New  Orleans. 

Signed  G.  LUGENBUHL, 

5th  Justice  of  the  Peace. 

Affidavit  of  the  Rev.  Charles  Wkitall,  of  New  Orleans. 

I  am  a  native  of  New  Jersey,  and  have  resided  eleven  years  in  the  city 
of  New  Orleans,  as  a  minister  of  the  gospel.  Mrs.  Catherine  Eead  is  a 
lady  of  the  highest  respectability,  and  is  a  communicant  of  my  parish, 
and  a  person  in  whose  statements  the  most  implicit  confidence  can  be 
placed.  I  am  also  acquainted  with  Mrs.  Margaret  Brown,  and  know  her 
to  be  a  very  respectable,  pious  old  lady,  of  whom  nothing  but  what  is  cre 
ditable  can  be  spoken.  I  first  became  acquainted  with  her  through  Mrs. 
Eead.  I  have  read  both  their  affidavits,  and  am  perfectly  familiar 
with  the  statements  made  in  them,  from  hearing  Mrs.  Head  speak  of  them 
for  many  years  past.  With  Mrs.  Brown  I  have  never  conversed  in  refer 
ence  to  the  Dauphin,  because  I  did  not  think  the  matter  of  any  moment, 
and  felt  rather  inclined  to  ridicule  the  affair — but  for  five  or  six  years  past, 
I  have  heard  Mrs  Read  say,  that  she  had  been  acquainted  with  £he  royal 
family  of  France,  and  that  a  man  named  Bellanger,  brought  the  Dauphin 
to  this  country.  I  can  add  my  teetimony  not  cnly  to  the  good  character 


Al'l'KNDIX.  479 

but  to  the  infirm  health  of  Mrs.  Margaret  Brown,  and  regard  it  as  to  the 
last  degree  improbable  that  she  should  state  anything  but  the  truth, 

Signed  CHARLES  WHITALL. 

Sworn  and  subscribed  before  me,  this  28th  day  of  April,  1853,  at  the 
city  of  New  Orleans. 

Signed  G.  LUGENBUHL. 

1  am  myself  personally  acquainted  with  the  parties  whose  affidavits  are 
before  given,  and  can  cheerfully  vouch  for  their  respectability,  and  the 
entire  reliability  of  their  testimony.  I  have  known  Mrs.  Margaret  Brown 
for  thirteen  years,  and  believe  her  to  be  a  religious,  good  woman. 

Signed  G.  LUGENBUHL»  5th  Justice 


[APPENDIX  0. — Page  436.] 
Names  of  the  Children  of  Thomas  Williams  « 

There  are  some  striking  discrepancies  between  the  list  of  names,  as  given 
by  Mrs.  Williams,  and  the  baptismal  register  at  Caughnawaga.  I  do  not 
pretend  to  account  for  this,  except  it  can  be  ascribed  to  failure  or  confu 
sion  of  memory  on  the  part  of  the  old  woman,  who  appears  to  know 
little  about  Eleazar,  except  that  he  was  "  adopted,"  and  brought  to  her 
by  Thomas  Williams.  One  great  reason,  I  learn,  why  she  has  been 
hitherto  unwilling  to  acknowledge  boldly  that  Eleazar  was  her  adopted 
child,  was,  that  the  idea  was  hinted  to  her  that,  being  now  without 
husband  or  children,  and  only  Eleazar  left,  if  she  confessed  he  was  not 
her  child,  he  would  think  himself  no  more  bound  to  take  care  of  her. 


THE  B2TD. 


;3 


